It is no longer news that the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Pastor Umo Eno, will on Thursday, March 14, 2024, sign into Law, the Purchase Agency Bill recently passed by the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly. What is news, is the implications of the Bill to Akwa Ibom people, especially, in the face of the harsh economic realities facing the country. 

In fulfilment of the Governor's campaign promises and in line with the policy direction of his ARISE Agenda, Pastor Umo Eno, through the Bulk Purchase Bill, is out to ensure food security and sufficiency, as well as develop value chains of agricultural produce from the state.

The Bulk Purchase Bill is not only a timely response to the current food crisis in the country, but a move that shows that Akwa Ibom is blessed with a responsible and forward-thinking leader. When signed into Law, the Bill will help mitigate the high cost of food stuff and further improve the socio-economic well-being at the grassroots level through the availability of food items at subsidized rates.

The Bulk Purchase Agency will aid the purchase of important food items like rice, beans, garri etc in commercial quantities and same sold at various designated depots at minimal rates. The Agency will also partner market associations and unions for proper coordination and supply, formulate long and short term policies for the purchase and sales of food items in the State, control and monitor the distribution and sale of food items in the State, advise the government on the best method of distribution, as well as formulate strategies accordingly.

To ensure transparency in the implementation process of the food subsidy initiative, vouchers will be distributed to targeted beneficiaries through Personal Assistants to the Governor, across the 368 wards of the state.

The state government having met with the leadership of the Traders, will begin selection of agents for accreditation. After being constituted, the agency will involve competent traders who after capacity validation, will be chosen to man branded shops and redemption centers located in select markets and Wards across the 31 Local Government Areas of the state. 

Upon validation, all accredited agents will be made to sign an agreement with the bulk purchase agency, while their names will be duly published for the masses to know, the social register will be used, therefore, there will be no room for compromise.

As a defensive mechanism to address a situation where some traders may want to thwart the initiative, the state government will have a buffer warehouse where food will be bought and stocked, and in the event where they try to sabotage the good intention of the government, the government will release the stocks and flood the market to ensure availability of food.

Noteworthy is the fact that the government is not coming to compete with, or crash prices for traders, but rather, to collaborate and work with them. Also, there will be some incentives in place for the accredited agents; during reconciliation of vouchers, a certain percentage will be made available to them as motivation in addition to other entitlements. 

As Governor Umo Eno prepares to append his signature to this Bill, the people of Akwa Ibom State stand on the cusp of a transformative economic shift. This initiative is poised to usher in an era of increased food availability, accessibility and affordability, bolstering the state's commitment to eradicating hunger and enhancing the quality of life for its citizens. 

With the Bulk Purchase Agency set to become a cornerstone of the state's agricultural policy, Governor Umo Eno's vision for a self-sufficient and economically robust Akwa Ibom is gradually becoming a tangible reality. This reflects the collective hope for a future where prosperity is cultivated in our own oil, and a course where no Akwa Ibomite is left behind in the march towards sustainability and progress.

When Prof Mahmood Yakubu, Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission hurriedly declared Ahmed Bola Tinubu, presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress( APC) as President-elect of Nigeria in the wee hours of Wednesday, March 1, 2023, it was like an invisible force has descended on the country. There was this eerie, creepy sounds that seemed to come from the graveyard after midnight. There was no celebration, no merriment of any sort. The atmosphere was that of despair. For many Nigerians, it was as if the future had died. For many Christians, it could be likened to that troubled situation of ‘strait betwixt two’. Many wanted to depart to somewhere else. There was this palpable fear that Nigeria would soon become a place of trouble and extreme difficulty. We are almost there, are we not?                                                       

Nine months have since come full circle since Tinubu became President. But, that strange feeling of pessimism still hangs over the land. No positive change has been recorded, no shining legacy, no remarkable accomplishment that you can point to that has impacted life and security of the people. Tinubu’s ill-advised removal of fuel subsidy and the ‘floating’ of the naira have multiplied misery and hunger. Today, according to a recent World Bank report, the naira is ranked third among the worst-performing global currencies. This is the worst we have experienced in our democratic history. But, while Nigerians are reeling and riling over the economic hardship, the inclusion of the President’s two adult sons – Seyi and Olayinka – in his entourage to Qatar recently, has become sour staples in Tinubu’s leadership style. It has raised more questions than answers.                                  

The two-day business summit in Qatar reportedly to woo investors could well be potentially the most unravelling, and revealing sad story yet of what Tinubu’s administration holds in store for Nigeria. It’s not for nothing. The trip to Qatar has many takeaways, many lessons as well as warnings ahead. Undoubtedly, the Qatar visit was overshadowed by the presence of these two pampered young men . What portfolio, for example, do they hold( if any) in their father’s government? Were these self-important upstarts in Qatar for business trip, or just leveraging on the office that their father holds as President? Pointedly, what really do Seyi and Yinka Tinubu do for a living? Are they “jobless”?, as brilliant and versatile journalist Dr Reuben Abati said last week. I don’t know. Or were they just hanging around their Daddy in case lightening strikes? Who paid for their travel and related expenses, or were the travel expenses paid by Nigeria’s taxpayers? Many more questions.                 

When Donald Trump’s two adult sons – Donald Jnr, and Eric – joined their father when he was president on his first official visit to the United Kingdom in June 2019, the White House did issue an official statement that the two sons personally paid for the trip which included a visit to the Buckingham palace. Perhaps most shocking and disturbing during the Qatar summit was the fact that Seyi and Yinka were ranked in order of protocol, ahead of Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yusuf Tuggar and other government officials on that trip. Did you see that video? Seyi and Yinka were the first to be introduced by President Tinubu to the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Hamid. This offends every known diplomatic protocols. No plausible explanation has been given by the presidency to justify their inclusion in Qatar entourage list except the feeble, puerile explanation by presidential aide on digital and new media, O’tega Ogra , that it was “not unusual for members of the president’s family to accompany him on a foreign trip”. But at whose expense? 

This could be a disturbing red flag of what lies ahead if this President and his family are not carefully watched. Clearly, governance under Tinubu’s leadership is becoming a family affair and feathering the nests of bosom buddies. Remember that the president’s surrogate daughter, Iyalode Folashade Tinubu-Ojo has recently boasted how ‘my Daddy’ has become Nigeria’s president and said publicly, that she would want to be addressed by the title of “First Daughter of the Federal Republic”. Did you hear that? Yes, the president’s children, including his in-laws and friends believe this is their time. Last month, Folashade’s husband, Mr Oyetunde Oladimeji Ojo, was appointed the CEO, Federal Housing Authority(FHA). Don’t be surprised if more family members are given juicy appointments in the weeks and months ahead. After all, didn’t they ‘conquer’ Lagos? Maybe, it’s time also to takeover Nigeria. When last did we experience this sort of unabashed nepotistic style of governance? There’s also a report of award of N1trn contract to the President’s longtime business magnate and billionaire friend, Gilbert Chagoury, owner of Hi-tech Construction company. The N1trn contract is said to be for the construction of a coastal highway project. Details of that contract are still sketchy.                                               

No doubt, friends of a president have great influence in government, and juicy contracts are just some of the benefits. It’s part of payback or reward for their awesome financial donations during electioneering campaign. But in this case, why has the construction of a coastal highway become more important than many other incompleted dual carriageways across the country? For instance, the East-West Road that traverses different parts of the southern geopolitical zone of the country. The main takeaway from all of this is the fact that power reveals. When a leader acquires power, you can see his true colour – by watching what he does with that power, and why he desperately wanted to be President of his country. Tinubu’s children believe, and perhaps have come to see the entire country as their private estates. It rankles.                      

Are we not familiar with Lord Acton famous quote that “power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely”? If you are in doubt, again, look in the direction of, Seyi Tinubu. Since his father was declared President, this 38 year-old ‘boy’ has not stopped to rivet public attention. Sometimes, he craves for it. 

If there’s none, he creates one. Unlike his taciturn older brother Jide, who passed away in London, October 2017, Seyi is by every measure, a show-off. He has this histrionic personality. His self-esteem seems to depend on his overbearing desire to be noticed. And sometimes, he behaves dramatically or in ways some have described as ‘inappropriate’. Nigerians have not forgotten the role he or his company allegedly played prior to the October 20, 2920 Toll gate massacre in Lagos. It was simply gut-wrenching. That’s why in recent times, he was accused of abusing public assets, often flying in Presidential jets for private trips. But, it will be unfair to say that Seyi is alone in that regard despite public condemnation. And now, his younger sibling Olayinka has joined.                           

Perhaps the President’s family is borrowing from the playbook of his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, whose youngest daughter, Hanan, in January, 2020, was chauffeured to Bauchi state in presidential jet for purely private visit. The presidency, strongly defended her, saying “she belongs to the group of special Nigerians entitled to fly presidential jet”. But Tinubu’s sons, especially Seyi, has gone many steps ahead of Hanan. For his admirers and associates, Seyi is a ‘go-to guy ‘, an influencer working his way through the informal channels of power to know how it works and leverage on it. But the way Seyi and Yinka have been carrying on since their father became Nigeria’s number one citizen, could end up like the story Absalom, the son of King David( 2 Samuel Chapters 14, 15, 16 & 18).                  

If attitude shows character, Seyi may, like Absalom did, be telling anybody who cares to listen, look, ‘my father does not have time for everyone, tell me what you want, and I will make it happen ‘. No doubt, the profits from playing the heir-apparent posture comes with hefty benefits beyond wads of cash. Not much of Yinka is known yet to the public. Those who claim to know Seyi, the scope of his fortune can only be compared to, in the words of one foreign journalist, close what a mega church gets from its Sunday collection. Seyi’s overbearing behaviour last year caught the attention of his father. At the Federal Executive Council (FEC), the highest decision making organ of government , President Tinubu said, “I have noticed the undue access of people sneaking in and out of this Council, including my son Seyi, sitting behind the cubicle there, that’s not acceptable”.                                    

He directed the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Head of the Civil Service of the Federation to take note of his order. Tinubu also warned that henceforth, “no one should have access to the FEC meeting unless they are granted permission. Did the President’s directive catch any fire with those he asked to enforce his order? Has that stopped his son from attending other meetings called by the President? What happened in Qatar could mean that no lesson has been learned, nothing forgotten. Instead, the president’s adult sons are gradually taking control. What we are seeing is akin to a monarchy’s structure, not acceptable in a democratic dispensation.                                                      

Anyone who loves president Tinubu should tell him to be be careful and avoid the likelihood of harm his sons could cause him, if not now, in the future. If in doubt, ask U.S President Joe Biden, the kind of trouble his scandal-plagued son, Hunter has causing his presidency. Donald Trump, in spite of his proclivities to errors didn’t allow his two older sons to have access to the White House meetings. It is the institutions a country builds that its elected officials must follow. The foundation of anything a president or his family members do is very critical to democracy. For the family members of the President, the advice is: Guide your feet in the way of peace so that you know where to walk. Take, for example, Seyi’s trip last year in Presidential jet to Kano, to watch the final of Polo tournament, for which he’s a big fan, anyway.                             

As reported in the media, Seyi was received on arrival at the Aminu Kano International Airport by some presidency officials. According to Premium Times account, Seyi was thereafter chauffeured to the Usman Dantata Polo Ground amid tight security by gun wielding detachment of the Nigeria Police and State Security Service officials. At end of the tournament, the waiting Presidential jet transported him and his friends back to Abuja where he has relocated since his father became President. Reading this, who doesn’t want to be the son of a President, with all the perks and pleasures at his disposal? But not this way. Pride is poisonous, very dangerous.                     

My advice to the President’s children: Those whose parents are in political power should give adequate attention to the mood of the country, the needs and conditions of the people, the transient and vanities of power. Some political families do have irascible children, alright. But not the way Tinubu’s sons are doing it. In his memoir, titled, MAN OF THE HOUSE, former Speaker, U.S. House of Representatives Tip O’Neill, recalled what American politics was when the Kennedys emerged in the political scene. He said, “money didn’t mean anything to Joe Kennedy(father of JFK, Robert and Edward), as there seemed to be no limits to his wealth”. And anytime the family had a party, some single girls in town showed up in the “hope that lightning would strike”, because then, Jack was still a bachelor – a bachelor who happened to be the son of a millionaire. The old Daddy Joe Kennedy once lamented that his children, especially Robert(Bobby) showed no gratitude for the favour done to them. In his own words, “these kids have had so much done for them by other people that they just assume it’s coming to them”. Obviously, this is one of the many sunny aspects of politics that Seyi and Yinka may be cashing in on right now. They may be saying, ‘Let us enjoy, while the party lasts’. But be careful of the enemy in the corner, for not all your friends and associates that swarm around you are your real friends or that of your father.

Barely 48-hours to its kickoff date, the Bola Tinubu-led government has postponed the launch of the Nigerian Students Loan Scheme indefinitely.

Akintunde Sawyer, the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), stated this in an interview with AriseTV on Tuesday.

The loan which was formally slated to take off on Thursday, has been postponed again, as there are some corrections that are being made around the launch according to Sawyer.

“Unfortunately, I won’t be able to commit to a specific date. We are sort of waiting to ensure that all the stakeholders are aligned to make sure that nobody is blindsided, then we can actually roll this out in a meaningful, comprehensive, wholesome and sustainable way.”

In June 2023, President Tinubu signed a bill to start a Students Loan Fund (SLF) that would give interest-free loans to Nigerians for higher education.

A former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila, proposed the bill and it was supposed to start between September and October 2023.

Meanwhile, Tinubu said the programme would begin in January 2024, after missing the October deadline.

In January, Yusuf Sununu, Minister of State for Education, confirmed at the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting, while speaking to reporters, that preparations were completed for the scheme to begin, including the finalisation of the Student Loan Scheme website and the conclusion of technical plans to facilitate the scheme’s kick-off.

President Tinubu assured the leaders of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) when they visited him at the State House that the scheme would begin once its expansion to accommodate extra features, including vocational studies, was done.

The Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) has issued a deadline for the owners of 12,387 unclaimed certificates still in the possession of the Commission.

In a notice seen by Nigerian NewsDirect, the Commission appealed to customers who are yet to collect their certificates to visit its offices nationwide for immediate collection.

The CAC also issued a deadline of 30th June, 2024 for unclaimed certificates noting that “failure to collect the said Certificates at the expiration of the grace period will leave the Commission with no option than to follow due process and discard them.”

“Affected Customers and members of the Public should visit our website, www.cac.gov.ng, for a comprehensive list of the Unclaimed Certificates,” the notice read.

I was compelled to write this piece, and set about it, in the third week of February, 2024. That was  after the Aboki fruit seller at the road junction to my office in the suburb of Lekki , unapologetically  refused to allow me price down one unit of red apple . My Aboki friend had offered to sell one at  five hundred naira, but,  just back in December, 2023 he sold me 4 pieces of same quality  for eight hundred naira. Was I jolted! 

I however held back closing this paper until today to benefit from listening to Prof  Kingsley Moghalu OON’s, keynote speech at the Leadership Conference and Awards at Congress Hall, Transcorp Abuja  on the topic “An Economy in  Distress ; Which Way Forward.” My unorthodox thoughts after listening  to the erudite lawyer-cum-development economics professor became even more . He is the author of the seminal book : Emerging Africa ; How the Global  Economy’s Last Frontier  Can Prosper and Matter” . Since I first encountered him in his days as  Central Bank Deputy Governor  about a decade ago he has never ceased intriguing me by clarity of his original hypothesis on overcoming Afrocentric economic development challenges. 

Being a roadside economic animal, and using Prof  Moghalu as a sounding board, here is my perspective. Nigeria is only an aspirational private sector-led economy. The fundamentals that should underpin its superstructure are fragile. The structural defect  is arguably reversible . But that may only result from an intentional, sacrificial, audacious, strategic and visionary investment of appropriate resources in human, intellectual and  engineered processes  of change, across  critical sectors to achieve a competitive and  sustainable growth. By nearly all economic parameters, Nigeria is now an under-developing  economy – our year-on-year and decade-on-decade regressing GDP statistics alone say it all . Over the last one year,  Nigeria’s money supply ballooned to an all-time high of N93. 72 trillion as of January 2024, which amounts to 76% surge from the N53. 14 trillion recorded in January 2023. We prodigally created more money without producing matching quantity of goods and services to by them with. Having neither worked harder or smatter nor produced more than we previously did, there is no prize for guessing why the bubble liquidity is chasing after less than the previous year’s GDP’. This alarming statistics must be recognised as a doomsday warning. It must task  the economic managers (on the fiscal and monetary sides) to swiftly  course re-direct towards repositioning and gaining re-admission of the country  into the family of  developing countries in the medium term.

The resultant effect of this misalignment of means and end  manifests in a distorted socio-economic system which hardly responds to orthodox neo liberal western-style  management tools. The challenge has never been more starkly presented than what the country is currently experiencing - the twin fiscal and monetary policy decisions of fuel subsidy withdrawal and dollar market fusion for  pricing parity across the financial market . This is consistent with  President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s campaign promises and manifesto encapsulated in the Renewed Hope Agenda (RHA). That audacious move required to be prosecuted by thinking  outside the box to “fetch water from a dry well”. But as Prof Moghalu wrote in his referenced Book “Many development indicators are published and tracked , but as informative as they are, it is paramount for success that the portfolio of measures used to track the performance of the strategy are those that matter for understanding  progress toward the nation’s strategic destination.”

The unintended but easily predictable consequences of not following through with the required rigorous articulation and heavy lifting value creation, that should  accompany the twin policy choices  are  Galloping Inflation, Forex Volatility and vulnerability , unmanageable sovereign debt , unprecedented descent into multidimensional poverty by majority of the population; and now, lately – a jarring food insecurity and threat to peace and security posed by non-state actors. 

Time has come for a decisive, all-hands on deck, strategic plan of action to be proactively iterated and articulated. That is a move that compels unconventional urgency with intent to onboard and implement  well defined deliverables by all stakeholders. I am regrettably afraid, that we are, instead, staring at a recipe for an atrophied economy and a state tending to ultimate collapse.

With dwindling foreign reserves largely resulting from progressively contracting revenue from the nations’ mainstay - crude oil, the Nigeria is unravelling as   less self-sustaining , less-productive , less confident of its steps and less predictable for long term business plans. It is struggling, so badly, to create new opportunities for increased prosperity on a scale necessary to keep more of our people out of poverty  (rather than taking them out of that territory). This is  despite our geometrically expanding population.

The urgency of the dire situation commends exploitation of immediate low hanging homegrown opportunities ; those that we have capacity and competence to explore and  swiftly activate. It will be akin to President  Roosevelt’s New Deal of the 1930s that rescued the  USA from its worst economic depression in history and led to her emergence as the world’s enduring  economic super power. That Deal can be contrasted with the  Marshall Plan contrived as economic reconstruction aid package for post-world war II Western Europe.  So, as  an emergency national agenda for  economic self reliance, my vote will be for the Roosevelt  Way  (aimed at rekindling our  self-belief)  rather than an aid -dependent  Marshall Plan as the preferred lead option. External support by way of foreign investment attraction  should only be a sweetener  for a country that is sinfully underutilising its enormous indigenous potentials.  The mantra should be to banish our loss of self-belief and empower Nigeria to confront our fears with daring courage ; so that, as that wheelchair-bound President Roosevelt said to his fellow Americans in their lowest moment of economic depression,  the only thing to fear … is fear is itself.

REGENERATION PROPOSAL: 

It is contended that for immediate hope-re-envisioning and impactful outcome,  the route to go is NOT by experimenting with fanciful palliatives and tokenistic programs or initiatives. The challenge calls for a roll out of audacious, visionary, focused and engineered strategic PROJECT OF FUNDAMENYAL ECONOMIC REBIRTH away from crude oil revenue dependency. This is what informs  the proposed PROJECT   3-in-3 RHA. It identifies and nominates  three strategic economic sub-sectors for game-changing reinvention in 3 years. The project will be scoped and kicked off for implementation in a matter of 3 months with full participation of a  broad spectrum of the  populace. All those  whose inputs as critical stakeholders outside of government are vital to elicit their unflinching buy-in and involvement must be brough on board.

The project is to  achieve predetermined deliverables around a  unique publicly promoted ( but not state funded)  massive investment in development of  Railway lines  (linking all state capitals), Housing ( to be a mix of quality commercial and social mortgage-ready stock,  to incrementally reduce housing deficits)   and Agriculture ( encompassing the allied cottage industries and value chain) for  recalibration and diversification of the Nigerian economic landscape. It is to be delivered in the  first phase   over three 3 years - starting from 2024- effectively from the date when the Implementation Coordination Team (ICT) (which must be corporate governance complaint)  submits  the framework that targets creation of at least 5 million (direct and indirect) new fulltime, living wage jobs  as a catalyst for reviving our fast vanishing middle class and create  two new thriving economic sectors as providers of revenue sources for reinvesting in  massive associated infrastructure assets and spin-off businesses in the second phase  replicating the proven  template.

This project will draw principally from our most underutilised but abundant domestic endowments and  capacities (with land as the pivot). The project 3-in-3RHA is to be deployed to reposition the national  economic base from consumption and overdependence on offshoring and foreign  support ; and to lessen  pressure on external reserves which may then be  reprioritised for use in funding acquisition of complex high tech machineries, know how; with preference to  those   genuinely unavailable economic inputs services that the country lacks  competitive, practical or suitable alternative domestic  substitutes for.

The broad framework will involve the following actionable tasks.

1. Constitution of Project 3-in-3 RHA Implementation Coordinating Team (ICT) with mandate to generate and submit “Project  Scope Statement of Work” within 3 months.   The team must subscribe to adherence to transparent corporate governance rules and be insulated from bureaucratic public service constraints.
2. The “Project Scope Statement of Work” must shift attention to subnational as engines of economic revitalisation by providing competitive, peer to peer capacities for states to deepen their productive economic potentials thus becoming less dependent on federally allocated revenue  and appropriations to more effectively meet their governance mandates as suits a properly structured federating states.
3. The target candidate productive sectors (Rail , Housing and Agriculture) are identified as derivatives of land surface resources (not import or forex dependent). Happily, the country has fallow land in abundance. It is still  largely socialised under the  Land Use Act, such that it can be conveniently    aggregated, mapped for use and dedicated to the project with minimal complications and constraints .
4. The three project sectors are outside of exclusive federal control and mandate-  this makes for flexible empowerment and diversified  intervention by sub-national governments and private sectors under federal overarching coordination as the prime  fiscal and monetary policy enabler .   
5. States and local governments as anchor implementers are to leverage on their control of land assets as dead capital for conversion into credit for creating cost effective financing scheme to fund the Project 3-in-3 RHA. The aim is to convert their dead capital into financial resources for investment in productive ,   high impact , fast trackable  sectors of the economy.  My simplified descriptive  term for dead capital, first coined by the Peruvian Economist , Hernando de Soto Polar is Idle Asset. In the hands of the rich it must be appropriately taxed; and in other respects it must be mobilised and invested for optimal return.
6. The tripodal economic course re-direction project must be productivity focused, value- and merit-driven; insulated from legacy cultural constraints of prebendal political patronage syndrome and with preeminent participation of the street level private sector  players and segmentation to accommodate different level of business models and sophistication for micro-small and medium enterprises . For this reason, the Project  must leave out big players who can crowd out the targeted sectors that need the empowerment and grooming. It  should  embrace an  all-inclusive , and party-neutral paradigm.    
7. Affordable credit guarantees on the back of predictable and credible data-driven inventories and receivables for off-takers of the commercial outputs and services from the projects by leveraging on a robust application of Secured Transaction In Movable Assets Act, of 2017, boosting consumer credit and  enhanced financial inclusion to restore peoples inflation-eroded purchasing power and support domestic demands for the sectors’ outputs.
8. The federal Government will have to commit to commission a broad implementation framework, templates and targets to be  adapted by each sub-national to suit their local circumstances ; and also provide seed credit guarantee through securitisation of inventories and receivables from Project 3-in-3 RHA to raise sovereign bonds in the capital market at  market rated (but government subsided single digit)  medium tenor interest rates to the tune of  TWENTY TRILLION NAIRA  (=N=20,000,000,000,000.00) for disbursement in predetermined  tranches through commercial banks  to support sectoral milestones over the project timeline.
9. The interest subsidies on the bond will cease after the initial five  years by which time they will be priced and traded on competitive capital market rates without government underwriting.  It is intended to be a creative avenue for mopping excess liquidity driving extant galloping inflation in the economy and to  reinvest those idle funds in the ring-fenced  productive sectors  targeted under the  project with the attendant multiplier effects in the subnational space. The expected short term outcome is that the project will turn  the entire 774 local government areas in the 36 states of the country into satellite of productive and quality work sites thus boosting their economies simultaneously. In the medium terms it should serve to reverse the uneconomic internal migration of unemployed, unskilled  and unemployable demographics at   state capitals and urban centres in search of perceived opportunities that do not exist . These are the marginalised , hapless citizens feeding crimes and creating  antisocial army of recruits posing  security threats across the country.    

• Federal Government will at the same time facilitate a credible audit of accessible domestic and open source technical research resources immediately usable to drive the project in collaboration with states across relevant research sources and institutions in the respective states.
• There is need to produce and issue a presidential executive order for mandatory collaboration and  patronage of indigenous  academic and research bodies imbued with resources and relevant consultancy expertise in close proximity to operational bases of eligible entities . This should be incentivised by its stipulation as a prequalification requirement to access or draw  on Federal Government  supported credits, grants,  subsidies or procurements related to the respective areas of focus under the Project . The added benefit is to facilitate the creation of functional and structured interface between town and  gown in the candidate sectors as model templates  for eventual adoption generally in other segments of the economy. It is anticipated that this strategic innovation will lead to better  appreciation of  scientific imperative of a workable plan for national development as the economy expands in sophistication and depth  in line with the goal of  the Project.  It is unimaginable that any well conceived plan to revive the country premised on indigenous effort and self reliance  will not assign a crucial role for our centres of knowledge and research to play as development partners and facilitators . 
• Deliberate effort must be made to reverse the Brain-Drain conundrum’ and retain, in-country, our best and brightest for the new phase of socio -economic revitalisation. As at 2023, Nigeria  had 170 universities comprising  federal-, state-, and privately-owned  in a ratio of  43, 48 and 79, respectively . Similarly, there are  over 160 accredited polytechnics ; they are  spread all over the country producing technical and vocational professionals with adaptable skills and competences in the three candidate sectors of the Project 3-in3 RHA. Considerable proportion of the products of these institutions are presently engaged in flexible online jobs as trollers, content creators, skit makers, bloggers, data miners,  or awaiting their emigration papers to “japa” with their underutilised skills and youthful creative minds. 

THE PROJECT THESIS :

What  Project 3-in-3 RHA proposal seeks to deliver is to extract latent value in the states-owned dead capital (Land vested in states as trustees under the Land Use Act),  and use it by way of adaptation of the   financial engineering technique in the oil and gas industry to fund and  bail out Nigeria from its desperate existential economic crisis that entered steroids territory in 2023.  The Project is conceived to deploy , subnational idle and under-utilized asset – LAND- as substitute for proven reserves applied in the  oil and gas industry for Reserve-Based Lending (RBL) as axtra-budgetary  financing mechanism to raise economic revitalisation investment capital. The model will finance the Project 3-in3 RHA by mimicking the financing technique that oil exploration and production businesses deploy for huge project funding. The designated land as a  readily available collateral asset is to be aggregated and committed in place of   RBL as a “borrowing-base” type of loan, sized on the basis of the projected Net Present Value (NPV) of cash flows to be generated by the underlying assets and investments under the Project  3-in-3 RHA  business plan.  

By this strategy, the Land Use Act provides a diamond in the raw which can be converted into a unique asset class available to  states for productive  investment  as against the constraining role it has played for so long in stultifying efficient exploitation of land for real estate value amplification since its promulgation in 1978. It is  comparable to the hidden value recently unlocked by the  NNPC Limited in structuring and collaterising its forward sale to secure lending from Afreximbank  in the region of  $3.5 Billion dollars for  advance dividend payment to the Federal Government. In the present proposal, a fairly long-term funding is to be originated, structured to be repaid from domestic economy that is not dollar denominated. It will nevertheless be priced attractively enough to whet appetite of even Foreign Portfolio Investors (FPI), as repository for repatriated/laundered  funds ,  as well as add to investment baskets of diaspora remittances.

While RBL financing exploits extractive resource  vested exclusively in the Federal Government under the constitution (mineral oil); the target asset in this Project is surface right over land vested exclusively in the sub-nationals - the 36 federating states that are performing sub-optimally relative to their true potential as economic enablers . With the exception of Lagos State, being the 5^th largest economy in the continent, most of the states are cost centers feeding off federal grants  sustained through burgeoning  and unsustainable ways and means- while their humongous internal potentials for wealth creation are left unharnessed.

PROOF OF CONCEPT:

The audacious Eko Atlantic City in Victoria Island and the Dangote Refinery Complex Corridor at Ibeju Lekki, both erected on expensively reclaimed land from the sea in collaboration with the host state government as their landlord are examples of how viable the  land-asset-backed Project may prove to be against the backdrop of land that is ready and available for use from get- go across the 36 states of the federation. The replication of such bold, ingenuous, rigorous  and gusty creative thinking that birthed those signature multi- billion dollars projects in Lagos ,  is what the present circumstances of Nigeria nation needs at this desperate time. But it must now be one  that has diversified sectoral application designed to positively impact  the fortunes of the entire federation , in order that the country may escape a looming economic collapse .

EXPECTED OUTCOME :

Igniting the subnational economic potentials by optimizing their  dead capital to reflate and recalibrate their economies productively while taming cost-push, and  forex speculation-driven inflation.  In addition, it is to provide a robust  foundation for a new economic base. Project 3-in-3 RHA, promises  validation and seamless  translation of the Renewed Hope  Agenda for real value  creation vide state-backed strategic investment in Railways, Housing and Agriculture over the next three years. It will constitute the nucleus of a new productive economy. It is from its base that other critical economic sectors now struggling or moribund are to be jump-started and resume flourishing for ultimate restoration of the country on the path of sustainable prosperity. 

PROSCRIPT: 

The second part of this thesis will address options for de-dollarizing the Nigerian economy with a view to optimally benefiting  from the wider and fairer international trade currency  regimes free apron strings of  the dollar for settlement of cross border and multilateral financial obligations. The ultimate goal is to create  a respected Nigerian convertible currency tied  to a basket of foreign convertible currencies most connected to the Nigerian balance of trade objectives.

The Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Pastor Umo Eno has approved the appointment of Rev (Dr.) Ndueso Ekwere(JP) as the Honorary Special Adviser to the Governor on Religious Matters.

This was contained in a release by the Secretary to the State Government, Prince Enobong Uwah.

The appointment takes immediate effect.

Rev. Ekwere is the immediate past Chairman of the Akwa Ibom State Chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria, CAN, and a Gospel Minister of the United Evangelical Church, (UEC) (founded as Qua Iboe Church).

Media Unit
Govt House, Uyo

In the intricate realm of governance and statecraft, stability stands as the cornerstone. It is the bedrock upon which reformed institutions and structural engineering are built. Leadership, therefore, plays a pivotal role in catalyzing these reforms, steering the ship of democracy towards a stable and prosperous horizon.

At the helm of Akwa Ibom State, His Excellency, Pastor Umo Eno, embodies this vision of transformative leadership. His administration, anchored on the A.R.I.S.E Agenda, is a beacon of economic development for the citizens of Akwa Ibom State.

For Governor Umo Eno, political stability is not a mere concept, but an actionable commitment and an embodiment of his character and persona. His outreach to fellow politicians across party lines, welcoming them back into the fold of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is a testament to his dedication to unity and progress; an inclusivity that paves way for peace and continued economic advancement.

With the understanding that security is the foundation of all development, Pastor Umo Eno has shown great commitment towards ensuring that we Akwa Ibomites live in a safe environment. The state's flourishing peace and order attests to this. Safe to say that the legacy of security, upheld by successive administrations, finds new vigour under Pastor Umo Eno's governance. The establishment of the Ministry of Internal Security and Waterways is a clear indication of his unwavering commitment to safeguarding the state against any form of threat.

In the face of economic challenges such as the removal of fuel subsidies and currency fluctuations, Governor Umo Eno has taken decisive steps to shield the people of Akwa Ibom from the harsh tides of poverty. To this end, the Governor introduced two pivotal executive bills:

1. The Infrastructure and Assets Management and Maintenance Bill: This legislation aims to create an agency responsible for the upkeep and sustainability of the state's infrastructure, ensuring that public assets continue to serve the community effectively.

2. The Bulk Purchase Agency Bill: With the goal of stabilizing and subsidizing food prices, this bill seeks to establish an agency that will oversee the procurement and distribution of food commodities, thereby securing food availability and affordability for all residents.

On establishment, the Agency shall be saddled with the responsibility of procuring, distributing, stabilizing and subsidizing food prices in the state with the aim of making food available and affordable for all in the state. The Agency shall have as its Chairman, the State Chief Executive, His Excellency, Pastor Umo Eno, alongside other economic advisory and management team at supervisory roles to undertake the onerous task of repositioning the state in a drive to ensure food security.

These initiatives reflect a profound understanding that infrastructure is the lifeblood of societal function, encompassing essential sectors such as health, education, and agriculture. By prioritizing maintenance and management, Governor Umo Eno is not only preserving the state's achievements, but also instilling a culture of sustainability.

As we await the manifestations of the benefit of these initiatives, it is clear that Pastor Umo Eno's leadership is a guiding light towards a stable and prosperous Akwa Ibom State.

Tony Johnson, MNARC, is the Lead Team at Leadership Security and Development Hub.

The junta in Niger Republic is in a serious dilemma even as it has agreed to release the ousted president of the country, Mohamed Bazoum, and his wife, Khadija. 

Multiple sources in Nigeria and the neighbouring Niger, have confirmed plans by the military government to release the ousted president before or within the few days of Ramadan. 

It was learnt, however, that the biggest dilemma of the top echelon of the military in Niger Republic is the insistence by Bazoum to remain within Niger, on the grounds that he was not interested in relocating to any other country. 

Bazoum has the backing of France President Emmanuel Macron, and by extension, Nigeria’s President and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) leader, Bola Tinubu. 

The two leaders are not in the good books of the Niger military government, as evident in the back and forth that ensued since the removal of Bazoum and the series of sanctions slammed Niger Republic, alongside Mali and Burkina Faso.

To make things worse, French symbols in Niger, including diplomats have been expelled by the military leaders, even as they have turned deaf ears to all the entreaties extended to them by ECOWAS, including the lifting of bans like border closure and a return to the regional body. 

The sources that spoke to Daily Trust on the planned release of Bazoum included diplomats and journalists. 

Some locals in the capital, Niamey, as well as Maradi, one of the major cities in that country, said at least one prominent newspaper in the French speaking country had carried a story on the plans to release Bazoum. The sources said the military authorities were working on how to “get it right”, in the event that they allow Bazoum to remain in Niger Republic. 

Part of the fear of the junta is the possibility of sympathisers of the ousted president to stage protests demanding for “absolute freedom” for him, since the agreement at the moment is that Bazoum will still remain under some sort of house arrest. 

Niger tabloid De L’enqueteur, citing credible sources, said, “The couple will have their detention turned to house arrest any moment before the Muslim holy month of Ramadan due to start Monday and Tuesday.” 

Daily Trust reports that Bazoum, his wife, and his son, Salem, were arrested and detained by the coup leaders who took over last July. 

The younger Bazoum was released provisionally by the tribunal on January 9. Our sources said there was no French or ECOWAS contribution in the plan to release the ousted president. One of the sources said the plan to release Bazoum was home-grown, meaning it was planned and agreed within Niger. 

“The coup leaders have moved on, they are not thinking about France or ECOWAS and they are not looking back,” the source said. 

“Neither France nor ECOWAS, and by extension Nigeria has any input in what Niger is doing,” the source added. 

Another source said that Bazoum, at his own volition, expressed a clear desire to remain in Niger after his release, thus testifying to his unwavering attachment to the country despite the political turbulence. 

“And this is where the coup leaders have some issues…They would have loved a situation whereby Bazoum will leave the shores of the country and go somewhere,” one of the sources said. 

“They are mindful of his popularity even though they have, to a greater extent, also proved to the citizens that they are patriots and not puppets of anyone. 

“While they are not averse to releasing the removed president, one thing is clear, they are not willing to bring him back to power.

“They will also prefer to keep him in one of their facilities as a freed man. He will be entitled to state protection while enjoying the freedom to receive guests,” the source said. A journalist in the capital, Niamey, told the Daily Trust on the telephone that the former president may likely remain at his private residence in the capital. 

According to De L’enqueteur, under house arrest, the former head of state could have increased access to means of communication that could allow him to broadcast messages to his followers and influence public opinion. 

Meanwhile, the development could create dissent within the de facto ruling military junta of Niger, Conseil National pour la Sauvegarde de la Patrie, (CNSP) – the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland – itself, between the liberals and hardliners among its members. 

Contacted, a university teacher in Niamey, Dr Mamman Manzo, said he was not aware of any plan to release Bazoum. 

“A lot of things are happening but I am not privy to the issue you are talking about. I would have to make some findings,” he said. Early last August, media reports had it that Bazoum and his family were being held under inhumane conditions by their military leaders, who had cut off the electricity to the presidential residence, leaving them to rapidly lose weight while food rotted in the fridge, the president’s daughter told the Guardian at the time. 

The West African regional bloc, ECOWAS had in late February lifted most sanctions imposed on Niger over last year’s coup, in a new push for dialogue following a series of political crises that have rocked the region in recent months. 

Earlier in February, the head of the military government in the Niger Republic, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, vowed that none of the three Sahel countries would rejoin the regional bloc. 

Late January, the leaders of the three Sahel nations – Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso issued a statement, saying it was a “sovereign decision” to leave the ECOWAS “without delay”. 

Why Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali are silent on return to ECOWAS 

In an interview with the Daily Trust, Ali Kabre, an independent journalist with ample knowledge of happenings in Burkina Faso, said anything could happen in the three countries. 

“I want to speak about Burkina Faso specifically. The junta here has moved on and they are forging new alliances. 

“As you can see, they are not even looking at the direction of ECOWAS because they have a feeling that the regional body is not in the first place meeting their expectations. That is why even when the ECOWAS leadership asked them to come back, they kept mute.

“Most importantly, getting supply of essential commodities is also not a problem for Burkina Faso. They have unfettered access through other neighbouring countries,” Kabre said.

Burkina Faso, a landlocked country shares borders with Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Niger and Mali.

“They get supplies with ease from Benin and in return, they have also opened their borders for Niger, which also gets supplies without many difficulties,” he said.

On the body language of the citizens, he said there are divergent opinions.

“Some citizens believe ECOWAS is not fulfilling its mandate. For instance, the issue of ECO as a single currency has not been resolved. Also, contrary to expectations, all these years, trade has not been free, there are a lot of gaps for free trade. So, some citizens don’t really care about going back to ECOWAS,” he said. He said from the body language of the three countries, they could survive as independent nations while strengthening their economic and developmental cooperation. 

“They all have issues with terrorists and they felt ECOWAS did not play the role of a key senior ally to support them. With the establishment of AES, they are now pursuing a common front,” he said.

Foreign ministry mum 

When contacted to react to the news of the imminent release of the ousted President of Niger Republic, Alkasim Abdulkadir, the media aide to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yusuf Tuggar, declined comments.

However, a reliable source in the ministry, who pleaded anonymity, said the release of the ousted president was expected. The source noted that ECOWAS had listed the release of the ousted president as part of the conditions to lift the sanctions placed on the Sahel country but had to soft pedal after the intervention of Gen. Yakubu Gowon (Rtd). 

“The Nigerian government right from day one has been demanding the release of Mohamed Bazoum. It used to be a precondition for the lifting of the sanction but because of Gen. Gowon’s intervention, because of the Lent and because of Ramadan, the sanctions were lifted. 

“If President Bazoum is released now, I think it’s good for democracy, it is good for them as a country because President Bazoum has not done anything to warrant him being under house arrest,” the source said. 

On the reports that Niger had vowed not to deal with Nigeria and ECOWAS by extension as a result of loss of trust, the source declined to comment, saying it was wrong to make any comment based on speculations. 

“I can’t speak to hearsay. If it is documented, if there is a letter to that effect, then, I can speak about it,” the source maintained.

[DailyTrust]

Former Real Madrid striker, Ronaldo Nazario has hailed Jude Bellingham, comparing him to his former teammate Zinedine Zidane.

Ronaldo said he loves to watch Bellingham play for Real Madrid.

“I was watching a few matches at the Bernabéu and I was looking for Bellingham,” Ronaldo was quoted by Madrid Universal as saying.

“He reminds me a little bit of Zidane with his quality. I love the way Jude Bellingham plays.

“I love to watch him play, he goes forward all the time.”

Bellingham joined Real Madrid from Dortmund last summer.

The 20-year-old has scored 20 goals and provided nine assists in 31 games for Carlo Ancelotti’s side so far this season.

[DailyPost]

Apart from being a strategy against defective memory, diary-keeping is an extraordinary tool in literary craftsmanship. One, it infuses writing with greater realism or a deeper breath of reality if you like. In English literature of the early twentieth century, the technique was popularised by writers like Bruce Cummings, who adopted the pen name, Nero Barbellion, and his major work is entitled, “The Journal of a Disappointed Man.”

As the title suggests, “The Journal of a Disappointed Man” is a bitter-sweet account of a provincial young man who arrives London to start a career in science, then he becomes disillusioned, and begins to stumble from one unhappy love affair to another. His emotional misery is soon compounded by the onset of ill-health which searing pains he details meticulously until the approach of death.

Sadly, Cummings died at the age of 30 in 1919.

Back home, we see the technique of diary deployed by our own Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, in his prison memoirs entitled, “The Man Died”. To his jailers who sought to break his spirit by starving him of reading and writing materials for more than two years, “Eni-Ogun” overcame by scribbling his thoughts on toilet-sheets and other forms of improvisation while in prison.

But unlike Soyinka’s case that dwells on the Nigerian civil war, the diary is, of course, implicated in a bitter love story many of us are familiar with, which is documented by one of the former spouses of a one-time Nigerian leader. In a language of spite, the grand old lady chronicles a riveting love story that initially sizzled on British soil, only to devolve into bouts of domestic fisticuff after the couple returned to Nigeria.

Of course, someone took the position of First Lady when her former husband eventually became two-time Nigerian leader. But never mind. To those who might be gloating at hijacking the fruits of someone else’s labour, she reveals some dark secrets. In her tell-all, she details, in black and white, how the future commander-in-chief used to diligently launder, not with washing machine, but bare hands her dirty undergarments in the winter cold of London back in the day.

As if to remind the new mistresses that what they now claim to possess is not exactly factory new, but a fairly-used vessel.

However, Sam Omatseye’s own book is neither about estranged lovers nor forsaken love. “Beating All Odds: Diaries and Essays on How Bola Tinubu Became President” is a meticulous chronicle of events preceding and following arguably the most divisive election in Nigeria’s history. It gives context and content to a phrase recently enrolled in our political lexicon — “EMILOKAN”.

Sam’s book is divided into two parts — the diary section and the other a potpourri of essays published as column in The Nation newspaper. The diary opens on the nineteenth of August, 2022 after the presidential flag-bearer of APC had emerged, and was now arrayed against the candidates of PDP, Labour and NNPP ahead of the 2023 general elections.

The diary closes on the seventeenth of February, 2023, a week to the elections.

In Part 1 of the book, Sam vividly captures the dramatic twists and turns, the high and low moments of the electioneering season. From the insurgency of pastors against APC’ Muslim/Muslim ticket, to the intifada of northern hegemons paranoid at the prospects of the north relinquishing power to the South after Buhari’s eight years at the Presidential Villa. From the feral rampage of Labour’s online trolls, to the unprecedented absurdity of a former Central Bank Governor practically draining the national economy of cash in a desperate maneuver to rig the electoral outcome against Bola Tinubu, the reader is confronted with the prospects of a macabre drama.
Sam’s entries also do not exclude the comedies of Wike’s mocking dance-steps and the accompanying guttural lyrics of “As e dey pain dem, e go dey sweet us” and “Yemdeba… Yemdeba… Yemdeba… Yemdeba.” Nor the leak of the illicit invocation of “Yes Daddy” by one of the candidates in what was supposed to be a nocturnal chat with his spiritual godfather, in the pursuit of a sectarian agenda.

In PDP, we are reminded of how the flag-bearer called the five insurgent Governors “traitors” who don’t respect elders and the accused in turn call Atiku a “prodigal father” blinded by inordinate ambition for 30 years.

In the media, we see top journalists engaged in foul exchanges in the pursuit of conflicting interests until the media elders imposed a ceasefire.

Of course, Sam’s radar also captures the audio apparition of a former leader — one of the so-called “Owners of Nigeria”, a great granddad for sure and prolific, all-knowing letter-writer camped close to Olumo Rock, inciting unsuspecting youths to march on the streets of Lagos and Abuja when early results indicated his anointed candidate was losing, not minding if they ended up as a sacrificial lamb in possible crossfire, all in a last-ditch attempt to truncate democracy and set Nigeria back on the road of June 12.

In a way, this is also a book of vindication that is not just poetic in cadence, but also prophetic in prognosis. The great romantic poet, Percy Shelley, tells us that “poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world”. With an uncommon prescience, most of what Sam said came to pass indeed. The man he pitched for won. How prophetic his essay entitled, “Again, a Lagos Original”, published on February 20, barely five days to the much-anticipated D-Day, turned out.

Hear the author: “He (Tinubu) is rich. He is powerful. He has influence. He has changed lives. He transformed a city. Made men and women. Yet he attracts quite a few adversaries. The scriptures say when Isaac roared into success, the Philistines envied him.

“They deny him the right to be human. When he is sick, some wish him dead or eternally crippled. When he is not seen, some conjure his ghost as a dead soul. When he reappears, they won’t even credit him as a revenant, a man who came back from the dead. Rather, they wait for another date with the grave – in their imagination. Through the primaries, he gulped up mileage against his opponents’ little acreage. In the elections season, he bounded from huge crowd to huge crowd with breathtaking regularity. His opponents, including the ‘youth’ among them, waited to take a breath and measure the breadth before the next flight.”

As for those who pronounced a “fatwa” on the writer for exercising a poetic license in coining “Obi-tuarists” in August 2022, Sam could be said to have had the last laugh when the ballots were tallied in March 2023.
For four months, we learnt that Sam was advised, as a precaution, to stay completely off the radar while Obi’s supporters preached hate in what evoked the dark memories of Salman Rushdie’s ordeal after Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeni pronounced a fatwa on his “Satanic Verses”. But, alas, the bullies grew limp and desolate once their idol lost.

But rather than gloat, in an essay entitled “I Pardon All” published on June 19, 2023, conciliatory Sam writes: “It was a pun but they did not see the fun. Yet, I am not writing in jest, but to follow the rhetorical footprints of President Bola Tinubu in his inaugural speech that echoed another great man, Abraham Lincoln. I write, as this essayist has always done, with ‘malice towards none.’

“When I wrote the piece, Obi-tuary, there was a tempest in the land… It was a hectic time for me and my loved ones. I did not go to the office for four months. I was a hermit, except my trips for TVC Breakfast show, and I had got here in disguise. I attended no parties, no public events, and restaurants. I was as Americans say a home buddy. But I forgive all. I forgive them who did not understand English enough to know that I was using a figure of speech.”

Again, the central banker Sam pooh-poohed yesterday is now today’s butt of national joke for presiding over a criminal enterprise. Long before Godwin Emefiele fell on his sword of fiscal perfidy, Sam had seen it coming in a satirical piece entitled “Mefy’s beauty”, published on November 7, 2022. Listen to him: “Godwin Emefiele must think himself a great economist and stylist. Or maybe he sees himself as a sort of reincarnation of Steve Jobs, the Apple avatar who brought design to the service of technology. Mefi, as his acolytes call him, must believe he wants to bring style to the service of the economy.

“So, to do this, he goes to the president, and tells him it is an elixir of good news. Mop up the naira and the politicians who stashed away money will groan. It will smoke out bandits from their barricades. The naira will neigh like robust horse. Inflation will bow. The common folk will renew ‘Sai baba’ chants. His unsung legacy on song.”

As prophesied, Emefiele only ended wrecking a national economy he was hired to nurture. Of course, while the great magician performed all sort of abracadabra at the exchequer, he was egged on by a tribe of media contractors who often outdid themselves in declaring him either “Banker of the Year” or “Banker of the Decade” regularly. But following a raft of serious charges brought against Emefiele in court, the media praise-singers have since lost their voices.
When Emefiele’s campaign posters first appeared on the streets, Sam was one of the few courageous columnists who bucked the conspiracy of silence in the media by voicing outrage against the sacrilege in a piece entitled “Here We Go”.

Here him:
“An abuse of office is going on with Godwin Emefiele. His so-called committee of friends failed to protect the CBN governor. Rallies are around town. Posters are everywhere. He is still mum. If he wants to run for president, he should resign his office. He should not hide under pieties about God or Muhammadu Buhari.

“He wants to have his dollar and pounds in one transaction. He should either run and resign, or stop an amorphous group from trumpeting an ambition for a man whose only image outside of banking is a kneeling posture to some oligarchs.

“It is an abuse of office to enable a shadowy crowd of friends fretting in public over questions of the CBN chief who is stumbling to segue from a technocrat to a democrat. The so-called committee of friends was a shadow show.
“It was a limp exhibition, whose prose called for better editing. Emefiele has a spokesman officially. That is the only voice that counts, not a camaraderie of cowardice hiding under a coterie of friends.”

Unperturbed and unashamed, Mefy’s hired flutists doubled down in a rejoinder splashed in a sponsored two-page advertorial in The Nation newspaper.

Without a doubt, this book is significant because it is the first attempt at documenting a momentous period in our recent history. As many will now agree, never in living memory has the nation found herself dragged into an electoral contest where religion and region were brazenly weaponised.

Nor has the nation ever witnessed an aberration where the sitting administration was viewed, rightly or wrongly, as working energetically and transparently against the victory of the candidate of its own party in a national election.

One remarkable thing about the diary Sam kept for seven months is the sense of great suspense, dark foreboding expressed by the writer as the nation tottered dangerously near the precipice.

For instance, hear Sam’s suspense-filled entry on the seventeenth of February, 2023:
“The week before the election shaped out very tense, especially for the ruling party. It seems obvious that the worries that Asiwaju Bola Tinubu expressed about efforts to scuttle his path to victory have never been better revealed than when the president went on television and defied the Supreme Court ruling.

“The president gave ammunition to the other contestants because his decision energised the rage against his government and the APC. He decided against the suggestions of the Council of State, against the ruling of the Supreme Court, against the judgment of the governors and many people in the political class and civil society. His decision was in lockstep with that of the CBN chief, the Labour Party’s presidential candidate Peter Obi and PDP counterpart Atiku Abubakar.”

Overall, there is no disputing that Sam writes with the fragrance of a much-decorated poet and the gravitas of the nation’s most garlanded, most consistent columnist in the last two decades. As The Nation’s columnist in the last eighteen years, not once has Sam failed to deliver every Monday. His multidisciplinary depth surely shines through this chronicle. But even more evident is the authority Sam brings. As a senior editor with vast network of contacts in high places, he surely knows, smells and hears things not open to small players.

However, it must be said that, here, Sam is not a neutral chronicler. Indeed, in Nigeria’s literary community, only a few can be said to be as invested as Sam in Nigeria’s democratic struggle when the cost was most prohibitive. To ignore the history of the popular struggle against military despotism of the 90s is to, therefore, completely miss the spirit that feeds Sam’s muscular metaphors.

Not many will remember that, as Concord editor in 1997, the writer narrowly escaped being captured by then rampaging Abacha goons at the Muritala Mohammed International Airport in Lagos. He and Tunji Bello, his inseparable ideological twin brother, had turned Sunday Concord newspaper into a thorn in Sani Abacha’s flesh. Of course, that close shave with the death squad of the military regime marked the beginning of Sam’s ten-year self-exile in the U.S.

Well, Aristotle said we are all political animals. The difference with Sam is that he does not hide his bias in a sophistry. His partisanship is undoubtedly for Bola Tinubu, a key player in the pro-democracy struggle of the 90s. No wonder, in this book, Sam is unsparing of those he considers traitors to Asiwaju. And they are quite many. From those who climbed on Tinubu’s back to power in Abuja and later denied the help, to those who disowned him in his own hour of political need. They know themselves.

Overall, contrarians are likely to find Sam’s language rather offensive or maybe exaggerated sometimes. But like Khalil Gibran tells us, exaggeration is only a truth that has lost its temper.

However, as magnificent as it appears, Sam’s offering is not without its own production infelicities which border largely on the infiltration of non-English words or phrases. They permeate the entire work. But Sam must be reminded that not everyone speaks or understands Yoruba or his native Itshekiri. Conventionally, such words are italicized or put in inverted comas. These can corrected in the next issue of the book.

All said, the book is, in my view, a razor-sharp snapshot of Nigeria at a critical moment. I strongly recommend you get a copy and read.

Thanks for listening.