The Edo State Government has announced an indefinite postponement of resumption of all schools in the state over the hike in fuel price.

The government announced this in a memo by the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education, Ojo Akin-Longe, in Benin on Saturday.

“An official statement from the government has directed that schools remain closed due to the tension arising from the recent increase in fuel prices and the challenges faced by parents and guardians.

“The government urges parents, guardians, and caregivers to monitor the activities of their children and wards closely, given the current situation and the rising tension caused by the fuel price hike,” Akin-Longe said.

(NAN) 

In politics, propaganda is a powerful weapon. False information is readily pushed down the throats of the gullible masses and presented as fact. This occurs more frequently when parties to a case give conflicting interpretations of court orders or judgements on political issues after the courts render even unambiguous decisions.

This is evident in the current macabre dance within the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), where Chief Edozie Njoku claims to have convened a convention in Owerri, in 2019, to elect himself as the party’s national chairman. Despite not being a member of the party’s executives or NEC—the formal body of the party with the authority to call an APGA election convention, he and his allies nevertheless claim they organised a party convention.

Edozie Njoku has been trying to establish his legitimacy as the national chairman of the APGA as well as the convention he held in Owerri in 2019. However, he is yet to be recognised by a Nigerian court. In any case, the party constitution, which caps the tenure of the party executives at four years, would have caused his tenure to expire by effluence even if he had been lawfully elected. Either way, Edozie Njoku shouldn’t be in the equation were it not for the strange politics in the party.

Njoku has persisted and somewhat succeeded in swaying the sympathy of some by claiming that Barr Sly Ezeokenwa, the newly elected national chairman of the APGA, is not the real APGA chairman, clinging on to the mention of his name in a completely different matter by the Supreme Court. What’s more, no court in Nigeria has affirmed Njoku’s status as the national chairman of the APGA.

Again, the supreme court could not have upheld Njoku as national chairman since that decision was never at question before the apex court in the first place. Courts are not Father Christmas. Further adding to the confusion was the electoral body, which inexplicably listed Edozie Njoku on the INEC website as national chairman of APGA. However, it gave the reason for doing so as “court order.” The question then is: which court ruling directed INEC to do so since fact checks show none exist?

The lack of a requisite court order or judgement requiring Njoku’s recognition by INEC compelled Sly Ezeokenwa, the national chairman of the APGA, and the party to sue INEC so as to produce the court order that Njoku’s recognition as APGA national chairman by it was based on. As it stands, INEC was also misled.

This is aside from the three appeals (CA/ABJ/PRE/ROA/723MI/2024, 2. CA/ABJ/PRE/ROA/CV/728MI/2024, and 3. CA/ABJ/PRE/ROA/CV/870MI/2024) resulting from multiple cases on the APGA crisis heard together in Abuja on 5th September, which gave Sly Ezeokenwa, the national chairman, and the party the leave to appeal to the Supreme Court to resolve any doubts about whether the highest court had ever upheld Edozie Njoku’s position as APGA national chairman. The response is either yes or no. All is now ready for the Supreme Court to provide clarification on its ruling from October 14, 2021, where the error in name was committed, and the implication of the subsequent correction made by the same Supreme Court on March 24, 2023.

Also crucial is that the party suffers and bleeds while this APGA crisis lingers. The blackmailing even extends to Professor Chukwuma Soludo, the party’s national leader and governor of Anambra State. Despite the fact that the matter is in court and that Edozie Njoku’s legitimacy has not been confirmed by any Nigerian court, Chief Chekwas Okorie, the former national chairman of the APGA who left the party to run for president of Nigeria in a different party, is requesting that Governor Soludo be disciplined for failing to uphold Njoku as APGA national chairman.

Chekwas, in the press conference, reaffirmed himself to be the founder of the APGA and accused Soludo of aiming to destroy the party. Nigerian politics is really murky. Why Chekwas didn’t make peace and bring together the factions is curious and partisan. One watched Chekwas’ news conference with bated breath, hoping to see what attempts he had made to resolve the crisis, but nothing. Good leaders are recognised for their ability to unite aides rather than picking sides like Chekwas did.

In the meantime, APGA faces two critical elections in November (LG elections) and 2025 (gubernatorial election), while men such as Edozie Njoku and Chekwas Okorie are sowing further seeds of division and instability within its ranks. Instead of putting up a united front with Sly Ezeokenwa and the party to face these elections, the Njoku group is putting a lot of effort into undermining the process as if working to guarantee the party’s defeat. Their way or the highway, it seems to be.

Their actions resemble those of the biblical woman who requested that King Solomon divide the contentious child. But which normal or honest mother would call for her own child’s death in order to get even with the other woman who is the child’s true mother, knowing that the child would die if that step were to be taken?

The APGA’s current state of affairs and the potential consequences for the party’s existence as a 3rd force—a position that the Labour Party has since supplanted—are quite depressing. While certain alternatives are conceivable, none are favourable to the party, if truth be told.

Even though Soludo doesn’t back down from a fight, as the incumbent governor, he has the right to leave APGA. The All Progressives Congress (APC) or his former party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), will gladly accept him back, and this will put any of them in a firmer stead to win the upcoming Anambra governorship election.

If Soludo were to choose such a drastic course of action, where else would that leave Edozie Njoku, Chekwas, or APGA, if not in an empty shell? Party stakeholders ought to encourage them to regain perspective, lest the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), which was once the third force, suffer irreversible damage. If this happens, but God forbid, it’s Edozie Njoku’s fault. He brought forth a faction when none should have been by holding a convention in violation of the APGA constitution and proclaiming himself national chairman and wouldn’t even wait for the courts to affirm him. People like Chekwas are also fomenting this conflict and need to retrace their steps if indeed they mean well.

Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a member of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and on Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.

Very few business organisations are as lucky as NNPCL, Nigeria’s state-owned oil company founded over 50 years ago. Since its founding, the corporation has consistently failed to perform its basic functions and meet its organisational objectives; and rather than being liquidated or put up for sale for these failures, NNPC routinely undergoes some form of moulting, shedding its skin and assuming a new look. The façade might look brilliant, but it’s only skin-deep.

NNPC was founded about the same time, or earlier than successful global state-owned oil companies like Saudi Aramco, owned by Saudi government; Petronas (Malaysian government; Equinor ASA (formerly Statoil, owned by Norway) and Petrobras, owned by Brazil.

While these other ones have grown into transnational giants with oil fields and refineries across the globe, NNPC has become a cesspool of corruption, incompetence and decadence. But the corporation is very adept at playing games and worming itself into the heart of politicians, just to stay alive. This month, the government changed its status as a monopolist, responsible for sole importation of petroleum products, to a monopsonist, the sole buyer of Dangote Refinery’s petrol. NNPC is the ultimate amoeba of Corporate Nigeria, and the implications are worrisome.

It was Aliko Dangote himself that announced that the federal government had mandated the NNPC to be the sole off-taker for petrol from his refinery. It has many implications for availability and pricing of the product. After many years of operating as an inefficient, corruption-ridden monopolist, exclusively importing fuel for years, the corporation has just turned into a monopsonist – a single buyer of Dangote’s petrol. In many economies, monopolies enjoy high profits and sometimes efficiency due to lack of competition, but in the case of NNPC, Nigerians were served with persistent fuel scarcity; inefficient business models and opacity in operations.

If the corporation could not deliver imported fuel to Nigerians, what’s the guarantee that it will manage the distribution of Dangote petrol without hiccups? How did NNPC incur a $6 billion indebtedness to its offshore petrol suppliers when its local customers were even paying in advance for the products? This indebtedness has cut off petrol supplies into the country and led to the acute scarcity we have today. What is the guarantee that NNPC will not owe Dangote and mess up fuel distribution in the country?

The inefficiencies inherent in its operations would greatly impede NNPC’s capacity to purchase and distribute products to other retailers. How would the transactions be funded? Credit sales? Bank credit? IOUs? Is the corporation credit worthy? Note that the Dangote Group is still indebted to the tune of about $3 billion to some Nigerian banks, being part of the loans secured to fund the construction of the complex.

Can the Group therefore afford to be further weighed down with an indeterminable exposure to a dysfunctional state enterprise? In its 2023 audited annual report, the corporation announced that it spent a whopping N7 billion on unspecified items lumped as ‘’others’’, while N10 billion was spent on NNPC Foundation. What constitutes the ‘’others’’? Such opacity is not permitted in modern business practices driven by good corporate governance.

As a sole off-taker, NNPC has become a major determiner of petrol price at fuel stations across the country. This is why Dangote could not announce the price at which his product would be sold at the pumps. ‘’That depends on NNPC’’, he told reporters last Monday when asked the retail pump price, adding, ‘’the federal executive council has asked the NNPC to determine the price’’. In other words, the country is still in a situation in which the government, instead of the market, remains the fixer of petrol price. That puts the Tinubu administration in a bind, with the immediate consequence being that the government will continue to face the wrath of labour unions whenever prices move up.

Petrol subsidy was expected to die a natural death as full deregulation kicks in once the Dangote Refinery commences production. The government was expected to completely hand off price-fixing duties; and allow the regulators to oversight the business, the way the CBN manages the banking industry. But since NNPC is still involved as a buyer’s monopoly (another name for monopsony), the refinery might be ‘squeezed’ to settle at a controlled price. Alternatively, the government may continue to subsidize the product – buy high from the refinery and sell lower to Nigerians.

Either way, a pricing dispute between the refinery and NNPC is inevitable, and that would be bad for Dangote. In trying to fend off pressures from labour and motorists, the government may shift the blame on Dangote for being excessive in its pricing, instigating the regulators in the mid-stream and low-stream segments of the market (who had never been particularly fond of Aliko Dangote and his refinery) to clamp down on the business mogul. I pity Aliko Dangote. His patriotism has become his albatross. He can’t say ‘’No’’ to this government; and the President, being the Minister of Petroleum, doesn’t brook disagreement. Interesting days are ahead!

My take is that NNPC should no longer enjoy any monopolistic or monopsonist status because it is incapable of managing its own affairs. Its bloated, inept, crooked and opaque. Dangote Refinery should be allowed the freedom to appoint as many off-takers or distributors as possible. In fact, there’s no reason why the refinery cannot even own its own filling stations either solely or in partnership with existing outlets, and sell directly to Nigerians, as it happens in other countries. Nigerians have expected that the new refinery will end perennial fuel scarcity and long queues. My hope has been that petrol would hover between N500 and N700 per litre at the pumps. But with this new arrangement of inserting NNPC into the mix, the prospects are daunting.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale, the Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Media and Publicity, has commenced an indefinite leave of absence attributed to pressing family medical challenges.

In a statement on Saturday, Ngelale revealed that he had submitted a memo to the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, informing him of the development.

The leave will affect his roles not only as the President Tinubu’s spokesperson but also as the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action and Chairman of the Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen.

Ngelale described the decision as “agonizing,” saying it was made after extensive consultations with his family over the past several days.

He cited a “vexatious medical situation” that has worsened at home as the primary reason for his leave.

“While I fully appreciate that the ship of state waits for no man, this agonizing decision — entailing a pause of my functions as the Special Adviser to the President on Media & Publicity and Official Spokesperson of the President; Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action, and Chairman, Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen — was taken after significant consultations with my family over the past several days as a vexatious medical situation has worsened at home,” he wrote.

The president’s spokesman expressed his intention to return to work when circumstances permit, saying, “I look forward to returning to full-time national service when time, healing, and fate permit.”

Ngelale requested privacy for himself and his family during the challenging period.

The leave comes amid President Tinubu’s ongoing state visit to China where the Nigerian leader has held discussions with President Xi Jinping and participated at the 2024 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Summit.

[thewhistler]

Flora Ugwunwa won silver for Nigeria in the women’s javelin F54 final at the ongoing Paris 2024 Paralympics on Saturday.

This marks Ugwunwa’s third consecutive Paralympics medal, following gold medals in Rio 2016 and Tokyo 2021.

The Nigerian athlete threw 19.26 meters to claim the second position on the podium and secure silver medal ahead of Salehi Elham of Iran.

She made her silver winning throw after the second attempt but could not improve on it despite four more attempts.

The medal is Nigeria’s first in Para-Athletics, and the country’s fourth medal overall at the ongoing Paralympic Games.

Nurkhon Kurbanova of Uzbekistan, Ugwunwa’s fierce rival, won gold medal with a 21.12 meters.

Kurbanova’s throw broke Ugwunwa’s former world record of 20.25 meters she had set at Rio 2016.

The Uzbek had lost the gold medal to Ugwunwa four years ago and had to settle for silver.

Kurbanova had dominated the six-athlete final, throwing beyond 20 meters on each attempt.

The 30-year-old broke Ugwunwa’s record on her third throw, registering 20.27 meters before breaking her own record in her fifth attempt.

Onyinyechi Mark won Nigeria’s first gold medal after outlifting her opponents in the powerlifting finals in Friday.

Her victory earned Team Nigeria their third medal at the Paris Paralympics.

On Wednesday, Esther Nworgu won the silver medal in the women’s up to 41kg para-powerlifting event.

Eniola Bolaji also won a bronze medal in the women’s singles SL3 badminton event a few days ago.

[TheCable]

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00pm

Guest: Majeed Dahiru
(Newspaper Columnist and Energy Security Advocate)

Topic: Fuel Price Hike: The People's Agony

Date: 7th September, 2024

Join Zoom Meeting
https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09

Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732
Passcode: 600206

Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office on May 29, 2023, the economic hardships faced by Nigerians have only intensified. While the populace was already grappling with the rising cost of living and dwindling purchasing power, recent developments have exacerbated the situation, leaving many wondering if the nation’s plight has gone from bad to worse, from frying pan to fire.

The latest blow came as the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) increased the pump price of petrol yesterday, from ₦568 to ₦855, ₦897 (depending on the location per litre). The move has no doubt sent shockwaves through every sector of the economy, and kept tongues wagging, even as people have begun to ask if President Tinubu-led government has a human face.  For a country where transportation costs dictate the price of virtually every good and service, this increase feels like an unforgivable betrayal to a populace already on its knees.

It will be recalled that when Tinubu took office, there was a glimmer of hope that his administration would bring relief to millions of Nigerians struggling under the weight of inflation, unemployment, and poverty. However, instead of easing the burden, the government’s policies have only deepened the crisis. The removal of fuel subsidies, which many saw as necessary for long-term economic stability, has had immediate and painful consequences. Prices of goods and services have skyrocketed, and the daily life of the average Nigerian has become a test of endurance.

In fact, the recent gasoline price hike feels like the final straw for many Nigerians. Public transportation costs have surged, making it even more difficult for workers to commute, while businesses that were already grappling with higher operational costs are now in for a bigger challenge. This domino effect is expected to push more Nigerians into poverty, further widening the gap between the rich and the poor.

The federal government’s justification for the increase has been met with skepticism and anger. Officials argue that the hike is necessary to stabilize the economy and reduce the burden of subsidies on government finances.  For instance, Mr. Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser, Information and Strategy to President Tinubu has defended the increase, which took effect on September 3, 2024, bringing the average cost to N897 per liter. He suggested that relief may come with the operationalization of the Dangote Refinery and other local refineries, which could help stabilize fuel prices in the long run.

However, for the millions of Nigerians who can barely afford a meal, this explanation rings hollow. The question on everyone’s mind is: How much more can we endure?

In fact, the sense of frustration and helplessness is palpable. Many are beginning to question whether this government understands the realities on the ground or if it is completely out of touch with the daily struggles of the masses. The perception is that while the elite continue to live comfortably, the rest of the country is being pushed closer to the brink.

As Nigerians brace for even tougher times ahead, one cannot help but wonder if the worst is yet to come. The phrase “from frying pan to fire” seems apt to describe the current situation, each new policy, instead of alleviating the suffering, only seems to add fuel to the fire.

The federal government must urgently reassess its approach and consider the immediate needs of the people. Otherwise, the social fabric of the nation could unravel, leading to unrest and instability. The question remains: how much more will Nigerians be asked to endure before their voices are truly heard?

Without a doubt, the sudden increase in petrol prices yesterday in Nigeria is a stark reminder of the government’s insensitivity to the plight of its citizens. For many Nigerians, who are already struggling under the weight of economic hardships, this hike feels like being pushed from the frying pan into the fire. The cost of living has skyrocketed in recent months, with basic necessities becoming increasingly unaffordable for the average person. This latest move by the government only deepens the despair, further eroding the public’s trust in their leaders.

This price increase, coming at a time when the country is grappling with inflation and high unemployment rates, shows a lack of empathy and a disregard for the well-being of the people. The government’s decision to raise fuel prices without providing any cushioning measures or alternatives for the populace demonstrates a lack of a human face in policymaking. It suggests that the government is more concerned with balancing its books than with the daily struggles of the citizens, who are now forced to choose between fuel and food.

The voices of ordinary Nigerians reflect the widespread anger and frustration. “This is not governance; it is punishment,” says Chukwudi, a commercial bus driver in Lagos. “How do they expect us to survive when everything is going up except our income?” Another resident, Fatima, a small business owner at Ogba, in Ikeja, Lagos, laments, “We voted for change, but what we got is suffering. The government is pushing us to the brink.” These sentiments are echoed across the country, where many feel abandoned by those in power.

The consequences of this price hike are far-reaching. Transportation costs will rise, affecting the prices of goods and services nationwide. Small businesses, already struggling to stay afloat, may be forced to close, leading to further job losses. The ripple effect will undoubtedly exacerbate the existing economic challenges, making it even harder for the average Nigerian to make ends meet. The government’s actions seem to be pushing the country towards a breaking point, where the social fabric could be torn apart by widespread discontent.

In light of these developments, it is clear that the government needs to urgently reassess its approach. There is a need for policies that are not only economically sound but also socially responsible. Nigerians deserve a government that listens to their concerns and makes decisions with a human face. The current trajectory is unsustainable and, if not addressed, could lead to even greater unrest and instability in the country.

The All Progressives Congress (APC) swept into power on the wings of the promises of “Change” in 2015, and “Renewed Hope” in 2023, respectively for a country battered by economic mismanagement, corruption, and insecurity. The APC’s message of renewed hope under President Bola Tinubu was meant to inspire trust, but for millions of Nigerians today, that hope feels more like a mirage, especially as the economic reforms initiated by the administration seem to cause more pain than relief.

Upon assuming office, President Tinubu made bold moves that his government claimed were necessary to “heal” the economy. The removal of fuel subsidies was one such step, aimed at redirecting resources towards more impactful development projects. The administration argued that the subsidies were draining the country’s finances and benefiting only a few at the expense of the many. However, this has led to an increase in fuel prices, which in turn spiked the cost of living. Transportation, food, and even basic household goods are now beyond the reach of many ordinary Nigerians.

“The government said things would get better, but it seems like it is only getting worse,” laments Iya Wale, a market woman in Ikeja. “I can no longer afford the same things I used to buy for my family. My children eat less, and the money I make is not enough to sustain us.”

This sentiment is echoed across the country, as people wrestle with the day-to-day realities of surviving under a government that promises healing while implementing policies that compound their struggles. For those at the bottom of the economic ladder, the APC’s renewed hope is quickly losing its luster.

At a busy bus stop in Surulere, Lagos, an elderly man in his 60s named Musa angrily voices his frustration: “I voted for change, but what I see today is hardship like I’ve never known before. Fuel is too expensive, food is too expensive, and now they say they are sharing palliatives, but I haven’t seen a grain of rice reach my house.”

Musa’s concerns are shared by millions. The much-talked-about palliatives, intended to cushion the blow from the economic reforms, have yet to reach the most vulnerable. Those who do receive them often report receiving amounts too meager to make any meaningful impact.

Ngozi, a schoolteacher in Enugu, expresses her worry for the future: “The cost of education has increased, and my salary remains the same. I fear for my children’s future. How can I afford to send them to school if things continue this way?”

The APC administration has outlined several plans aimed at long-term economic stability. These include infrastructure development, improvements in the power sector, and job creation initiatives. However, many Nigerians are asking a critical question: how much longer do they have to endure the pain before they see any tangible benefits?

As government officials speak of reforms aimed at revitalizing the economy, many citizens feel they are bearing the brunt of policies that serve only to benefit the elites. One Lagos commuter noted with bitterness, “Those in power don’t feel this pain. They still live lavishly while we suffer. If this is the hope we voted for, then we are truly lost.”

The wide gap between government officials and the masses has never been more pronounced. As Nigerians face fuel hikes, inflation, and soaring costs of basic goods, many are left questioning if their voices matter to those at the helm of power. It seems as if, in the bid to fix the economy, the very essence of people’s daily struggles is overlooked.

In a biting tone, a civil servant in Port Harcourt says, “When they talk of a sacrifice, who is really sacrificing? It’s us, the common people. They sit in their big houses, eating well, while we worry about affording a meal each day.”

The phrase “Renewed Hope” now carries a bitter aftertaste for many. As more voices speak up about their hardships, it is evident that while the government seeks to heal the economy, it has inadvertently caused more pain for those it was meant to help.

There is a growing call for the government to temper its policies with compassion. Nigerians want to see real, immediate relief. Whether through more accessible palliatives, wage increases, or policies that ensure the average citizen can make ends meet, the message from the masses is clear: the people cannot continue to bear the full weight of economic reforms.

One young man, Olumide, a motorcycle rider in Abuja, pleads, “If the government really wants to help us, they need to listen. We are suffering out here, and it feels like nobody cares.”

The APC came into power promising a renewed hope that would uplift all Nigerians, but for many, this hope feels distant and elusive. The pain of the economic healing process is palpable across the country. If the administration wishes to regain the trust and support of the people, it must urgently address the gap between policy and reality. The Nigerian masses are crying out, not just for hope, but for immediate relief. And for their sake, this hope needs to be renewed with action, not just words.

Former Governor of Edo State, Senator Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole, was born on April 4, 1952. If baby Adams had come into the world three days earlier, he would have been born on April Fools’ Day. Adams is now 72 years old, long past 40, the popular age society set as the bar for fools to sink or swim. Oshiomhole is not a fool, he was only born on April 4, the same day and month all hell broke loose in 1968 when Martin Luther King Jr. was killed. 

April 4, unto us a baby is born. Old age doesn’t always beget wisdom, though experience is its forte. 

This fact is lost on Nigeria’s President, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s National Assembly, and education policymakers, whose aversion to genius and scholarship informed the barring of under-18 students from accessing tertiary education. 

Dressed in the robes of fake leaders, Nigeria’s blind visioners in Asso Rock and beyond bark, ‘Kill them before they grow’, at young admission seekers milling around the almighty gates of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, with Bob Marley’s song, “I Shot the Sheriff,” playing in the background. 

Oshiomhole loves dancing. As a comrade in the trenches of the Nigeria Labour Congress, he must have danced to Fela Anikulapo’s Beasts of No Nation, in which the Abami Eda describes himself as Basketmouth. Basketmouth is the street slang for the big-mouthed. When Oshiomhole talks, baskets overflow. But a Yoruba proverb warns, òpò òrò ò ká’gbòn, aféfé ló ń gbe lo, a basket full of words is worthless. Whenever he feels strongly about an issue, the force of his oration appears compelling even if what he belches is just hot air, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.

Adam was the name of the first human created by God, so say the Holy Bible and the Holy Quran. Adam means ‘Son of the Red Earth’. Aliyu is one of the 99 names of Allah. It means ‘The Most High’ or The Exalted One’. As ‘the Son of the Red Earth’, Oshiomhole’s thoughts and actions are expected to be deep-rooted in the soil of wisdom. As ‘The Exalted One’, his words are expected to typify dignity. 

But Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole, while on a campaign trail in Edo State a few days ago, defiled his two names. Without regard to wisdom or civility, Oshiomhole threw decency to the dogs as he pronounced his former begotten son and incumbent Edo State Governor, Godwin Obaseki, and his wife, Betsy, childless. A Muslim reportedly converted to Christianity by his late wife, Clara, Oshiomhole’s characteristic aggression is typical of converts.

When caught midair in the breaking light of dawn, witches become confused and they drop to the ground. They also confess. Oshiomhole said, “I was shock (sic) yesterday to see Mrs Obaseki, the First Lady, saying that our candidate has no wife; I’m sorry that she has to say that because here’s a woman who has no child. Between him (sic) and Obaseki, they have no child, they’re childless. They are even not ready to adopt. I mean, I don’t blame anybody shouldn’t (sic) have a child but people who have love for children, they go to motherless home(s) and adopt children, they have not adopted, they are both in their 60s. 

“So, you married, I don’t know whether it’s a contract one, but whatever it is, but they have no child. Now, our candidate not only have (sic) children, he has invested in the education of those children, such that you watch them on live television, covered by your media stations where the first that spoke is a lawyer, the second one is a medical doctor, and they addressed the crowd in Edo-South, in Edo-Central, in Edo-North, and their mother was there.” 

I can’t tell why witches are repetitive but I suspect the electoral whipping Obaseki gave Oshiomhole in the 2020 governorship election in Edo has created a hatred in Oshiomhole’s heart large enough to accommodate 10 wounded lions as he described Obaseki and his wife as childless four times in a one-minute video clip. Osho Baba, na wetin?

The tirade quoted above was what Betsy Obaseki got for declaring at a rally that only the Peoples Democratic Party candidate in the Edo governorship election, Asue Ighodalo, was married. Though she didn’t specifically mention any candidate as being unmarried, the undertone of her message wasn’t lost on her audience. The Betsy innuendo was what Oshiomhole, a former national chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress, couldn’t take, and he decided to run the errand meant for media aides and party roughnecks, all for his political son, Monday Okpebholo, the APC governorship candidate. What a great national leader Oshiomhole is!

Betsy could have done the more involving breaststroke swimming style in the sewage of Edo’s political bitterness but she didn’t, she chose the stylish backstroke, maybe for its steaze or womanishness. But Oshiomhole would drag anyone, male or female, without a child, to the bottom of the sewage for child-ish baptism because he’s the god of Edo who gives children.

According to the University of California San Francisco’s Memory and Ageing Center – Weill Institute of Neurosciences – there are three major areas of the brain responsible for speech and language. They are the Bocca’s area, Wernicke’s area and the Angular gyrus. 

In a research, “Speech and Language,”  published on its website, the university says, “When someone has trouble understanding other people (receptive language) or explaining thoughts, ideas and feelings (expressive language), that is a language disorder.”

UCSF, a world-class citadel of knowledge, added, “When someone cannot produce speech sounds correctly or fluently or has voice problems, that is a speech disorder.”

In a society where pettiness is a virtue within the ruling class, Betsy’s preoccupation with marriage and Oshiomhole’s fixation with childlessness reflect the shallowness of the characters who populate Nigeria’s corridors of power.  

The lack of roadmaps by Presidents Goodluck Jonathan, Muhamadu Buhari, Bola Tinubu, and governorship, legislative and local government council candidates standing election entrenches us firmly at the bottom of global development. The silence that greets misgovernance in Nigeria concretises our national doom.

At election times, the Nigerian electorate bickers over frivolities and expects candidates who had no manifestos to wave the magic wand after snatching and robbing like mafiosos.

In our electoral childishness, childlessness was a talking point in the Edo governorship election in 2020 when Oshiomhole was accused of not fathering a child with his Cape Verde wife, Iara. Oshiomhole, who has children with his late wife, Clara, could choose not to have children anymore. In Nigerian politics, the shoe is always on the wrong foot. The PDP threw the first stone in 2020, and now the APC is casting a rock. 

It’s ironic that Oshiomhole who is kicking against Betsy’s remarks today, had in 2016, accused then-Senator Dino Melaye of not capable of ‘maintaining a decent matrimonial home’ after Melaye said on the floor of the Senate that there was the need to enact a law that would stop Nigerians marrying foreigners from paying dowries in dollars – in a veiled reference to Oshiomhole.

The former Edo governor thundered in a statement, “It’s an open secret that Senator Melaye cannot maintain a decent matrimonial home hence he could descend to this pedestrian level of using the hallowed chambers to categorise women as if they were pieces of items for purchase.”

In Africa, children are viewed as inheritances from God. It’s wrong to needle anyone with children or lack of them. When I was a child, I remember I was occasionally taken to the house of my father’s childhood friend, the late Mr Jacob Asha Afainiya, because his wife, the late Mrs Olajumoke Comfort Afainiya, who was my mom’s childhood friend, had not conceived, despite the two couples marrying about the same time.

The Afainiya couple got their firstborn, Seun, when my parents had their third, Florence, now deceased. I occasionally stayed with the Afainiya family, who lived a stone’s throw from us in Mushin, in the belief that my ‘head’ would call from heaven children for the Afainiya couple – ori omo lo ma n pe omo waye. That’s the African belief. It also shows the importance which Africans attach to children. And I enjoyed going to the Afainiyas because mummy Afainiya made okra soup like no other mother.

One day, in the presence of both couples, I told my mom to cook her okra like mummy Afainiya’s, and everyone present laughed. When I got home, I cried for my basket-mouthedness as my mom descended on me. 

Nigeria, it’s high time we based our campaigns on developmental issues and stop running our mouths like torn baskets, please.

[EagleOnline]

Many Nigerians invested hopes in the Dangote Refinery and thought it would bring stability to Nigeria’s chaotic petroleum industry. But on the cusp of its coming on stream, it began to be dogged by regulatory and other kinds of puzzling troubles from the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration. 

Why is a refinery that is supposed to be a shining light of domestic investment stymied by needless state-sanctioned controversies?

We sought answers to our question on August 31 during an impassioned and insightful two-hour discussion in the third edition of the Diaspora Dialogues, a monthly discussion show organized by Dr. Osmund Agbo, Professor Moses Ochonu, and I, which attracted scores of attendees.

My colleagues and I are by no means experts in the oil industry. That was why Professor Ochonu, who anchored the discussion, first did extensive documentary research to establish the background to the issue and later invited contributions from the audience. Although more than 10,000 people watched the discussion from my Facebook livestream, our Zoom could only contain 100 people at a time.

In response to multiple requests from people who missed the show, I offer a summary of the conversation in this week’s column in light of the continuing centrality of the issues we discussed, especially as Nigeria grapples with yet any steep petrol price hike amid availability struggles in spite of the coming on stream of the Dangote Refinery.

The Dangote Refinery began test production this week and was, according to Aliko Dangote, ready to roll out its petrol right way, but it still faced the challenge of securing enough crude locally to feed its 650,000-barrels-per-day-capacity refinery.

Prof. Ochonu, in his background to the issues, pointed out that one or more possibilities could explain why the Dangote Refinery was stuck in prolonged gestation:  the NNPC and the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) wanted to withhold crude from Dangote to sabotage the refinery, or they wanted to punish him on behalf of the present administration for allegedly supporting Tinubu’s rival during the 2023 presidential election, or they didn’t have the crude to supply to Dangote and wanted to use the ludicrous and false excuses and propaganda of “substandard products,” “no license,” and non-completion to cover the fact that they were not able to supply crude to Dangote.

It also seemed, Prof. Ochonu added, that the NNPC and International Oil Companies (IOCs), NNPC’s joint venture partners, are not able to guarantee supply of crude to Dangote for even more tragic reasons.

 He pointed to the fact that two successive APC governments have mortgaged much of Nigeria’s 1.5 million bpd production to secure so-called crude-backed loans running into billions of dollars, which have to be repaid with future crude production. It started with Buhari and continues with Tinubu.

Ochonu’s research revealed that the NNPC and the NUPRC wanted to continue exporting crude because such transactions are done in dollars and are shady dealings involving middlemen, bribes, cuts, and layers of profiteering.

 Even though the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) mandates the NUPRC to ensure the supply of crude to local refinery as a priority over export, the NUPRC claimed that they could not compel the IOCs to supply Dangote because the IOC’s had signed prior crude supply contracts with buyers overseas, some of whom financed their crude extraction operations in Nigeria. The IOCs, the NUPRC claimed, would be in violation of those contracts if they supplied Dangote with crude.

 Mr. Dan Kunle, a respected oil industry expert and former Senior Technical Adviser to a past Minister of Petroleum Resources, in his contribution, said perhaps the reluctance of the NNPC and NUPRC to supply Dangote crude stemmed from their hope that it would derail the refinery because if Dangote started production, they’d no longer have a reason to export the 450, 000 bpd set aside for local refineries, which has been exported since the local state refineries stopped functioning over a decade ago.

Tinubu’s directive to the NNPC to sell crude to Dangote in naira is a welcome development if implemented, but the key questions are: 1) Where is the crude (650,000 needed by Dangote) going to come from when export contracts and crude-backed loan obligations have already been signed by government and its oil industry entities? 2) Will the NNPC comply with the directive, which reduces its lucrative crude export business?

The show raised several pertinent questions that arise from the accusations and counter-accusations between Dangote and government entities trying to sabotage his refinery:

One, how much of Nigeria’s daily crude production has been committed to creditors who loaned the Buhari and Tinubu administrations billions?

Two, how has the 450,000 crude set aside for domestic refining been handled over the years? According to Mr. Kunle, the NNPC exports these 450,000 barrels because local refineries are currently comatose. 

In what they call crude swap deals, the crude is then refined abroad and resold to Nigeria as petrol. But as Kunle asked during the show, apart from the petrol derived from it, what’s been happening to the other derivatives from the refining process—diesel, kerosene, etc.? The NNPC has never given Nigerians an account of these derivatives. If they’re sold, to whom are they sold and how much has been realized over these decades?

Three, how much fuel do Nigerians consume daily? The NNPC and its subsidiaries bandy around outlandish figures that are disputed by industry experts. Kunle said during the show that one of the potential benefits of Dangote’s refinery is that it will reveal the true, accurate numbers regarding Nigeria’s daily fuel consumption/demand, which will potentially expose one layer of fraud in the fuel importation regime, where many industry experts have long suspected that the importation cabal have been inflating Nigeria’s daily fuel needs to submit false invoices that rely on the bogus consumption claims.

Four, why would Nigeria’s oil law, the PIA, not trump and supersede whatever other contracts and laws NNPC and IOCS have entered into? The PIA clearly authorizes the NNPC to prioritize the crude needs of local refineries such as Dangote and other smaller ones, whose combined daily crude need is put at 597,700 barrels per day (bpd)?

Five, when will the allegedly refurbished Port Harcourt and Warri refineries commence operations (the NNPC has postponed the commencement of operations three times now, with the last postponement done to the end of August), and where will the crude come from and at what price (dollar or naira, subsidized or prevailing international price?)

Professor Ochonu pivoted to the possible motives and identities of people who might have a personal or business investment in killing the Dangote Refinery. He named three.

 The first, he said, are the honchos at the NNPC and oil regulating agencies. Their motive, he pointed out, is to maintain the status quo of lucrative and fraudulent fuel importation and crude export businesses.

The second, he pointed out, is the Tinubu government. The motive might be to sabotage a businessman who allegedly funded Tinubu’s opponent during last year’s presidential election. 

Another motive, Prof. Ochonu added, might be to protect the rapidly expanding midstream and downstream dominance of Tinubu family-owned OANDO in the Nigerian oil industry. Dangote would be a direct and massive competitor.

The third entities Prof. Ochonu identified were a conspiracy of international oil refineries and a crude-buying and fuel-marketing cabal. He called attention to a report by investigative journalist David Hundeyin that blew the lid on a campaign by a Western oil cabal against Dangote refinery.

The oil company offered to pay Hundeyin and perhaps local journalists to write stories against Dangote using a prepared script of environmentalism and environmental protection, which is a clear ruse to hide their true motive of wanting to maintain the status quo of their purchase of Nigerian crude, refining it poorly below European standards, and re-exporting it to Nigeria at massive profits.

 A US-based Nigerian engineer and industry expert by the name of Dr. Muhammad Kabir Hassan, corroborated Hundeyin’s claims during the show. 

The final issue tackled in the show had to do with the scandal of NNPC retail (NNPCL) purportedly purchasing a company named OVH (OANDO, Velar, Helios)

The OVH scandal is related to what is happening to Dangote because, after allegedly purchasing OVH (for how much, no one knows and commenters on the show said NNPC owes Nigerians an explanation and the transaction numbers), the NNPC then turned around and inexplicably asked a judge to dissolve its retail arm (NNPCL-Retail) and then, in a move that should be a first in history, turned over all of its retail operations (fuel stations and depots all over the country) to OVH to run. 

This means that OVH staff and managers have replaced NNPCL staff at all NNPC fuel stations, which have now been rebranded as OVH. OVH, of course, emerged only a few years ago as a result of a merger involving OANDO, Velar, and Helios (hence the acronym). All three were small players in the retail (downstream) sector of the Nigerian oil industry, but with tentacles in fuel importation.

Dr. Hassan enjoined Nigerian journalists to investigate the true ownership of OVH at the Corporate Affairs Commission, the amount NNPC paid for OVH, the terms of the sale, and what, if any, benefits are accruing to OANDO, Tinubu’s family business, from NNPC’s purchase of OVH and its surrender of its sprawling retail business to the acquired entity.

The show is curated on my Facebook page for people who want to watch it.