Each time we hear or read outsiders say they are fighting for Yoruba Muslims, some of us (Yoruba Muslims) laugh. Who told them that we cannot fight our war ourselves – if there is a war? A statement signed by an Imam Haroun Muhammad Eze on behalf of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) led by the Sultan of Sokoto alleged last week that Yoruba Muslims were suffering marginalization in Yorubaland. The statement headlined ‘Live and Let Live’ complained about what it called “calculated attempts to prevent Muslims in the (South -West) region from practising their faith.” I read it and asked myself if that truly was the case. I asked some of my Muslim friends also. We compared notes and laughed.

The statement from the NSCIA wanted Sharia law in Yoruba states. Eighteen years ago, Kano-based Islamic scholar, Sheikh Adam Koki, was quoted as telling the New York Times that “politicians (have) started seeing Sharia as a gateway to political power.” They saw right and used it very well in pocketing Kano and its two million votes. They still annex and harness that gateway to arrive at power and wealth. With the piety of Sharia, a partnership in governance has evolved with northern Nigeria’s highbinders. And, because some persons pestled a tiger to death yesterday, some club-wielding people without muscles are on the prowl in 2025 Yoruba forest, hunting tigers and leopards. They do not know that it is not every leopard that is fated to fall to clubs.

The present cries are very unnecessary. Sharia never left Yorubaland. Our fathers called it seria. It has evolved adopting adept procedures in deft accommodation of its environmental and social realities. Yoruba Muslim families, who desire it, still conduct their private affairs in accordance with Sharia without disturbing their neighbours.

A quiet Sharia panel has been sitting for decades at Oja’ba, Ibadan. There is another one in Osogbo. I suspect that other major Yoruba towns have them. They adjudicate on marriage and marital issues; they arbitrate on disputes among Muslims. They do their thing without noise and drama and excesses. Every willing Muslim who goes there loves what the panels do and how they do it. The respective state governments are aware of their existence but they do not disturb them. At the compound and family levels, check out what we do with Muslim weddings, burials, administration of estates and inheritance matters etc. Those who want more than this should be bold to say what exactly they want. They want hisbah, moral police on the streets of Ibadan, Abeokuta and Akure? They want a Yoruba Bello Buba Jangebe who would be amputated for stealing a goat while big men who steal roads and bridges hold court? Anyone who wants the Kano, Zamfara kind of Sharia in 2025 Western Nigeria needs counseling. They can have that only in an Islamic Republic of Yorubaland. And, to have that, they will need more than mere words and farty threats. The Nigerian state is a multi-religious reality; it exists to enforce its laws – your creed and my credo notwithstanding.

The case for officially sanctioned Sharia in Yorubaland will be easy to argue and win if its solicitors can show how its introduction in the North has helped the North. They should just exhibit how 22 years of ‘Sharia’ has turned Kano to Dubai or Riyadh or Doha; how more religious, more pious, more equitable, more peaceful and more prosperous the Muslim North has become since ‘Sharia’ became their guiding moral and political philosophy. That is all they need to prove to the Yoruba that Western Nigeria is missing something cool and good for their physical and spiritual growth.

The claim that Yoruba Muslims suffer persecution at the hands of Yoruba leaders and principalities is absurd. The most powerful human being in Nigeria today is the president; he is a Yoruba Muslim. He possibly read that NSCIA’s press statement and laughed as I did. Am I, a Yoruba Muslim, marginalised in Yorubaland? Who is marginalising whom and who is complaining or should complain?

I come from a state (Osun State) that has had six elected governors since it was created in 1991. Five of those six governors are/were Muslims. And, I will identify them: Alhaji Isiaka Adeleke was the first elected governor of the state. He was in power from 1992 to November 1993 when General Abacha sacked everyone everywhere. With democracy in 1999 came Chief Abdulkarim Adebisi Akande, a Muslim. After Akande came Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, a Christian. Then came Alhaji Rauf Aregbesola, a Muslim who spent eight years in power and was succeeded by a Muslim, Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola. Alhaji Oyetola’s successor, Senator Nurudeen Ademola Adeleke, flaunts his Muslim heritage and pedigree for all to see. No one has ever complained about the religious identity of these leaders – and no one will. Indeed, there is a governorship election next year; virtually all contenders that have shown their faces so far in the two principal parties are Muslims.

No one’s religion has ever truly been an issue in Osun State. On May 29, 2003, a Muslim Chief Judge swore in a Christian governor (Oyinlola) and a Christian deputy governor (Erelu Olusola Obada). The Christian-Christian ticket of Oyinlola/Obada was elected by an electorate from three senatorial districts, two of which are predominantly Muslim. There was not a single word of complaint from anywhere. The Muslim incumbent who lost that election did not bother to contest his loss in court.

I work in a state (Oyo State) that has produced five governors from 1999 to date. Three of the five are/were Muslims. Again, I will identify them: Alhaji Lam Adesina (Muslim) was the first to take the baton in 1999. He was succeeded by Senator Rashidi Ladoja, a Muslim. Otunba Adebayo Alao Akala, a Christian, succeeded Ladoja. Alao-Akala spent a term and handed over to Alhaji Isiaka Abiola Ajimobi, a Muslim, who spent two terms. The incumbent is Mr Seyi Makinde, a Christian. He will be succeeded by a Muslim or a Christian in two years’ time – no one cares.

If Sharia as it exists in the North is truly a priority of the Yoruba, would those Muslim governors have ignored doing it? Or are those gentlemen not Muslim enough? Indeed, as recently as 2011 to 2015, the governors of Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, and Osun States were all Muslim. We are talking of four out of six states being ruled by Muslim governors at the same time. I am referring to the years when Raji Fashola (Lagos); Ibikunle Amosun (Ogun); Abiola Ajimobi (Oyo) and Rauf Aregbesola (Osun) were governors. The four states operated under Muslims – leaving Ekiti and Ondo states for Christians. And there was peace. There will always be peace because what throws in governors and what kicks them out in Western Nigeria is the sobriety that comes with good behavior and good governance –not praise and worship.

Where I come from, we were taught to learn how to state our case before learning how to fight. The statement from the NSCIA said sharia was a constitutional issue. If it was, shouldn’t it be properly handled in a constitutional way? If we, Yoruba Muslims, truly want codified Sharia law and Sharia Courts, there are Muslim legislators in virtually all the state Houses of Assembly. Sharia proponents should ask these Muslim legislators to sponsor bills on the matter and lobby their colleagues to pass them into law. Or, if they think it is already in the constitution, and it is their right, let them go to court for enforcement of that right. If I were they and I could not do this, I would keep quiet forever. Extra-legal, unilateral, self-help declarations cannot help them in a democracy.

I once wrote against some Yoruba Pentecostal Christians who said (and still say) my sallah meat is sin. We look at such here and say they’ve packed unwellness with their faith. Yoruba Muslims who jog to the North in search of pity and support are exactly like those ones. They are as misguided as the misguided Pentecostal Christians. They are both working hard to rip open the belly of amity in Yoruba land with their fundamentalism. And they cannot succeed.

Now, what do I think of Imam Eze signing a Live-and-Let-Live statement on Sharia in Yorubaland? An Eze, I assume and presume, is from the South-East. If that signatory is from the South-East, then it was a ghastly error on the part of those who procured him to sign that statement. It was also an insult to the Yoruba, a people with a robust history of engagement with Islam dating back to more than seven hundred years. Procuring outsiders to speak for the Yoruba Muslim is a misnomer. They have leaders; their leaders are the Imams; they listen to the Imams, the Imams listen to them. Channeling the Yoruba spring to flow desert-wards for rejuvenation is an effort that hurts.

The Imam Eze statement will make me draw an analogy: We all know that Ilorin has no physical and spiritual space for Sango, the Yoruba god of thunder. Now, imagine an Ilorin man donning the costume of the Mogba, priest of Sango, and marketing the god of thunder to Oyo Alaafin, Sango’s hometown. Or who does not know that Mùsùlùmí Ìgbò gégé bi OníSàngó Ilorin ni? I will neither interpret nor translate that question. The Eze man should have first launched Sharia for his own home region before looking the Yoruba way. My people say if you think velvet is good and you would clothe me with it, I must first see on you velvet or something superior to velvet. How can the unclad clothe the clothed?

A group of eminent Yoruba Muslim scholars, seven years ago, published a book entitled: ‘Islam in Yorubaland: History, Education and Culture’. The editors were kind enough to give me a copy. Those who are seeking to fetishize Sharia today will learn from those scholars that what they seek to import has actually been part of their heritage before the white man created Nigeria with all its contradictions. Persons who are begging for external help on Sharia should read what the scholars say in that book. They will read the story of a Timi of Ede, Oba Abibu Lagunju (1817-1900), his court and the existence of Ilé Bàbá Kóòtù (compound of baba who holds court) in Ede. They will read also of Oluwo of Iwo, Momodu Lamuye, who became Oluwo of Iwo in 1858 and died in 1906. They will read of why a compound is named Ile Alikali (Alkali’s compound) in Iwo. They will read more of Islam, Sharia and the Yoruba society before colonialism.

Provocation excites and tickles us in this country. In 2016, a bill for a Christian court was sponsored by Hon. Gyang Dung (PDP) from Plateau State and eight other members of the House of Representatives. It scaled the second reading and that was the last we heard of it. The bill was an act of provocation and it was so treated and trashed. The statement from Imam Eze and its associated noise fall in the same category.

The difference between the past and the present is change. We live in a world that shifts with time. The World Bank in 2020 ranked Saudi Arabia as the fastest-reforming country in the world. That country has gone far doing that, redefining the concepts of right and wrong and striking a balance between Islamic law on the one hand; local politics and global economic realities on the other. Today, even rude Donald Trump lowers his voice when the subject is Saudi. Those who have knowledge tell us that the reforms that burnish and refurbish Saudi Arabia do not make that country less Muslim.

It should be the same here. Reform and innovation are at the core of Yoruba’s cultural resilience. That is possibly what the Muslim North has not sat down to study and understand about Western Nigeria.

Let me say finally that making Sharia a hot-button topic in 2025 Nigeria is suspect and very unnecessary. Elections are coming, especially presidential and governorship elections. Flightless birds need the winds of religion to fly their political planes. They will use all magic and talismans to conjure those winds. The sudden interest in Sharia is one talisman that worked wonders in other climes at other desperate times of polls. It cannot work in today’s and tomorrow’s Yorubaland. So, I appeal to the Sultan and other well-meaning Muslim leaders to back off on agitations that seek to use their respected and respectable anvil to forge this idle tool. Adding their weight to weightless claims does no one any good.

The crisis that has plagued the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in recent months, finally blew into the open last Wednesday as the party’s 79th Board of Trustees meeting turned into a ring for a physical fight. The bitter contest for the position of the party’s national secretary between Senator Samuel Anyanwu and former Youth Leader, Sunday Ude-Okoye had turned into fisticuffs as loyalists of both men engaged in a free for all. The forceful removal of Ude-Okoye from the BOT meeting, which had Anyanwu in attendance, had incensed his supporters who engaged Anyanwu’s loyalists in a fruitless effort to return him into the hall.

The video clip of the encounter shown on major television outlets, may have amused leaders of the ruling All Progressives Congress, but it is yet one of the most disgusting displays by a political party in Nigeria. It is simply the symptom of a deeper decay caused by the festering internal crisis in the main opposition party, a situation that underscores the challenges the PDP faces in fulfilling its role in Nigeria’s democratic process.

There are reasons to believe that the crisis in the PDP, like similar ones in the Labour Party and the NNPP, are hatched by the ruling party of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The manner in which he has consolidated power since becoming President in May, 2023, continues to raise concerns about the health of Nigeria’s democracy and the PDP, with the connivance of its conscienceless leadership, has been used as the experimental guinea pig. The contestation for the office of national secretary has been an opportunity to foster internal divisions and manipulate its political structures.

The controversy started when Senator Samuel Anyanwu vacated the National Secretary role to contest as the PDP’s candidate in the November 2023 Imo State governorship election. Following his departure, the PDP’s South-East zonal executive committee nominated Sunday Udeh-Okoye as his successor. However, since after an unsuccessful gubernatorial bid, Anyanwu – a close ally of former Governor Nyesom Wike who now works for the ruling party’s federal administration as Minister of the FCT- has sought to reclaim his former position. His assertion that his four-year tenure remains valid until December 9, 2025, led to legal challenges, culminating in a ruling by the Enugu Division of the Court of Appeal that recognized Udeh-Okoye as the legitimate National Secretary. Though Anyanwu contested this decision, resulting in a subsequent judgment by the Federal High Court in Abuja affirming him as the rightful officeholder, this has raised competing legal interpretations and another legal hurdle at the nation’s apex court.

Beyond Wednesday’s shameful display lies a deeper concern that some unseen hands are working very hard to ensure that the party never recovers to mount a reasonable challenge to Tinubu and the APC in the 2027 general elections. A significant point of contention is the belief among some party leaders that Acting National Chairman Umar Damagum and National Secretary Samuel Anyanwu are acting as proxies for Nyesom Wike. This perceived allegiance has led to a factional split within the PDP, with some governors and party members supporting Wike, Damagum and Anyanwu, while others vehemently propose a new direction for the party. Though Wike continues to refer to himself as a card-carrying member of the PDP, he does not matter to him that the internal strife he helped engender in the party has diverted attention from its primary role as an opposition force.

If the failure of PDP to mount the opposition against the ruling All Progressives Congress has become obvious, the likelihood that the Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) will pick the gauntlet is far-fetched. Like the PDP, both parties have since been plagued by internal crises, factional disputes, and leadership struggles, making them ineffective in challenging the ruling APC. The Labour Party, which posed a significant challenge to Tinubu in the 2023 elections through Peter Obi’s candidacy, has been riddled with infighting since the election ended. Many observers believe that elements linked to the ruling APC have played a role in exacerbating these conflicts. Similarly, the NNPP, which made remarkable inroads in the North, has suffered from internal discord. The party’s leadership crisis, which saw Kwankwaso suspended and then reinstated, has been linked to political interference as many believe that the APC has fueled these divisions, recognizing NNPP’s potential to erode its influence in northern Nigeria.

By systematically weakening opposition parties and meddling in their internal affairs, the ruling party has created an environment where it dominates without meaningful resistance. And since a strong democracy thrives on vibrant opposition that holds the government accountable, the ruling party’s actions surely reduce democratic competition and limit alternative voices. If this trend continues, like several prominent figures have warned, Nigeria risks sliding further into a one-party system where opposition is rendered ineffective. Surely, that will be a sad commentary on our march in the democratic journey.

Section 35 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 and article 6 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights Ratification and Enforcement Act Cap A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 guarantee the personal liberty of every person in Nigeria. Even though the right to personal liberty may be encroached upon by the State if there is reasonable suspicion that any person has committed a criminal offence, a criminal suspect is entitled to bail pending the conclusion of investigation or trial or appeal.

However, bail can be justifiably denied by a court if there is evidence that an accused person may tamper with investigation or jump bail or that the suspect may continue the crime. The principle behind bailù pending trial is to ensure that an accused person is not kept in custody since every person is entitled to presumption of innocence until the contrary is proved by the State. In Obekpa v. Commissioner Of Police (1980) 1 NCR @ 113, Al-hassan Idoko J. (as he then was) had this to say:

“as it appears, the spirit behind the provision in S.32(4) (a) and (b) of the Constitution is to keep an accused person out of incarceration until found guilty through the process of court trial. It is a conditional privilege, which he is entitled to under the Constitution. The reason for such privilege is obvious. It allows those who might be wrongly accused to escape punishment, which any period of imprisonment would inflict upon them while awaiting trial, staying out of prison guarantees easy access to counsel and witness and ensures unhampered opportunity for preparation of the defence. 

Of much greater importance in this regard is the fact that, unless the right to bail or to freedom before conviction is preserved, protected and allowed, the presumption of innocence constitutionally guaranteed to every individual accused of a criminal offence would lose its meaning and force."

In the second republic, Nigerian Judges admitted accused persons to bail in liberal terms in line with the letter and spirit of section 32 of the 1979 Constitution which is in pari materia with Section 35 of 1999 Constitution. Even under the defunct military junta, politicians and activists who were charged with treason and treasonable felony were granted bail in liberal conditions. A few of such cases are briefly reviewed below:

1. In Commissioner of Police v. Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti & 4 Ors. (reported in The BAR and the BENCH in defence of the RULE OF LAW in Nigeria by Ayo Olanrewaju Esq. Nigerian Law Publications, 1992 P. 431), the accused persons were charged with treasonable felony for circulating posters with inscription :"Babangida Must Go" and thereby formed an intention to remove President Ibrahim Babangida as Head of the Federal Military Government contrary to Section 41 of the Criminal Code Act. 

Chief Gani Fawehinmi was the 2nd defendant while I was the 3rd defendant. As we and other defendant were held incommunicado in Kuje prison, we were unable to brief a lawyer to represent us. So Chief Gani Fawehinmi) and I appeared for our Comrades and ourselves. We applied and argued an oral application for our bail. Apart from making a strong case for our bail, we argued that the provisions of the Criminal Code Act are not meant to protect the military dictators who had sacked a democratically elected government on December 31, 1983.

The presiding Chief Magistrate, Nwada Balami Esq. (as he then was) said that he did not have the authorities cited by us in the course of our arguments. We requested the Chief Magistrate to order our law firms to send the authorities to the court through the Kuje prison management. The request was granted and the order was carried out and the authorities were supplied by our law firms in Lagos. Two weeks later, the Chief Magistrate delivered his ruling and admitted each of us to bail in the sum of N20,000.00 and one surety in like sum. 

M.K.O. Abiola v Federal Republic of Nigeria (1995) I NWLR Part 370 P.155

The appellant declared himself President and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on the ground that he won the June 12, 1993 presidential election. He was arrested and arraigned on a 3-count charge of treasonable felony contrary to Section 41 of the Criminal Code Act.

The Appellant pleaded not guilty and applied for bail orally through his counsel. The Federal High Court refused to grant the oral evidence and directed the counsel to file a formal application. Dissatisfied with the ruling, the Appellant appealed to the Court of Appeal. In allowing the appeal the Court of Appeal held that the lower court was wrong to have rejected the oral application for bail. 

Consequently, the Court granted bail to the appellant in the following terms:-

(1) The appellant is granted bail in his own self recognisance.

(2) The appellant should not indulge in any activity that will jeopardize the peace of this country.

Gani Fawehinmi & 2 Ors

As a result of the nationwide protests which greeted the criminal annulment of the result of the June 12, 1993 presidential election by the Ibrahim Babangida military junta, the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti and I were arrested in Lagos and taken to Abuja where we were charged with unlawful rallies, sabotage of political transition programme. Our application for bail was rejected by the presiding Magistrate, Aisha Allasan.

We were remanded in Kuje prison. To prevent the high court from granting us bail, General Babangida ordered our detention under the obnoxious State Security Detention of Persons Decree No 2 of 1984. But we were admitted to bail by Bage J.(who later rose to the Supreme Court bench, retired and became the current Emir of Lafia). We were granted bail in self recognisance, notwithstanding that we were also detained incommunicado under a preventive detention decree.

3. AHMED EBUTE & 5 ORS V THE STATE (1994) 8 NWLR (PT 360) 66

In this case, the following Senators: (1) Ameh Ebute; (2) Chief Polycap Nwite: (3) Rev. Mac. Onyernechi Nwulu; (4) Onyeka Amadi Okoroafor; (5) Abu Ibrahim and (6) Bola Ahmed Tinubu and others at large on the 30th day of May, 1994 at Lagos in the Lagos Judicial Division of the Federal D High Court formed an intention to remove during his term of office other than by Constitutional means the Head of State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Sani Abacha as Head of State and manifested such intention by issuing a Press Statement declaring the Federal Government illegal and thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 41 (a) E of the Criminal Code Act 77, Laws of the Federation, 1990 and punishable under the same section.

The appellants pleaded not guilty and applied for bail. The application was refused by the learned Chief Judge of the Federal High Court. Dissatisfied with the decision of the trial court the appellants took the matter to the Court of Appeal. In allowing the appeal, the Court of Appeal ordered as follows:

 "(i) Bail is granted to each of the appellants in his own recognizance.

(ii) Each of the appellants shall within 24 hours hereof deposit his passport (s) with the Deputy Chief Registrar of this court pending the determination of his charge before the trial court.

(iii) Each of the appellants should show his presence to the Deputy C Inspector General in charge of C.I.D. Alagbon, Alagbon Close, Lagos, or any other officer designated by him in an area nearest to the place of abode of the particular appellant on every Friday at 10 to 11 a.m. of the week beginning from 29th, day of July, 1994 pending the determination of his charge before the trial court."

ONEROUS BAIL CONDITIONS UNDER DEMOCRATIC RULE

Under the current democratic dispensation, Judges of the various High Courts in the country have a penchant for imposing stringent bail conditions on suspects even though the proof of evidence may disclose the case of the prosecution is weak. The bail conditions that are imposed by judges of the Federal High Court include the sum of 100 million Naira and 2 sureties in like sum. One of the sureties must have a property in Ikoyi, Victoria Island or Banana Island in Lagos State or Apo, Asokokoro or Maitama in the Federal Capital Territory while the other surety must be a level 17 officer in the public service of the Federal Government. 

It is an ironic to note that bail conditions set by judges under military rule were not as stringent as bail conditions imposed on citizens charged with criminal offences under the current democratic dispensation. The few cases will reviewed below will confirm that the majority of Nigerian judges do not agree with Justice Atkin who once said that "amidst the clash of arms, the laws are not silent. They may be changed, but they speak the same language in war as in peace." 

FRN v Omoyele Sowore & Anor (2019)

In August 2019, Omoyele Sowore and Olawale Bakare were charged with treasonable felony, money laundering and cyberstalking at 

the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja. The learned trial judge, Justice Ijeoma Ojukwu granted bail to Sowore in the sum of N100m with two sureties in like sum. The sureties, who must be resident in Abuja must also have landed assets worth the bail sum in Abuja, and they were to deposit the original title documents of the assets with the court. The judge also ordered him to deposit the sum of N50m in the account of the court as security. 

The judge granted bail to Bakare in the sum of N50m and one surety in like sum. The sum of N50 was to be deposited as security. Both Bakare and Sowore were barred 

from addressing any rally pending the conclusion of their trial. As if that was not enough, the judge barred Sowore from travelling out of Abuja and restricted the movement of Bakare to Osogbo during the duration of the trial. 

As the Defendants could not meet the bail conditions they remained in the custody of the State Security Service. However, the court granted the application for variation of the bail conditions by cancelling the deposit of N50 million by one of the two sureties. The Defendants approached the Court of Appeal for further variation of the bail conditions. In granting the applicant, the Court cancelled the restriction of the movements of the Defendants. 

FRN v Michael Tobiloba Adaramoye (aka Lenin) & 9 Ors (2024)

The Defendants who had taken part in the #endbadgovernance in August 2024 were charged with treason and allied offences before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Each defendant was granted bail in the sum of N10 million with one surety who must have landed property worth the bail sum in Abuja. As part of the bail conditions, the judge ordered that the sureties must submit their passports to the court.

FRN v Adebayo & 118 Ors (2024)

The Defendants including 29 malnourished children were charged with treason at the Federal High Court, Abuja for aleged participation in the #endbadgovernance protests.

They pleaded not guilty and were granted bail in the sum of N10 million and one surety in like sum who should be a civil servant of not less than level 15.The children were however granted bail to their parents who were ordered to stand sureties for them. 

It is submitted that it is contradictory to grant bail and proceed to impose stringent conditions that cannot be met by defendants without filing an application for variation or an appeal. For instance, how did the trial judge expect poor parents to travel from Kano, Kaduna, Sokoto, Maiduguri etc to travel to Abuja to stand sureties for the 29 minor defendants? 

Apart from politically exposed persons, how many defendants are in a position to mobilise Grade Level 17 officers in the public service of either the federal or state government to stand sureties for them? In a country where the national minimum wage is N70,000 per month, how many defendants can deposit N100 million as security for their bail? 

Inspector-General of Police v Omoyele Sowore (2005)

Last week, the authorities of the Nigeria Police Force arrested Mr. Omoyele Sowore for alleged cyberstalking. In admitting him to bail, he was asked to produce a surety who is a Grade Level 17 officer in the Federal Public Service. Following my intervention in the case, the Police Authorities reviewed the bail condition and substituted a Grade Level 16 officer for a Grade Level 17 officer as a surety!

It is pertinent to draw the attention of Nigerian judges and law enforcement agencies to fact that the Court of Appeal had declared illegal the involvement of top level civil servants in the bail of criminal suspects in the the case of Dasuki V. Director-General, S.S.S. [2020]10 NWLR PT.1731 PG. 136-143 where Adah JCA (now JSC) held as follows:

"Let me quickly say that of concern it is to us that as a court we must be ready and sensitive enough not to allow or do anything that will run foul of the law. The issue of involving civil servants or Public Officers in the Public Service of the Federation and the State in bail of people accused of criminal offences has never been the practice in Nigeria or any part of the civilized world. It was an oversight on our part to allow it in. Our Civil and Public Service Rules do not have any room for it. Expecting a Level 16 Servant to own property worth N100,000,000, will be running counter to the Public Service Rules and by extension the war against corruption. It is in this respect that I will act ex debito justitiae to ensure that the aspect of involving serving Public Servant below the status of Level 16 Officer in either the state or Public Service of the Federation or any of its agencies be removed and I so order.”

VERIFICATION BY PROSECUTORS

In order not to be accused of detaining arrested suspects illegally, the police and other law enforcement agencies usually furnish them with bail conditions. Once that is done, it is said that the suspects have been granted administrative bail by the detaining authorities. However, as the bail conditions are always made stringent, the suspects may be detained for several days and months while efforts are made to fulfill them. 

Even when the bail conditions are met they may not be verified timeously by the detaining authorities. Thus, the suspects may be further detained while awaiting the verification of their bail conditions. Since Nigeria is a class society, former governors, ministers and other politically exposed persons are able to meet onerous bail conditions which are usually tied to ownership of properties. The detaining authorities ensure that the verification of the bail conditions is carried out with dispatch in order not to subject members of the ruling class to illegal detention.

Since the granting of bail is at the discretion of a trial court, it is legally indefensible to direct2 prosecutors, who had opposed bail applications, to authenticate the title documents of sureties. Henceforth, only court officials should be authorised to verify the documents submitted by sureties.

CONCLUSION

In view of the clear and unambiguous state of the law on bail, Nigerian judges should stop adjourning bail applications since it is going to be eventually granted. Indeed, once a suspect is charged before a court the trial judge should dispense with written applications and oral arguments and proceed to fix the bail condition. After all, the Court of Appeal had ruled in the case of Abiola v Federal Republic of Nigeria (supra) that an oral application for bail can be entertained by a High Court Judge. 

Finally, even though bail is usually tied to properties in every capital society, Nigerian Judges should realise that the over 150 million citizens who are said to be dimensionally poor do not own developed or undeveloped properties. Therefore, ownership of properties should no longer be a conditionality for bail when indigent citizens are charged with criminal offences either in the Magistrate Court or High Court in any part of the country. Otherwise, the correctional centres will continue to be congested by thousands of defendants who are unable to meet bail conditions on grounds of impecuniosity.

Sickle cell anemia is a genetic blood disorder characterized by the production of abnormal hemoglobin, known as hemoglobin S (HbS). Sickle cell disease changes the shape of blood cells into crescent (or shape of sickle), hindering blood flow. This condition leads to the distortion of red blood cells into a sickle or crescent shape, which can cause various health complications. This blood disorder affects individuals of African descent, but it is also found in people from other ethnic backgrounds. 

Apart from afflicting individuals of African descent, the disorder also affects people of Mediterranean - countries around the Mediterranean Sea, such as Greece, Italy, and Turkey. People of Middle Eastern descent, including parts of Saudi Arabia, and other Gulf countries, are also at risk.

Sickle Cell anemia also afflicts people from the Caribbean, particularly those with African ancestry.

Sickle cell anemia is caused by a mutation in the HBB gene, which provides instructions for making the beta-globin subunit of hemoglobin. The disorder follows an autosomal recessive inheritance pattern, meaning that a child must inherit two copies of the mutated gene (one from each parent) to develop the disease. If a person inherits only one mutated gene, they are considered a carrier (sickle cell trait) but typically do not exhibit symptoms.

Symptoms

Symptoms of sickle cell anemia can vary in severity and may include:

- Anemia: Due to the rapid destruction of sickle-shaped red blood cells, individuals often experience fatigue, weakness, and pallor.

- Pain Crises: Sudden episodes of severe pain, known as vaso-occlusive crises, occur when sickle-shaped cells block blood flow in small blood vessels. These episodes can affect various parts of the body, including the chest, abdomen, and joints. 

- Swelling: Painful swelling in the hands and feet, known as dactylitis, can occur in infants and young children. 

- Frequent Infections: Sickle cells can damage the spleen, increasing susceptibility to infections, particularly from encapsulated bacteria.

- Delayed Growth: Children with sickle cell anemia may experience delayed growth and puberty due to chronic anemia.

- Vision Problems: Blockages in the blood vessels of the eyes can lead to vision issues.

Complications

Sickle cell anemia can lead to several serious complications, including:

- Acute Chest Syndrome: A potentially life-threatening condition characterized by chest pain, fever, and difficulty breathing caused by lung infections or blocked blood vessels in the lungs.

- Stroke: Blockages in blood flow to the brain can result in stroke, particularly in children and adolescents with the disease.

- Organ Damage: Chronic reduced blood flow can lead to damage in organs such as the kidneys, liver, and spleen.

- Leg Ulcers: Poor circulation can result in painful ulcers on the legs.

Diagnosis

Sickle cell anemia is typically diagnosed through blood tests, including:

- Hemoglobin Electrophoresis: This test identifies different types of hemoglobin and can confirm the presence of hemoglobin S.

- Newborn Screening: Many countries routinely screen newborns for sickle cell disease as part of standard health checks.

- Pain Management: Over-the-counter pain relievers or prescription medications may be used to manage pain crises.

- Hydroxyurea: This medication can help reduce the frequency of pain crises and acute chest syndrome by increasing fetal hemoglobin levels, which helps prevent sickling.

- Blood Transfusions: Regular blood transfusions can help reduce anemia and the risk of stroke, especially in children.

- Folic Acid Supplements: These can help support red blood cell production.

- Bone Marrow or Stem Cell Transplant: In some cases, a transplant may offer a potential cure, especially if performed in childhood.

- Preventive Measures: Vaccinations and antibiotics are often recommended to reduce the risk of infections.

Lifestyle and Management

Individuals with sickle cell anemia can benefit from lifestyle changes, including staying hydrated, avoiding extreme temperatures, and managing stress. Regular medical check-ups and monitoring are essential to address complications early.

This break through in the treatment of the disease, comes as a great relief to many sufferers of the ailment, especially, when a lot of resources have been deployed in the past in drug discovery. Clinical trials find a one-time gene therapy ECA-CEO offers functional cure in 95% of patients. 

According to the publication in The Guardian UK newspaper, of January 31, 2025: 

“A groundbreaking £1.65 million treatment offering a potential cure for people in England living with sickle cell disease has been approved for use on the NHS, the medicine watchdog has announced. 

Campaigners welcomed news of the approval of the one-time gene therapy, known as exagamglogene autotemcel, or exa-cel, which edits the faulty gene in patient’s own stem cells.

The NHS set that 50 patients, older children and adults with severe form of the disease, who are suitable for a stem cell transplant but without a matched donor, will each year receive the cutting-edge treatment. 

Clinical trials for exa-cel have indicated that the therapy can stop painful sickle cell crises, which occur when blood vessels become blocked, with researchers finding that there was a “functional cure” in 96.6% of participants who received the treatment”.

According to the newspaper, “Toby Bakare, 35, from South London, who has sickle cell disease but received a stem cell transplant, said: “it’s a great day, so many people living with sickle cell disease will now have access to treatment that gets rid of pain [that] is a blight on your life. I’m lucky I had a sister who was a match.

Prof Bola Owolabi, the director of the National Healthcare Inequalities Improvement Programme at NHS England, said: “This represents a monumental step forward in the treatment of people with sickle cell disorder, which is a condition that mostly affects people of Black African and Black Caribbean heritage. This groundbreaking therapy, available on the NHS, represents a very real prospect of a cure for this devastating disorder. 

While John James OBE, the chief executive of the Sickle Cell Society said: “We are absolutely thrilled to see this groundbreaking gene therapy treatment available on the NHS from today. The significance of this milestone for the sickle cell community cannot be understated”

Now coming back to how Sickle Cell disorder could be tackled in Nigeria, it is essential to acknowledge the unwavering dedication and perseverance of Prof. Olu Akinyanju, a globally recognized hematologist and the founder and chairman of the Sickle Cell Foundation of Nigeria. In a recent article in Pharmanews, it was noted that "any discussion about the management of sickle cell disease in Nigeria and Africa would be incomplete without mentioning Professor Akinyanju." He played a pivotal role in establishing the National Sickle Cell Centre in Lagos.

With advancements in the treatment of sickle cell disorder emerging from England, it is crucial for both the public and private sectors in Nigeria—the country with the largest population of Black individuals—to enhance their collaborative efforts in supporting the National Sickle Cell Centre, led by Prof. Akinyanju. This partnership is vital for securing access to some of the medications already available through the NHS in England, aimed at reducing the pain and suffering of those affected by this condition.

Sonny Iroche is a Senior Academic Visitor at the African Studies Centre of the University of Oxford 2022-23

LinkedIn: linkedin.com/in/sonnyiroche

Next Monday, February 10, marks one year since Herbert Wigwe, his wife Chizoba, their son Chizi, and their friend, Abimbola Ogunbanjo, tragically lost their lives in a helicopter accident in Southern California, United States. The crash occurred over the Mojave Desert between 10 p.m. and 11 p.m. on Friday, February 9, 2024, California time (between 7 a.m. and 8 a.m. on February 10, 2024, Nigerian time). Access Holdings is planning a memorial event to honour their memories, with details to be announced soon.

Over the past year, significant changes have taken place within the banking group, guided by its business continuity plans. Bolaji Agbede succeeded Herbert as the Group Chief Executive of the holding company; Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede returned as Board Chairman, while Roosevelt Ogbonna continues as the bank’s CEO. Together, they remain committed to driving Access Holdings and Access Bank’s vision of global expansion. Reflecting on the past year, Roosevelt remarked, "It has been full of grace."

Herbert’s surviving children are adjusting to life without their parents and continuing their education. They have filed a wrongful death lawsuit against the helicopter company in a California court, seeking both economic and non-economic damages. Similarly, the family of Abimbola Ogunbanjo has filed a separate lawsuit. According to Paul Usoro, SAN, a distinguished lawyer, and former NBA President who is involved in the case, the legal proceedings have been delayed due to the wildfires that have swept across Southern California, causing evacuations and business closures. He expressed confidence that the case would have been resolved sooner than later, if not for these disruptions.

 Another legal expert noted that damages awarded in wrongful death cases depend on the specifics of the case and the extent of the victims’ losses.

The tragic loss of basketball star Kobe Bryant and his daughter Gianna in a 2020 helicopter crash in California provides a precedent. In June 2021, Kobe's widow, Vanessa Bryant, and their surviving daughters received a significant but confidential settlement from the helicopter company. Two years later, they were awarded more than $28 million in damages from Los Angeles County due to the unauthorised sharing of crash site photos. Wrongful death lawsuits are taken seriously in the U.S., where institutions function effectively, and the rule of law prevails.

Wigwe University, Herbert’s legacy project, has successfully commenced classes. Vice Chancellor Prof. Marwan Al-Akaidi stated that the university, in collaboration with the Wigwe family, will hold a memorial church service at the RCCG Church in Isiokpo, Rivers State, and a reception on campus on February 9 to honour Herbert, his wife, and their son. Traditional rulers and members of the Isiokpo community are expected to attend. Before the memorial, the university will host an Open Day on February 8 to welcome parents, prospective students, and other stakeholders. Prof. Al-Akaidi emphasised Herbert’s visionary leadership and commitment to Africa’s development, stating, "My duty is to ensure that his mission and vision are fulfilled." Over 100 students matriculated in the university on November 14, in a ceremony attended by Herbert’s eldest surviving child, Tochi; his father, Pastor Shyngle Wigwe; and his brother, Emeka. Tochi delivered a moving speech at the event. A visit to the university in October confirmed its impressive infrastructure—true to Herbert’s philosophy: "I don’t do small things."

How have Access Holdings and Access Bank fared over the past year? A visit to the corporate headquarters in Lekki, Lagos, earlier this month revealed remarkable resilience and determination among its leadership and staff. The successful completion of the Access Holdings’ capital-raising exercise was widely commended in the industry. The company generated over N351 billion from its Rights Issue of 17.772 billion shares at N19.75 per share, closing the offer in August. With this achievement, Access Bank became the first financial institution to meet the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) N500 billion minimum capital requirement for banks with international authorisation—well ahead of the March 2026 deadline. The bank’s share capital will rise to N600 billion, exceeding the regulatory minimum by N100 billion. Additionally, the bank and its executives have received numerous awards and accolades globally.

Herbert Wigwe’s sudden death on the morning of February 10, 2024 (Nigerian time), sent shockwaves across Nigeria and beyond. He was an iconic figure of global significance. As the first anniversary of his passing approaches, it is imperative for Access Holdings, Access Bank, and its stakeholders to consider meaningful ways to immortalise him. One such initiative could be the establishment of the Herbert Wigwe Memorial Lecture Series, in collaboration with the family and Wigwe University. This platform would serve as a lasting tribute to his legacy and contributions to the banking sector and beyond.

Ogunseitan lives in Lagos

President Donald J. Trump is actively reshaping the global political landscape, navigating the tension between globalization and fragmentation to establish a new order in the United States and, by extension, the world.

Before delving further into this discussion, I must disclose that I am an unapologetic supporter of the 47th President of the United States, Donald J. Trump. My support stems from my belief that he is undeniably a catalyst for change.

Many, including Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden and former Vice President Kamala Harris, have accused Trump of seeking to dismantle democracy. However, a more accurate assessment is that he is challenging the status quo in Washington through radical policy shifts. While Democrats frame his actions as a threat to democracy, I see this as a misleading narrative.

Despite the alarm raised by his opponents, American voters prioritized economic concerns—rising inflation, the high cost of living, soaring housing prices, and the influx of undocumented immigrants—over the warnings about democracy. It was these pressing issues that motivated voters to support Trump’s return to the White House.

The more than 77 million Americans who voted for him did so because they believe he was elected to address what they see as a “woke” and financially struggling America. According to the Oxford Dictionary, “woke” refers to those who are socially aware but is often used pejoratively to describe individuals perceived as self-righteous or overly dogmatic in their advocacy.

True to his promises, Trump wasted no time in implementing his agenda. During his inauguration, he took a strong stance against “woke” ideology by affirming that the U.S. Constitution recognizes only two genders—male and female—a direct challenge to the LGBTQ+ community. He has since followed through on his pledges by signing a series of executive orders aimed at radically reshaping America.

From my perspective, Trump is simply fulfilling the commitments he made during his campaign. The backlash from those negatively affected by his policies is therefore unsurprising, yet it should not overshadow the fact that he is delivering the change that millions of Americans willingly voted for, believing it will restore the country’s greatness.

As someone who embraces change, I am excited to see a leader who challenges the status quo in public leadership finally take charge. That leader is Donald J. Trump, who has now assumed office in the White House, the seat of U.S. political power.

As the leader of the free world, the U.S. exerts enormous influence on global affairs, reinforcing the popular saying: when America sneezes, the rest of the world catches a cold. This is evident in Trump’s decision to impose tariffs on key trading partners—25% on Mexico, 25% on general goods plus Canadian 10% on Canadian oil, and 10% on China—primarily to curb illegal immigration and combat the flow of fentanyl, a deadly drug ravaging American communities.

Before Trump even took office, his threats of tariff hikes caused global concern. However, World Trade Organization (WTO) Director-General Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, speaking at the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, urged caution: “I am concerned, but my approach is to stay calm. Let’s wait to see what policies are actually enacted before overreacting.”

Despite this advice, some countries affected by the new tariffs —especially Mexico and Canada—have already announced retaliatory tariffs, raising fears of an all-out trade war. Meanwhile, China has opted for a legal approach, filing complaints against the U.S. through the WTO.

As the head of the WTO, Dr. Okonjo-Iweala will play a crucial role in resolving this looming global trade conflict. Given her extensive experience—including her tenure at the World Bank and her ongoing second term as WTO chief—there is hope that she can help de-escalate tensions.

Anticipating the economic impact of the trade war, President Trump has urged Americans to brace for temporary hardships, acknowledging that tariffs might contribute to inflation. However, he remains confident that the outcome will ultimately benefit the country, declaring: “This will be the golden age of America. Will there be some pain? Yes. But we will make America great again, and it will be worth the price.”

This sentiment is reminiscent of Nigerian President Bola Tinubu’s remarks when he removed the long-standing fuel subsidy and floated the naira, leading to economic hardship for Nigerians. He reassured the nation, saying: “I understand that our people are suffering, but there can be no childbirth without pain. The joy of childbirth is the baby. Relief comes after the pain. Nigeria is being reborn.”

Trump’s policies signal a fundamental shift away from globalization—a concept introduced between 1870 and 1914 and later popularized in 1983 by economist Theodore Levitt in “The Globalization of Markets.” The current global order, shaped by decades of economic integration, now faces disruption under Trump’s America First doctrine, which prioritizes national interests over international cooperation.

Interestingly, Trump’s long-held stance on tariffs is not new. In a resurfaced 1978 interview with Oprah Winfrey, he expressed similar views, making it clear that his current trade policies have been decades in the making.

While trade wars typically harm weaker economies (when elephants fight, the grass suffers), Africa might stand to benefit from this geopolitical shift. As tensions escalate among major trading partners—U.S., Canada, Mexico, and China—Africa, historically seen as merely a source of raw materials, could emerge as an alternative manufacturing hub.

For instance, Nigeria’s oil exports to the U.S. declined significantly under President Barack Obama, with Canada and Mexico becoming America’s top crude suppliers. However, if the trade war leads to disruptions in North American oil exports, Trump may turn back to Nigeria, currently the 8th largest supplier, to fill the gap.

Rather than viewing Trump’s policies as purely negative, it may be worth considering the potential opportunities they create for Africa. Instead of getting caught up in narratives of doom and gloom, could this be a moment for the continent to reposition itself as a key player in the evolving global trade landscape?

It is time for the world to recognize that Africa is not a problem to be solved but a vital part of the global solution. The continent holds vast reserves of critical minerals essential for the energy transition that the world desperately seeks. Rather than being viewed merely as a supplier of raw materials, Africa should be seen as a prime destination for investment and industrial partnerships.

There is a well-known economic principle that a rising tide lifts all boats and yachts. In that spirit, industrialized nations like the U.S. and China must acknowledge that Africa—home to 54 countries and a population of approximately 1.5 billion, larger than China’s 1.3 billion and rivaling India’s 1.4 billion—is not a charity case but an investment opportunity.

As a long-time advocate for Africa’s economic resurgence, I have consistently argued that the continent needs trade, not aid. It is imperative that major global economies shift their perception of Africa from a passive recipient of aid to an active economic partner. Historically, Africa has been exploited—most notably through the partitioning of the continent at the 1884–1885 Berlin Conference, where European powers divided African territories for their own benefit. As a result, Africa has remained marginalized in global trade, accounting for less than 3% of total global trade, despite having 18% of the world’s population.

To secure a greater share of global trade, Africa must be integrated into the evolving international economic order. Without disruptions to the existing system—such as those triggered by President Trump’s policies—meaningful change is unlikely. Given the resistance Africa has faced in its bid to gain a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, a fundamental shift in global power structures, like the one Trump is advocating, may be necessary for Africa to be taken seriously as a key player in international trade.

At this moment in history, the world may actually benefit from the tensions between defenders of the entrenched old order and leaders like Trump, who are determined to shake up the system. Since assuming office on January 20, 2025, Trump has been implementing the bold changes he promised during his campaign. In my assessment, the mandate given to him by American voters provides a unique opportunity to push for a rebalancing of global trade and governance.

Throughout history, transformative change has always required bold action. If astronauts had not pushed boundaries, Neil Armstrong would never have walked on the moon in 1969, a breakthrough that reshaped human understanding of the universe. Similarly, astronomer Galileo’s discoveries challenged the belief that the Earth was flat, paving the way for modern scientific thought. It is this same drive for progress that appears to be fueling Trump’s disruptive approach to governance.

Keyu Jin, a professor of economics and author of The New China Playbook, recently highlighted a growing shift in global trade patterns, noting that China and other nations have been diversifying their markets away from the U.S. even before the current tariff wars. Trump’s policies are merely accelerating this trend. In Europe, for instance, we are seeing a rise in nationalist-leaning leaders, particularly in France and Germany, who are also prioritizing domestic interests over globalism.

This geopolitical realignment is further evident in the expansion of BRICS—a coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—which has recently welcomed new members like Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Egypt. As more countries join BRICS to counterbalance U.S. influence, efforts to reduce dependence on the U.S. dollar in global trade may intensify. If America continues using tariffs as a tool to pressure its trading partners, it risks pushing them further toward alternative alliances, potentially diminishing its own economic influence.

For Africa, this shifting landscape presents an opportunity. If trade flows are redirected away from the U.S., Africa could gain a larger share of global commerce—but only if the continent positions itself strategically. With the establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), headquartered in Ghana, Africa is already laying the groundwork to take advantage of this new world order.

While Trump’s critics have valid concerns about the potential risks of his sweeping policy changes—particularly the hardship caused by the deportation of undocumented immigrants and disruptions in U.S. aid to Africa—it is also worth considering the potential long-term benefits of a restructured global economy.

The changes unfolding in global trade could open up unprecedented opportunities for Africa. If the continent plays its cards right, it could emerge as a major beneficiary of the ongoing shake-up. So, instead of viewing Trump’s policies solely through the lens of crisis, perhaps it is time to explore how Africa can leverage this moment to secure a more equitable role in the global economy.

A US based Nigerian Professor Ndubuisi Ekekwe describes Trump’s leadership as a “tsunami-earthquake-storm” approach, highlighting the unprecedented nature of shutting down USAID. According to him, this move signals a clear message to the world—that America has no obligation to fund or influence other nations through soft power. However, he suggests that this could actually be a positive development if African leaders step up and take responsibility.

He further explains how foreign aid often distorts markets and hinders sustainable development. For instance, an entrepreneur might develop a viable product in healthcare, education, or agriculture, only for an aid agency to introduce a similar product for free. This forces local businesses to shut down, and once the aid funds disappear after a few years, communities are left worse off, having lost both the external support and the local solutions that were once in place.

Rather than panicking over these funding cuts, Professor Ekekwe urges African governments to seize the opportunity by creating systems to identify and assist citizens in need. He argues that without external interference, local businesses can step in to fill market gaps, and governments can provide targeted support to those who truly require it. He points out that Africa has a long history of self-reliance and should return to indigenous solutions rather than depending on unpredictable foreign aid.

This perspective aligns with the arguments earlier made by economist Dr. Dambisa Moyo in her ground breaking book "Dead Aid", where she contends that Western aid has done more harm than good in Africa.

Considering Trump’s repeated assertion that his second term marks a “golden age” for America, it is possibly a golden age for Africa too as the continent could benefit—if it strategically positions itself to take advantage of the shifting global order being shaped by Trump’s policies.

Magnus Onyibe, a public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, (2003-2007) sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria. 

Some marketers believe the price cut was a strategic response to warnings from traders who were considering importing cheaper foreign PMS due to its lower cost compared to locally refined products.

In a statement, Dangote Group‘s Chief Branding and Communications Officer, Anthony Chiejina, explained that the decision was made in response to global energy market trends and a decline in international crude oil prices.

He also emphasized that the price adjustment aims to ensure that Nigerian consumers benefit from changes in global crude prices.

The company has urged marketers to pass on the benefits of the reduction to the public.

While the price reduction is welcomed by consumers, marketers who purchased fuel before the price drop are now forced to sell at a loss, potentially incurring millions of naira in debts.

Vice President of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), Hammed Fashola, acknowledged the pros and cons of the situation.

He stated: “For instance, a marketer who purchased stock on Friday likely hasn’t sold it all before the price drop. That’s the downside. But, we have to live with it—that’s the beauty of deregulation.”

He noted that competition would force marketers to lower prices, even if they initially bought at higher rates.

“If you don’t reduce your price, nearby marketers who buy at the new rate will. Within days, you’ll have no buyers unless you adjust,” Fashola explained to The PUNCH.

He also dismissed the idea of stakeholder consultations before price adjustments, stating that in a competitive market, price fluctuations are inevitable.

Fashola suggested that the price cut was a direct response to threats by importers who claimed foreign PMS was cheaper than Dangote’s refined fuel.

“If Dangote had not reduced prices, imported fuel would have dominated the market. The reality is, businesses must respond to market forces. It’s good for the sector and, ultimately, for the public,” he noted.

He also emphasized that locally refined PMS should logically be cheaper than imported fuel since Dangote sources crude in naira, eliminating foreign exchange constraints and transportation costs.

NNPC Expected to Follow Suit

With Dangote Refinery lowering its price, analysts predict that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited will also have to adjust its pricing to remain competitive.

“If NNPC doesn’t cut prices, who will buy from them? They have to respond to market realities,” Fashola added.

Confirming this possibility, National President of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlet Owners Association of Nigeria (PETROAN), Billy Gillis-Harry, stated that NNPC might soon adjust its price due to competitive pressure.

“The Dangote refinery’s decision benefits citizens and the economy. Reduced fuel costs will ease Nigerians’ financial burden, lower transportation expenses, and stimulate economic activity,” Gillis-Harry said.

Impact on the Economy

Economic analysts believe that the drop in fuel prices could have positive ripple effects: Lower transportation costs, reducing the price of goods and services; Increased consumer purchasing power, freeing up income for essential needs; Boosted economic activity, as businesses can operate with reduced logistics costs; Potential reduction in inflation, as fuel price drops influence overall cost-of-living trends.

Marketers Struggling with Financial Losses

Despite the potential long-term benefits, petroleum marketers face immediate losses, as they are forced to sell below cost.

IPMAN National Publicity Secretary, Chinedu Ukadike, recalled that when Dangote Refinery entered the market in early 2024, it crashed diesel prices, leaving marketers with unsellable high-cost stock.

“This is why marketers fear lifting fuel now. Price instability can lead to collateral losses, especially for those who took loans to finance bulk purchases,” Ukadike explained.

He noted that during previous price crashes, marketers received no compensation, forcing them to sell at a loss.

“No one repays marketers for their losses when prices drop. It’s the nature of the business, and we have to adapt,” he stated.

[NaijaNews]

The tariff and imminent trade war orchestrated by US President Donald Trump against Canada, China and Mexico may heighten imported inflation for Nigeria and some African countries.

Economic and financial experts say Trump’s action could also cause a fall in the price of crude oil.

Trump had on Saturday signed an executive order, imposing new tariffs, including a 25 percent duty on all imports from Mexico and most products from Canada, along with a 10 percent tariff on goods imported from China.

According to the Trump administration, the tariffs are aimed at curbing the flow of drugs and undocumented immigrants into the US. President Donald Trump said on Sunday that the sweeping tariffs he imposed on Mexico, Canada and China may cause “some pain” for Americans.

In swift response, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum announced retaliatory tariffs, while Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau introduced “far-reaching” levies targeting American goods.

Meanwhile, the Chinese government said it would be filing a formal complaint to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) against the U.S. over President Trump’s decision to impose new tariffs on imports.

China’s ministry of commerce promised to take necessary countermeasures to safeguard its interests.

“The unilateral tariff hikes by the US seriously violate World Trade Organisation rules,” the ministry said.

While experts see opportunities for countries with manufacturing capabilities to explore the trade war to their advantage, they doubted the capacity of Nigeria to exploit opportunities from the trade war, since the country is not a producing economy but import-dependent.

In a telephone interview with LEADERSHIP yesterday, the chief executive of Centre for Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE), Dr Muda Yusuf, said the tariff slammed on countries such as Canada, China and Mexico may lead to heightened imported inflation for Nigeria.

According to him, despite the tariff being a bilateral issue, it will disrupt global trade which will have implications for the global economy in the long run because of the size of the economies involved.

For Nigeria, he noted that the tariff will spark inflation in the U.S., affecting the price of imported goods from the country into Nigeria.

“Secondly, if there is inflation in the U.S. which is more likely to happen, the U.S. Fed is likely to raise interest rates, and when they do this, Nigeria will have issues with foreign portfolio investments (FPIs).

“So there is the issue of the inflationary effect transmitted to us by way of effect on our FPIs. There is also the issue of inflationary effect arising from our import from the U.S.  which we do not have much alternative for,” he said.

Yusuf pointed out that the trade war may depress the global economy, and lead to the development of new trade partnership, adding that manufacturing countries that are not slammed with the tariffs would be better for it.

Professor Michael Obadan, a former Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) member noted that Nigeria’s level of exports had become quite inconsequential that the country may not be able to tap into the opportunities present in the trade war. Expressing pessimism about Nigeria’s readiness to exploit any opportunity, he said, “One will expect that if America is reducing its volume of trade with the countries affected in the tariff war, it may want to import from other countries that have not been imposed with such tariffs.

“If Nigeria were a manufacturing country and we had the capacity to manufacture and the goods are similar to the ones tariffed, it would have been an opportunity for Nigeria to increase its volume of exports and earn more foreign exchange.”

He noted that Nigeria’s economic environment was hostile to manufacturing because of the reform policies implemented in the last few years.

“Many manufacturing companies have departed the country, particularly the foreign ones, and those in the country are just struggling to produce. They are producing goods at very, very high costs because the operating environment is very hostile, and such goods are not competitive, even within the country, not to talk of abroad.

“Nigeria is not in a good position to take advantage of any trade opportunity that might be tariff war initiated by America. Nigeria is a bad shape at the moment in the area of production, particularly production of manufactured goods and agricultural goods. Trade war involves manufactured goods, mostly, maybe some extent, agricultural goods,” he said.

For his part, the chief executive of Economic Associates, Dr. Ayo Teriba, sees the potential threat of disruption by President Donald Trump as empty and only temporary at best.

He noted that the world had changed and countries were better prepared to absorb the shocks of tariffs and other trade restrictions.

According to him, the USA is just a country of 350 million people against the likes of China and India, and other countries that constitute the BRICS nations.

He also said the USA did not belong to any economic bloc, yet Trump was threatening countries that belong to BRICS, made up of billions in population, noting that if these countries were to retaliate, it would be the American economy that would suffer the most.

“If you restrict their sales to your country they will end up restricting your own sales to more than two billion people. Who is going to lose more? When it comes to trade war, I think America is more vulnerable than Trump is imagining.

“I see what Trump is doing as empty threat; after about three months from now, the reality will begin to dawn on him,” he said.

A frontrunner for the prime ministerial position in Canada, former Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland, in an interview with the CNN’s Global Public Square presenter, Fareed Zakaria, yesterday stated that by slamming trade restrictions on Canada, the USA was shooting itself in the leg as it depends on Canada for a huge chunk of its trade.

A development economist at Adeleke University, Professor Tayo Bello, believes the ongoing trade tensions should serve as a wake-up call for Nigeria to intensify its backward integration efforts.

“Trump is enforcing backward integration in America to protect jobs and industries. Nigeria should be doing the same. We have abundant agricultural land, yet we are net importers of food. We have vast crude oil reserves, yet we import refined petroleum products. The government must prioritise self-reliance and local production,” he said.

But chief executive of AntHill Concepts Ltd, Dr. Emeka Okengwu, insists that Nigeria must take advantage of this shift.

“Nobody holds absolute economic power anymore. Even though the U.S. is a dominant force, other economies are adjusting. The BRICS nations, for example, are strengthening their economic ties, and they are already some of the biggest buyers of Nigeria’s crude oil. We should leverage these relationships and move from just exporting raw materials to adding value through local refining and industrial processing,” he said.

A financial economist at Auchi Polytechnic, Zakari Mohammed, sees both risks and opportunities in Trump’s policies.

“A weaker naira could make Nigerian exports more competitive in international markets, but it also makes imports more expensive, increasing inflation. The key for Nigeria is to reduce its import dependency and build a self-sufficient economy. If we fail to do so, global economic disruptions like this will always leave us vulnerable,” he said.

On his part, chief executive of Cowry Assets Management Company, Mr Johnson Chukwu, noted that the tariffs would lead to an increase in the cost of goods and services, because countries are going to build barriers.

“The principle of competitive advantage will be jettisoned and this means everybody will try to produce everything, even when the costs of producing those things in their localities are higher.

“Donald Trump is pushing for improved oil production in the U.S. and he has also said he is going to disrupt the OPEC+ Alliance, and get Saudi Arabia to produce more. When that happens, we should expect crude prices to drop. And because Nigeria doesn’t have capacity to compensate for the drop in terms of increased production, our foreign exchange will slow down.

“Ordinarily, if you can compensate for a drop in price by increasing volume, you will not so much feel the impact but we are not in that position. So what that means is that Nigeria’s foreign exchange inflow will be negatively impacted.”

The director-general of National Association of Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (NACCIMA), Sola Obadimu said Nigeria needs to develop its trade policy that will favour and protect the nation as other nations are doing.

“Those in charge of our trade policy should bring out policy that will protect us,” he said.

The vice president of Highcap Securities Limited, Mr. David Adonri, said by the trade war and violent threats of acquisition of independent countries, the United States of America is dislocating the world’s socio-economic order.

“The tariffs war may eventually provoke global hyperinflation and perhaps lead to recession,” he stated.

Adonri further noted that there is the possibility of a precipitous fall in the price of crude oil amidst this battle, which may batter the Nigerian economy.

“The U.S. is pursuing a covert isolationist policy aimed at revitalising their domestic production capacity.

“The impact of the policy on Nigeria can be very devastating if it adversely affects diaspora remittances and crude oil price. The situation is deteriorating very fast and if Nigeria does not react proactively by domesticating the economy like the U.S. is doing, the consequences may be very dire.”

Opportunities for Nigeria and Other Exporting Nations

While the trade war between the U.S. and its partners presents economic challenges, analysts believe it could create new export opportunities for countries like Nigeria

Speaking with LEADERSHIP yesterday, economic sector analyst, Stephen Kanabe said as U.S. tariffs will make goods from China, Mexico, and Canada more expensive, Nigeria can position itself as an alternative supplier, especially in sectors like oil, agricultural products, and manufactured goods.

Companies looking to avoid tariffs may shift production to Nigeria or source raw materials from Nigerian industries, boosting local manufacturing and job creation.

“With disrupted trade flows, Nigerian products (such as crude oil, agricultural exports, and textiles) may become more attractive to U.S. buyers seeking cost-effective alternatives to goods from China, Mexico, and Canada,” he stated.

However, a former member of the Monetary Policy Committee, Professor Michael Obadan, said Nigeria’s level of exports had become quite inconsequential that the country may not be able to tap into the opportunities present in the trade war.

Expressing pessimism on Nigeria’s readiness to exploit any opportunity, he said, “One will expect that if America is reducing its volume of trade with the countries affected in the tariff war, it may want to import from other countries that have not been imposed with such tariffs.

“If Nigeria is a manufacturing country and we have the capacity to manufacture and the goods are similar to the ones tariffed, it would have been an opportunity for Nigeria to increase its volume of exports and earn more foreign exchange.

“Nigeria’s economic environment is hostile to manufacturing because of the reform policies implemented in the last few years. Many manufacturing companies have departed the country, particularly the foreign ones, and those in the country are just struggling to produce. They are producing goods at very, very high cost because the operating environment is very hostile, and such goods are not competitive, even within the country, not to talk of abroad.

“Nigeria is not in a good position to take advantage of any trade opportunity that might be tariff war initiated by America. Nigeria is in a bad shape at the moment in the area of production, particularly production of manufactured goods and agricultural goods. The Trade War involves manufactured goods, mostly, maybe to some extent, agricultural goods.”

Economic analyst Jimoh Solomon Sule suggests that the situation could lead to increased export demand for non-U.S. suppliers, and trade diversion as companies seek alternative sourcing options. Apart from that, he said more foreign direct investment (FDI) will go to countries with strong manufacturing bases.

“Nigeria’s competitiveness could improve as disruptions in global trade force buyers to look for alternative suppliers,” Sule explained.

Crude oil, one of Nigeria’s primary exports, could become a viable alternative for U.S. importers seeking to offset changes in their trade relationships.

Trump Receives Flak

A barrage of condemnations has rained down on United States President Donald Trump following his decision to impose stiff tariffs on imports from neighbouring countries, Mexico and Canada, as well as its largest supplier of goods, China.

According to analysts, Trump’s new tariffs could drive up the prices of everyday goods, from cars and sneakers to tequila and avocados.

Trade between North America and the U.S. hit $1.8 trillion in 2023—far surpassing the $643 billion with China. Trump’s new decision imposes a 10 percent tariff on all Chinese imports and 25 percent on those from Mexico and Canada, with a lower 10 percent rate on Canadian energy.

The U.S. imports billions in cars and parts from Canada and Mexico, with vehicles crossing borders multiple times during production. Experts warn a 25 percent tariff could add $3,000 to car prices.

Also, Canada, America’s largest crude oil supplier, ships billions in oil that U.S. refineries rely on. Tariffs could push gas prices up by 30-70 cents per gallon.

The U.S. imports billions in tequila, mezcal, and Canadian whisky. Retaliatory tariffs could further hurt the spirits industry, which already faces a 50% EU tariff on American whiskey. The U.S. buys $85 billion in farm goods from Canada and Mexico, including most imported fruits and vegetables. A 25% tariff would mean pricier groceries, including “guacamole tariffs” just before the Super Bowl.

Past tariff wars led to retaliatory measures on U.S. crops like soybeans and corn, forcing the government to compensate farmers. While Trump delivered aid before, many farmers prefer open markets over government checks.

 [Leadership]

Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, has honoured 19 generals, six professors and 10 other Kano citizens who have excelled in their chosen careers.

The state banquet in honour of the distinguished Kano sons and daughters was held at the government house Saturday night.

Speaking at the occasion, Governor Yusuf congratulated those honoured for reaching significant milestones in their respective fields, emphasizing that their achievements have been instrumental to the socio-economic development of the state and the nation.

The governor, who said the event was non-partisan, assured the guests that the celebration was purely in recognition of their professional excellence, expressing his administration’s commitment to work hand in hand with the leaders without any political interference.

“You are great professionals of record, and it is this spirit of selfless service that we want to encourage and celebrate,” he said.

The governor encouraged the younger generation to pursue education and careers in various fields such as the military, police, civil service, judiciary and others, noting that would help Kano State continue to produce nationally and internationally recognised talents.

He expressed gratitude to all stakeholders who contributed to the event’s success, including the federal government for its support in promoting Kano’s indigenous talent.

Earlier, the chairman of the organising committee, Mohammed Jamu, explained that the event was to celebrate the extraordinary contributions of Kano’s sons and daughters – individuals who have represented the state with distinction across various fields.

On his part, the leader of all imams in Nigeria, Sheikh Nasir Muhammad Adam, challenged the awardees to ensure mentorship of upcoming ones in their chosen careers.

The awardees are Air Marshal Hassan Bala Abubakar, Major General M. S. Ahmed, Major General I. S  Ali, Major General A. M. Garba, Major General Sani Sumaila Ibrahim, Major General B. U. Yahya, Major General S. Y. Bashir, Major General U. B. Abubakar, Major General Faruk Mijinyawa and Major General Jamal Abdulsalam.

Other military officers include Air Vice Marshal M. Yusuf, Air Vice Marshal G. A. Bello, Air Vice Marshal B. R. Mamman, Air Vice Marshal S. K. Usman, Air Vice Marshal M. S. Ibrahim, Air Vice Marshal K. M. Umar, Rear Admiral Abdullahi Ahmad, Rear Admiral Aliyu Gaya and Rear Admiral Idi Abbas.

Also awarded were Prof. Shehu Ahmad Said Galadanci, CON, Dr Nasiru Sani Gwarzo, Yakubu Adamu Kofar Mata, DIG Dasuki Galadanchi, DDG DSS, Alhaji Ado Muazu, Prof. Umma Abdullahi, Prof. Hadiza Galadanci, Prof. Nazifi Abdullahi Darma, Prof. Hamisu Armayau Bichi, Prof. Sagir Adamu Abass and CP Hajiya Hauwa Ibrahim.

Others were Dr Rislanuddeen Muhammad, Eng. Mustapha Balarabe Shehu, Arc. Hauwa Hassan Tudunwada, Ado Kabiru Minjibir Mni and Marwan Mustapha Adamu mni.

[DailyTrust]