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Ether, XRP Down 5% as Crypto’s Painful Week Continues; APT Jumps 10% Amid Aptos ETF Registration in Delaware
Ether (ETH) continued its multi-day slide on Thursday with a 7% drop in the past 24 hours as the prolonged crypto sell-off showed no signs of a pause.
Bitcoin (BTC) was trading between $89,000 to $82,500 in U.S. trading hours on Wednesday, staging a slight recovery in early Asian hours to just over $86,000. The broader market tracked by CoinDesk 20 (CD20), a liquid index tracking the largest tokens, fell over 3%.
Major tokens XRP, BNB Chain’s BNB, Cardano’s ADA and dogecoin (DOGE) slumped as much as 4% — with bullish bets on futures tracking majors recording over $600 million in liquidations.
Litecoin’s LTC and Aptos’ APT were among the few tokens in green, rising over 10% each. APT rose as a “BITWISE APTOS ETF” was registered in Delaware, USA, in addition to rumors of a Litecoin ETF. However, traders remain muted on prospects of a prolonged rally in LTC.
“Its unlikely that institutional investors would have long-term conviction in the Bitcoin clone, as it offers no yield, utility, or organic demand outside of ETF approval speculation,” Ben Yorke, WOO VP of Ecosystem, told CoinDesk in a Telegram message.
“Would likely be a ‘sell the news’ event, as investors would look to rotate into more topical trends and future ETF rumors,” Yorke added.
Losses in crypto markets mirrored those in U.S. equities after lesser-than-expected earnings from technology stalwart Nvidia failed to wow investors.
Separately, a New York Fed research indicated President Donald Trump’s latest tariffs on imports from China impact the American economy higher than expected — with data showing an apparent discrepancy in U.S. imports from China based on reported figures from both countries.
Market watchers await macroeconomic cues for a bitcoin rally, meanwhile.
“The Fed is not a player at this juncture as rate cuts are likely to be muted against sticky inflation, while the aggressive US administration will continue to put geopolitical tensions at the forefront,” Chris Yu, Co-Founder and CEO of SignalPlus, told CoinDesk in a Telegram message.
“Crypto-friendly policies and frameworks will likely take some time before they materialize into tangible frameworks, while a fall in implied BTC volatility with falling prices is a negative sign that speculators have started to throw in the towel on higher prices in the near term,” Yu added.
[CoinDesk]
XRP Ledger Unveils Roadmap for Institutional DeFi Expansion and New Tokenization Features
Ripple Labs is working to expand the XRP Ledger’s decentralized finance (DeFi) capabilities with a clear roadmap for 2025. A key part of this roadmap is the addition of decentralized identity (DID) and credential-based verification, allowing for permissioned exchanges and decentralized markets that meet regulatory standards. This is designed to enable financial institutions to participate securely in the decentralized space while ensuring compliance with regulations like AML and KYC.
Ripple is also focusing on tokenization through the XRP Ledger, enabling tokenized real-world assets (RWAs) to be traded on the blockchain. Multi-purpose tokens (MPTs) are being developed to represent various financial products, such as bonds or structured assets, and provide more flexibility than traditional tokens. The platform’s goal is to bridge traditional finance and blockchain, offering a way to tokenize and trade assets with ease.
A significant part of Ripple’s strategy includes the development of a permissioned decentralized exchange (DEX), where tokenized RWAs can be traded. This exchange will utilize XRP Ledger’s decentralized identifiers to integrate compliance checks into smart contracts, ensuring all participants meet regulatory requirements. Along with a credit-based DeFi lending protocol, these initiatives aim to position the XRP Ledger (XRPL) as a secure, scalable platform for institutional use in decentralized markets.
Ripple’s plans also include expanding XRPL’s programmability. The introduction of "Extensions" will allow developers to create customized features like automated market makers (AMMs) or escrows without the need for full smart contracts. Additionally, Ripple is launching an Ethereum Virtual Machine (EVM) sidechain in Q2 2025, enabling developers to build decentralized applications (DApps) on XRPL using Solidity, thereby increasing compatibility with Ethereum’s ecosystem.
The goal is to tap into the $30 trillion market of tokenized RWAs, which could significantly increase XRPL’s value. Currently, XRPL has a total value locked (TVL) of about $80 million, far behind Ethereum's $50 billion, which shows its growth potential. Despite this, the network's total market cap surpassed $128 billion after XRP’s price surged by 300% following Donald Trump’s election victory. His administration’s stance on blockchain and cryptocurrency regulation could also further benefit XRPL, as Ripple hopes the regulatory environment becomes more favorable.
Ripple has made strides in this direction, including the successful launch of its decentralized exchange (DEX), which saw over $1 billion in swaps since its launch in 2024. This, along with the broader expansion into tokenization and DeFi lending, demonstrates Ripple’s commitment to making XRP Ledger a key player in the future of decentralized finance. Despite competition from other blockchain platforms, these initiatives are crucial for Ripple to continue growing and maintain its relevance in the evolving financial landscape.
Trump supporters lose $12bn as president’s crypto boom fades
Donald Trump’s supporters have lost more than $12bn (£9.5bn) in a month after the value of the president’s cryptocurrency collapsed.
$Trump, a so-called “meme coin” unveiled on Jan 17, three days before Mr Trump’s inauguration, has lost more than 80pc of its value since its peak on Jan 19.
This has led to its overall worth falling from a peak of $15bn to $2.7bn on Thursday, as it suffered amid a wider crypto rout.
The paper value of the coins owned by Mr Trump himself has also fallen by $50bn.
While Mr Trump’s own losses have not been crystallised, investors are on the hook after spending heavily to back the Trump coin in the run-up to his inauguration, partly as a show of support but also as a gamble that the token would rise in value.
However, interest in the project has since dwindled, accompanied by a wider market crash.
Bitcoin has lost a fifth of its value since hitting an all-time high on the day of Mr Trump’s inauguration.
An official Melania Trump meme coin promoted by the First Lady has fared even worse, dropping 94pc since Jan 20.
Mr Trump has vowed to be the first “crypto president”, recently appointing venture capitalist David Sacks as the White House’s “crypto tsar”.
However, investors have expressed disappointment at the supposed lack of momentum, highlighting Mr Trump’s failure to create a strategic Bitcoin reserve.
US Democrats have sought to target Mr Trump’s crypto ventures by announcing plans to put forward laws that would prevent senior government officials and their families from launching meme coins.
Sam Liccardo, a Democratic Congressman, said he planned to put forward the Modern Emoluments and Malfeasance Enforcement (Meme) Act on Thursday.
He told ABC News: “The Trumps’ issuance of meme coins financially exploits the public for personal gain, and raises the spectre of insider trading and foreign influence over the Executive Branch.”
The proposed law would apply to the president, vice president, members of Congress and White House officials, as well as their family members.
Online influencers have launched a series of meme coins in recent months seeking to capitalise on their often short-lived fame, and many often collapse after an initial spike in value.
While supporters of mainstream cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin and Ethereum are seen by their supporters as a potential way to change payments and finance, meme coins have little use. Instead, they are seen as a way of showing support for certain personalities or a form of gambling.
[The Telegraph]
If There's Ever a Trade War, Should You Buy Bitcoin or XRP?
With well-grounded fears of a trade war swirling and causing volatility in the traditional financial sector as well as in cryptocurrencies, you don't have to be a particularly skittish investor to be concerned about your portfolio at the moment. Even quality assets like XRP (CRYPTO: XRP) and Bitcoin (CRYPTO: BTC) are showing some shakiness.
But between those two, if a full-on trade war actually does break out as a result of the Trump administration's policies, which one has a better chance of holding up, or perhaps even climbing? Let's analyze the argument for each, starting with XRP.
The setup looks bearish here
For XRP to gain in value, at least two things need to happen. First, banks and financial institutions need to buy and hold the coin, and they need to believe that doing so will help them avoid currency exchange fees as well as international money transfer fees; they need to see that using the crypto is a better option than legacy money-transfer technologies.
Second, those banks need to transact with one another regularly across international borders, thereby generating usage fees, which are paid back to the XRP network.
If there is a trade war, the incentives for the first scenario to continue occurring will remain the same, and there could be some positive effects for XRP. The actual size of each transfer may even increase, if parties need to include the costs of tariffs in their transfers. That won't necessarily generate much more in fees, though, as XRP only charges a fraction of a penny per transaction.
The problem here is that extensive tariffs may reduce the volume of goods exchanged as a result of buyers facing higher prices. With fewer goods exchanged, fewer international money transfers need to happen. And that means XRP will almost certainly generate less in fees if there's a trade war.
There's no rule that says the price of the coin needs to drop if that happens. But if trading volumes drop, it isn't good news for investors, which detracts from the argument for buying XRP if the trade situation worsens.
Is this coin a real safe harbor?
Bitcoin's price hasn't changed much at all over the last three months, which suggests that the market is ambivalent about its value holding up in a trade war.
And it's hard to articulate precisely how the coin's value would decrease if the barriers to trade became higher for the U.S., aside from a generalized retreat from risk assets that it might cause as investors give in to fear. It isn't used extensively as a medium of exchange for trade payments, or for much else. Nor would its core value-generation mechanisms -- scarcity and mining difficulty -- change whatsoever.
It's faintly possible to conceive of a deep recession in the U.S. driven by a trade war causing investors to dump their coins to help pay their daily expenses. But that isn't very likely, at least not at the moment.
What's more likely is that rising costs stemming from worse trade terms would reduce the capital that institutional investors would be willing to allocate to Bitcoin.
It's also entirely possible that investors would be more interested in buying the crypto as a result of any inflationary pressure caused by a trade war. If inflation becomes a major concern again, it might even send the coin significantly higher, since it's considered a hedge. Still, compared to harder assets like gold or other commodities, it's not clear that this coin will preserve its value very well in truly turbulent economic times.
Nonetheless, compared to XRP, Bitcoin has fewer risk surfaces if the trade situation continues to deteriorate for the U.S. So, if there's a big dip prompted by panic, it's probably smarter to be buying it than selling it. Investors should also keep in mind that trade wars end eventually, and that there isn't really anything about a trade war that detracts from the investment thesis for this coin.
[The Motely Fool]
[OPINION] Sad, As Those Who Allegedly Governed Nigeria Into Economic And Political Disrepair Are Still Clutching Onto Power - Isaac Asabor
It is both tragic and infuriating that those who allegedly led Nigeria into its current state of economic and political disrepair are the same ones still clutching onto power, refusing to loosen their grip on a country they have run aground. It is as though, after bleeding the nation dry, they now circle its carcass like vultures, scavenging whatever is left for themselves and their cronies.
The Nigerian economy, once full of promise, is now characterized by an unbearable cost of living, a depreciating currency, and an overwhelming sense of hopelessness among its citizens. Under successive administrations, corruption, nepotism, and policy failures have driven the nation into an abyss. Yet, rather than making way for fresh, visionary leadership, the same figures who orchestrated Nigeria’s decline continue to dominate the political space, either directly or through their surrogates.
Despite countless economic summits, policy reviews, and supposed interventions, the situation has worsened over the years. The cost of food, transportation, and basic utilities has soared beyond the reach of ordinary Nigerians, while salaries remain stagnant. Inflation has eroded the purchasing power of the middle class, pushing more people into poverty. Meanwhile, the ruling elite continue to enjoy lavish lifestyles, insulated from the economic struggles faced by the majority.
In a just society, those responsible for economic mismanagement and national decay should have been held accountable. They should have faced investigations, and where necessary, prosecutions. But in Nigeria, these individuals remain in the corridors of power, still making decisions that impact millions of suffering citizens. Worse still, they disguise themselves as the saviors of a nation they helped ruin, offering so-called reforms that are nothing but recycled failures. They use state resources to fund their extravagant lifestyles, amassing wealth through shady government contracts, misappropriation of funds, and the outright looting of public assets.
The political elite in Nigeria have mastered the art of self-preservation. They form alliances not for national progress but for their own survival. When one of their own is in danger of losing political relevance, a new strategy is quickly devised to keep them in circulation. They move from one political party to another, rebrand themselves as reformists, and continue to exploit the nation’s resources with impunity. It is not uncommon to see political figures who once governed poorly return to power in a different capacity, using state machinery to suppress opposition and perpetuate their hold on governance.
This cycle of exploitation is further sustained by a political system that rewards mediocrity, discourages accountability, and suppresses the will of the people. Elections in Nigeria are often a mere formality, where the highest bidder secures victory, not the most competent or visionary candidate. As a result, governance is reduced to a transactional endeavor, where the interests of the masses are secondary to the ambitions of the elite. The same individuals who once mismanaged public funds are rebranded and repackaged to return to the helm of affairs, ensuring that the country never experiences the true change it so desperately needs.
The suffering of ordinary Nigerians is evident everywhere, on the streets, in marketplaces, in homes, and even in educational institutions. Youth unemployment remains alarmingly high, leading to frustration, crime, and the loss of valuable human potential. Nigeria’s young population, once regarded as its greatest asset, has become one of its most neglected groups, with many struggling to find opportunities for growth. Meanwhile, those who led the country into this quagmire continue to send their children abroad for quality education while domestic institutions crumble under poor funding and neglect.
One would expect that the dire economic conditions, marked by hyperinflation, fuel scarcity, and soaring unemployment, would force a radical departure from this destructive status quo. However, the political elite remain insulated from the suffering of ordinary Nigerians. Their wealth, mostly acquired through dubious means, allows them to live in luxury while the common citizen struggles to afford basic necessities. They continue to manipulate the masses, using tribal, religious, and ethnic sentiments to distract the people from their real enemy, corrupt governance.
The question remains: “How long will this tragic cycle continue?” When will Nigeria be freed from the grip of those who have drained its lifeblood? The answers lie in the hands of the people. Until Nigerians demand real accountability, resist the recycling of failed leaders, and insist on genuine political and economic reforms, the nation will continue to be held hostage by the same individuals who led it to its current state.
It is time for Nigerians to wake up. The future of this country cannot be left in the hands of those who have repeatedly failed to deliver meaningful change. Civil society organizations, youth groups, and progressive movements must rise to challenge the status quo. The people must reject politicians who have nothing new to offer, those who have looted the treasury, and those who see governance as a personal entitlement rather than a service to the nation.
Nigeria is not yet beyond redemption, but the path to recovery requires that those who contributed to its downfall relinquish their hold on power. If they refuse to do so willingly, it is the duty of the electorate to force them out through democratic means. The country must move beyond political theatrics and demand real, measurable progress. Anything less is an insult to the suffering millions who still hold onto hope for a better Nigeria.
The time for action is now. The burden of saving Nigeria falls on the shoulders of its citizens, who must refuse to be pawns in a game played by those who see the country as their personal fiefdom. The future of the nation depends on its people’s collective resolve to break the cycle of recycled leadership, hold wrongdoers accountable, and chart a new course toward prosperity and genuine progress.
Ganduje: APC has no money – Osita Okechukwu explains reasons for N8.9bn debt
Former Director General of the Voice of Nigeria, Osita Okechukwu, on Thursday claimed the All Progressives Congress, APC, has no money at the moment.
Okechukwu disclosed this while addressing why the APC accumulated N8.9 billion debt.
Recall that the APC National Chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, on Wednesday said he inherited N8.9 billion debt from his predecessor when he took over office.
Ganduje disclosed this in Abuja while speaking at the APC National Executive Committee, NEC, meeting.
He noted that the expenses were incurred during pre-election legal battles, election cases, and appeals for legislative, governorship, and presidential elections.
Ganduje said, “The current NWC inherited debts and legal liabilities to the total tune of N8,987,874,663, arising from various legal engagements.”
The meeting was attended by President Bola Tinubu; Vice President Kashim Shettima; Senate President Godswill Akpabio; Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas; state governors; NWC members; and other party chieftains.
However, Okechukwu said the huge debt was accrued from legal battles over the years.
Featuring on Arise Television’s programme, Morning Show, Okechukwu said: “On why we accumulated debts, that’s very simple, from day one – this same president Tinubu established a biometric registration quartered in Lagos.
“We were only able to do Anambra in 2013 with that machine, when this information got to the then president Jonathan, he instructed the Department of State Services to close it down.
“Since that close down ruptured our plans to have a biometric membership seamlessly and that could have met with one of the conditions in our constitution that members should have some tokens to contribute.
“If those tokens were done, we could not have been owing because we are now bedeviled in a situation.
“The debt came from outstanding legal fees, we didn’t do what PDP used to do while in the presidency, they were taxing ministers. We don’t have money.”
[DailyPost]
I’ll prepare my children for my death, says Leo Dasilva
Reality star Leo Dasilva has stated that he will start preparing his children for his death.
In a tweet, Leo expressed intention to start preparing his kids once they reach a certain level of understanding.
“As soon as my kids get to a certain level of understanding, I will start preparing them for my death,” he wrote.
[TheNation]
EFCC arraigns lawyer for N41m fraud in Enugu
The Enugu Zonal Directorate of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission has arraigned one Barrister Ifeanyichukwu Okonkwo before Justice E. N. Oluedo of the Enugu State High Court sitting in Independence Layout, Enugu for fraud.
The EFCC disclosed this in a statement on X.com on Thursday.
The statement partly read, “He is facing prosecution on a one-count charge, bordering on stealing by conversion to the tune of N41million. The offence is contrary to Section 342 of CAP 30, Criminal Code Law of Enugu State and punishable under Section 353 (L) of the same Law.
“The charge reads: ‘That you, Ifeanyichukwu Okonkwo on or about the 23rd day of November 2015 in Enugu within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, fraudulently converted to your own use, the sum of Forty-one Million Naira (N41, 000, 000. 00) being money received by you from one Onyishi Maduka Samuel for the family of late Ifemelunma Okoye, in your capacity as the liquidator of Ifemelunma and Company Enterprises Limited and thereby committed an offence.'”
Okonkwo reportedly pleaded “not guilty” when the charge was read to him, following which prosecution counsel, Ajobiewe Enitan asked the court for a trial date and for the defendant to be remanded in a correctional facility, while the defendant, who appeared for himself, applied that he be allowed to continue enjoying an earlier bail granted to him by Justice H. O. Eya of the same court, on the same matter.
The statement continued, “After listening to both sides, Justice Oluedo granted the defendant’s application and adjourned the matter to May 13, 14 and 15, 2025 for trial.
“The defendant was initially arraigned before Justice Eya of the same court on June 23, 2022. He pleaded “not guilty” and was granted bail.”
Similarly, PUNCH reported in January that the EFCC arraigned a lawyer, Benjamin Nwobodo before Justice F. O. Giwa-Ogunbanjo of the Federal High Court sitting in Enugu State.
He was reportedly brought before the judge on five charges bordering on forgery and obtaining by false pretence to the tune of N12 million.
[Punch]
[OPINION] “Igbo coup” and Babangida’s good turn to Nigeria - Ikechukwu Amaechi
To be sure, there is no earth-shaking revelation in General Ibrahim Babangida’s 420-page autobiography – A journey in Service. Nigerians have always known about the issues, even as tons of literature have been written on them. For instance, unless for the foolhardy who revel in self-deceit for pernicious reasons, many have come to the inevitable conclusion, based on empirical evidence, that the Nzeogwu-led bloody putsch of January 15, 1966 was not an “Igbo coup.”
Also, before the June 12, 1993 presidential election was officially annulled, Nigerians were already aware that the presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party, SDP, Chief MKO Abiola, won. It was a real shellacking. In fact, Alhaji Bashir Tofa, candidate of the National Republican Convention, NRC, had already congratulated Abiola before the military threw a spanner in the works by stymying the process.
So, why is public attention riveted on a book that does not pack any new punches? The author – Babangida, the self-styled evil genius – has made all the difference. And for his efforts, he raked in over N17 billion, a fulfilment of the Bible verse which says: For to everyone who has will more be given, and he will have an abundance. But from the one who has not, even what he has will be taken away – Matthew 25:29.
I am particularly interested in what Babangida, who spent his entire military career plotting coups, said about the January 15, 1966 putsch, and, of course, the June 12, 1993 election annulment. I intend to examine, starting this week, what I consider the truths, half-truths and outright lies in his memoirs.
First, the truth. I salute Babangida’s courage in saying the truth about what happened on January 15, 1966, not necessarily because he said anything new, but because by his audacity, he shamed the many devils, some of them were there at the book launch, who have decided to eternally deploy the unconscionable lie of “Igbo coup,” that wilful distortion of history, to perpetuate the injustice against Ndigbo.
Babangida wrote: “As I have said elsewhere, as a young officer who saw all of this from a distance, probably, ethnic sentiments did not drive the original objective of the coup plotters.” Having joined the Army on December 10, 1962, Babangida was a Lieutenant in 1966 and barely 24 years old. His reason for believing that the coup had no ethnic motive bears restating. “The head of the plotters, Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, was only Igbo in name. Born and raised in Kaduna, his immigrant parents were from Okpanam in today’s Delta State, which, in 1966, was in the old mid-western region. Nzeogwu spoke fluent Hausa and was as ‘Hausa’ as any! He and his original team probably thought, even if naively, that they could turn things around for the better in the country.”
Which explains why, when he was killed on July 29, 1967 in Nsukka fighting on the Biafran side, his body was taken to Kaduna by federal troops where he was buried with full military honours. In his 2009 article titled, “Who killed Major Nzeogwu?” Max Siollun, a Nigerian historian, recounted: “The corpse was sent to 1 division headquarters in Makurdi where the commander Colonel Mohammed Shuwa informed the head of state Major-General Gowon. Despite the fact that Nzeogwu was now technically an enemy soldier killed in combat against the Nigerian army, Gowon ordered that Nzeogwu’s body should be flown to Kaduna and buried with full military honours – even as the war raged on in the Eastern Region.”
So, even in death, Nzeogwu, the man who led an “Igbo coup” was respected in the North. General Domkat Bali said he was “a nice, charismatic and disciplined officer, highly admired and respected by his colleagues… we believed that he was a genuinely patriotic officer who organised the 1966 coup with the best of intentions… If we had captured him alive, he would not have been killed. I believe he probably would have been tried for his role in the January 15 coup, jailed and probably freed after some time. His death was regrettable.”
As Babangida correctly pointed out, it was “heinously callous for Nzeogwu to have murdered Sir Ahmadu Bello and his wife, Hafsatu, because not only were they eminently adored by many but also because they were said not to have put up a fight.” But even if they were not adored by anyone and even if they had put up a fight, there was no justification for the killings. That said, the killings neither conferred any advantage on the Igbo nor were they killed on behalf of Ndigbo. It was simply a reckless act by idealistic, young military officers who felt that the country was drifting dangerously and needed to do something to halt the drift. Nzeogwu was only 30 years when he was killed.
Another lie that has been told over the years to justify the “Igbo coup” label was that only Northern officers were killed. Babangida punctures that. “It should be borne in mind that some senior officers of Igbo extraction were also victims of the January coup. For instance, my erstwhile Commander at the Reconnaissance Squadron in Kaduna, Lt-Col. Arthur Chinyelu Unegbe, was brutally gunned down by his own ‘brother,’ Major Chris Anuforo, in the presence of his pregnant wife, at his 7 Point Road residence in Apapa, for merely being a threat to the revolution.”
Another lie from the pit of hell is that all the plotters were Igbo. As at January 15, 1966, there were 40 Majors in the Nigerian Army, out of which 24 were Igbo. Going by the account of one of the key players, Captain Ben Gbulie, who joined the army in 1960, Major Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba, born in Ode Remo, Ogun State, a graduate of history from the University of London, was one of the Majors that included Emmanuel Ifeajuna, Timothy Onwuatuegwu, Chris Anuforo, Don Okafor and Humphrey Chukwuka, who initiated the plot in August 1965.
Then, the big elephant in the room – motive for the coup!
“Those who argue that the original intention of the coup plotters was anything but ethnic refer to the fact that the initial purpose of the plotters was to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison immediately after the coup and make him the executive provisional president of Nigeria,” Babangida wrote. But this is not a fact known to him alone. It is a fact engraved on the pages of many books, including Awolowo’s “My march through prison,” Gbulie’s “The Five Majors” and Ademoyega’s “Why we struck.” Captain Gbulie reiterated that fact at the Oputa Panel in 1999.
Weighing in on the “Igbo coup” bugaboo in an interview, the inimitable Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, who was then a Lt. Col. and already commanding a battalion in Kano, ticked exactly the same boxes as IBB. “The whole aim of the coup was to halt this apparent drift in Nigeria. But significantly you know what they wanted to do? To create a presidential commission of army officers as a safeguard of the people who would guard the nation and hand over government to Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The idea was to release him from prison and make him Prime Minister with the hope that Nigeria will become a better place. And not only that, who actually halted the coup? Aguiyi Ironsi in Lagos – an Igbo; Emeka Odimegwu-Ojukwu in Kano, an Igbo. The Igbos halted the coup. How can it be at the same time be an Igbo coup, halted by Igbos?”
Significantly, Babangida heaped the blame for the civil war that ensued on the doorstep of the then head of state under whose watch heinous crimes were committed against Ndigbo. “Gen. Yakubu Gowon’s failure to secure and protect the lives and properties of the Igbos in the North forced Col. Emeka Ojukwu to declare the secession of the Eastern Region from Nigeria in May 1967, leading to the fratricidal Nigerian-Biafran civil war.” Sadly, till date, Gowon, at 90 years, has refused to own up and apologise. He needs to be reminded, once more, of Uthman Dan Fodio’s immortal admonition: “Conscience is an open wound. Only truth can heal it.”
Truth is, there was absolutely no reason for an “Igbo coup” in 1966 because Eastern Nigeria was already a global economic powerhouse, with Harvard reviews ranking it as the fastest-growing economy in the world between 1954 and 1964. Not only had the region prioritised education, infrastructure, and business, it was already boasting of the largest electricity supply, best hospitals, and the highest number of registered businesses and cars in Nigeria, with 60 per cent of the Nigerian civil service made up of Igbos.
The deliberate mischaracterization of the coup was a sinister ploy to halt and possibly reverse that quantum leap. It was a premeditated gambit. The coup only provided a perfect alibi to execute an ethnic cleansing project to halt “Igbo domination” which the Northern Premier, Sir Ahmadu Bello, spoke about in 1964, when he said: “The Igbos are more or less a type of people whose desire mainly is to dominate everybody. If they go to a village, a town, they want to monopolise everything in that area. If you put them in a labour camp as a labourers, within a year they want to emerge as the headman of that camp.”
For summoning the courage to say the inconvenient truth, even if it changes nothing, Babangida has done Nigeria a good turn and deserves commendation, not ridicule.
South Africa plans to send team to US to settle deal
South Africa wants to find agreement with the new US government on diplomatic, trade and other issues, President Cyril Ramaphosa said Thursday, after harsh criticism of the country by Donald Trump.
Pretoria plans to send a delegation to Washington to settle a host of issues, Ramaphosa said at an event on the sidelines of G20 meetings in South Africa that were snubbed by the US foreign and finance ministers.
“We would like to go to the United States to do a deal,” he said in a discussion with Goldman Sachs vice chairman Richard Gnodde.
“We don’t want to go and explain ourselves, we want to go and do a meaningful deal with the United States on a whole range of issues,” he said.
Trump tore into the South Africa government early this month, accusing it of “confiscating” land from white farmers and announcing he would cut off funding.
He was referring to a bill that Ramaphosa signed into law last month that stipulates the government may, in certain circumstances, offer “nil compensation” for property it decides to expropriate in the public interest.
The new law is intended to go some way in addressing historic inequalities in land ownership, with the minority white population still owning most farmland three decades after the end of apartheid.
Ramaphosa said he had a “wonderful” call with Trump soon after the US leader took office in January. But relations later “seemed to go a little bit off the rails”, he said.
The US secretaries of state and finance later said they would not attend this month’s G20 ministerial meetings in South Africa.
The United States is South Africa’s second-biggest trading partner and will take over the rotating G20 presidency next year.
“We have got to make a deal of one sort or another on trade issues, on diplomatic issues, on political issues, a whole span of issues,” the South African leader said.
“It’s inevitable that we will get together and do a deal.”
Vanguard News