Mohammed Ladan Tsamiya probably believed he was a commodities trader who happened also to moonlight as a Justice of the Court of Appeal. To him, both vocations seemed to provide mutually reinforcing revenue streams. Sometimes, he transacted business as one while doing the other. In keeping with this tendency, it was an unsuccessful transaction in the sale of beans that brought his vocation as a judge to an untimely end.

The story began with the 2015 elections. In Abia State, south-east Nigeria, the parliamentary elections in 2015 were not without controversy. Nnamdi Iro Oji, a losing candidate in those elections, filed a petition with the National Judicial Council (NJC) in January 2016 levying serious allegations of misconduct against Ladan Tsamiya. What follows is from the 19-page report of the NJC investigation committee into these allegations. Sunday Akintan, a retired Supreme Court Justice, chaired the NJC’s investigation committee into Oji’s complaint. The other members of the committee were Hakila Yalla Hemman, then Chief Judge of Gombe state; and Aloy Nweke Nwankwo, Chief Judge of Ebonyi State.

Oji complained that around October 12, 2015, after the conclusion of first instance proceedings in his case at the Abia State Election Petition Tribunal in Umuahia, the capital of Abia state, he got introduced to someone “who was in the system”, who took him to a house in Sokoto, north-west Nigeria, where they met with Ladan Tsamiya. After condemning the election petition tribunal as having been “influenced”, Ladan Tsamiya advised Oji to write a petition to the President of the Court of Appeal requesting a change in the composition of the Court of Appeal panel in Owerri. His application was granted but he was “shocked when he saw that Hon. Justice Mohammed Ladan Tsamiya was one of those sent to Owerri Judicial Division to handle the appeal.”

Over a sequence of encounters which occurred in Sokoto, Gwarimpa (Abuja), and Owerri in Imo state, according to Oji, Ladan Tsamiya requested him to provide ₦200 million “to enable him to discuss with the three (3) justices who were to handle the appeal to influence the court’s decision in his favour.” When he seemed reluctant, the Justice of Appeal warned Oji that failure to deliver the requisitioned sum or a substantial part thereof “may bring a shocking outcome to the appeal.” Specifically, Ladan Tsamiya advised Oji that “the funds which should be in foreign currency should be brought to him in his private residence in Owerri, Imo State, which was where they met.” Despite having a strong case on the facts, the decision in Oji’s appeal went the way that Ladan Tsamiya had predicted after he failed to deliver the funds demanded.

These allegations may have been staggering in their substance, but Ladan Tsamiya’s response was not lacking in invention or audacity. According to him, this was a tale of a sale of beans gone awry. Sometime in November 2015, he said, three persons “one Hausa and his two Igbo friends met him in Sokoto and the Hausa man introduced himself as a buyer of beans and ginger which His Lordship said he had in commercial quantities.” He reportedly “assumed that the two Igbos were also interested in buying the commodities.” It was in the course of these conversations, according to Ladan Tsamiya, that “one of them” reportedly asked for his assistance in connection with a pending case at the Court of Appeal. He claimed he declined, telling them that he could not help because he was not their lawyer. The discussions over the sale of beans – according to Ladan Tsamiya – subsequently broke down and could not be consummated.

Unsurprisingly, Ladan Tsamiya’s story of mixing commodity trading with judging proved to be unconvincing. In their report delivered on September 22, 2016, the committee of investigation found the case against Ladan Tsamiya to be “credible” and recommended sanctions against him. Eight days later, on September 30, 2016, the NJC announced its decision to compulsorily retire him from judicial service.

12 years earlier, it was arguably their inclination to do what Nigerians call “chopping alone” that ultimately ended the careers of two other senior Justices of Appeal, Okwuchukwu Opene and David Adeniji. In 2004, the NJC recommended the dismissal of both Justices of Appeal after they collected sundry items of bribery, including ₦15 million and ₦12 million respectively to award the contest for the Anambra South senatorial constituency in the 2003 general election to Ugochukwu Uba, who was not a candidate in the contest. James Ogebe, the senior Justice of Appeal then who headed the Court of Appeal panel drafted to Enugu to replace them after the scandal broke recalls in his memoirs that “there was clear evidence of bribery…. They brought a bag containing the money that was not properly closed. A cook who was cooking for them inside the official house even saw it. He was the one who carried the bag inside. They just gave him ₦10,000 from it.”

Eight years after the end of Ladan Tsamiya’s experiment in occupational cross-dressing ended his career, in May 2024, the NJC announced that they “cautioned” Amina Shehu, a judge of the High Court of Yobe State “for issuing Writ of Possession Conferring Title on the Defendant in Suit No YBS/HC/NNR/1cv/2020 when there was no subsisting judgement (sic) of any Court to enable His Lordship issue the Writ.” In ordinary parlance, the issuing of a writ of possession in the absence of an underlying judgment would be a felony crime of burglary, theft, conversion, or stealing. If committed by an ordinary citizen, such a crime would almost certainly have an additional element of fraud. Any person who can commit such an act surely should have no place in any judicial service worth its name. By concluding that the appropriate sanction in such a case is a mere “caution”, the NJC makes it difficult to distinguish a judge from the criminals whom they are supposed to hold to account.

These three cases discussed here hardly differed in terms of gravity. Instead of accountability, the judiciary especially under the outgoing Chief Justice, Olukayode Ariwoola, has converted the myth of judicial independence into a charter for judicial impunity. In the case of Ladan Tsamiya, the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) launched an investigation after the conclusion of the disciplinary process by the NJC, leading to his arrest. He was later arraigned for trial before the High Court of Imo State in Owerri in July 2019. Five months before the trial, however, in February 2019, the National Industrial Court of Nigeria (NICN) in Abuja presided over by the recently deceased Noelita Agbakoba as judge, set aside the decision of the NJC for having been reached in violation of relevant provisions of the Judicial Discipline Regulations. Under Olukayode Ariwoola – as a discerning tweep has pointed out – “Someone who sprayed Naira got 6 months. Someone who issued a warrant of possession without a preceding judgement got a warning.”

Over the 20-year period that separates the disciplinary cases concerning Okwuchukwu Opene and David Adeniji in 2004; Ladan Tsamiya in 2016; and Amina Shehu in 2024, the sanction issued by the NJC for judicial misconduct of a criminal nature became attenuated from dismissal through compulsory retirement to a mere love letter, signalling the collapse of judicial discipline and accountability in the country under Olukayode Ariwoola as Chief Justice of Nigeria.

Over that time horizon, the judicial process in the public perception became somewhat tarnished to a mere transaction in which outcomes are more likely than not to be determined by a quid pro quo between litigants and the presiding officers, and not by the strength of the evidence or a fair and dispassionate application of the norms. At the special session of the Supreme Court to usher in the new legal year organized on November 27, 2023, Ebun Sofunde, SAN, who addressed the court on behalf of the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria (BOSAN), captured this well when he warned that judicial reputation “is at an all-time low… to a point where it may no longer be redeemable.” This sums up the state of Nigeria’s judiciary 25 years into elective government.

Time flies. It does. Our latest experience of democracy is almost a quarter of a century old. I was in Abuja on May 29, 1999 when Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar handed over power to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. Well, I was not at the Eagle Square. I was in the THISDAY backroom team that coordinated the coverage. From a hotel room, we monitored proceedings on TV. That was the second military-to-civilian transition, the first having taken place on October 1, 1979, when Gen Olusegun Obasanjo handed over to Alhaji Shehu Shagari at the Tafawa Balewa Square, Lagos. The parade commander at the 1979 handover ceremony was a certain Lt Col Abdulsalami Abubakar. You can’t make that up!

I was born under military rule and started primary school under military rule. Although Shagari was president when I entered secondary school, the military was soon back in power and I spent my teenage years as a subject of military dictatorship. I did my national service under military rule. I started my journalism career under military rule. The long and short of it is that for most of my life until 1999, I had known no other form of government apart from military rule. I was brought up hearing command-and-control expressions like “order” and “with immediate effect”. I was used to seeing Nigerians being chased off the road for convoys. I was used to curfews on election days.

At the handover, which the CNN took live, Obasanjo promised to fight corruption. I liked the determination on his face, but that was probably where he, or we, began to get it twisted. Whereas the president, as the country’s leader, has to set the right tone and signal in the anti-corruption war, it cannot be entirely on his shoulders. In a country that has 36 governors, 469 federal lawmakers, 993 state legislators and 8,809 councillors as well as thousands of federal and state judges, how did fighting graft become the duty of one person? It was probably because of the “strongman” mindset that we had. This later became a powerful weapon that helped install Afrodemocracy in Nigeria.

Afrodemocracy is the pseudo democracy widely practised in many African countries. It imitates core features of popular democracy such as elections and representation. In reality, Afrodemocracy is a glorified monarchy, with the president sometimes referred to as “Baba” — roughly translated “father” or, more appropriately, “demigod”. This “babarism” enables despotism. Afrodemocracy easily falls under what Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way, political science scholars, call “competitive authoritarianism” where “formal democratic institutions are widely viewed as the principal means of obtaining and exercising political authority” but is effectively a diminished form of authoritarianism.

I have quoted Levitsky and Way a number of times in this column because their words are so spot on, and I will do it again: “Although incumbents in competitive authoritarian regimes may routinely manipulate formal democratic rules, they are unable to eliminate them or reduce them to a mere facade. Rather than openly violating democratic rules (for example, by banning or repressing the opposition and the media), incumbents are more likely to use bribery, co-optation, and more subtle forms of persecution, such as the use of tax authorities, compliant judiciaries, and other state agencies to ‘legally’ harass, persecute, or extort cooperative behaviour from critics.” Touche!

In Afrodemocracy, elections are mostly superficial. They are meant to impose legitimacy. Elections are patently incomplete without rigging, vote buying and varying degrees of violence, including killing. State institutions often compromise the process, based on either “instructions from above” or financial inducement, or both. Many voters expect some form of inducement or reward too. The electoral system is stained from start to finish. Virtually all the political parties rig in their strongholds. Indeed, the competition is always about not being outrigged. But we have successfully deceived ourselves into thinking it is only the winner that rigs and the losers are saints. So it goes.

Conversely, in a mature democracy, every vote counts, at least in most places. Elections, by and large, reflect the wishes of the majority. Democratic institutions, such as the legislature and judiciary, function without being subservient to the executive. There is freedom of association. State institutions do not make themselves available to be used to persecute citizens because of political affiliation. There are enough in-built guarantees of independence in the system, faithfully and patriotically implemented by the operators. There is freedom of speech. The voice of the people is heard loud and clear. Press freedom is recognised and respected as a major plank of democracy.

May I swiftly add here that “liberal” democracy is not perfect — we can all see how President Donald Trump is stretching American democracy to the limit — but the system is robust enough to take care of the shenanigans. Moreover, the concepts of separation of powers (in a presidential system) and checks and balances allow democracy to self-correct its own ills. The good thing is that the people have a voice that cannot be stifled and the elected representatives are constantly on their toes. Everyone with power knows that it comes with responsibility. Above all, there is rule of law and constitutional order. These are not the sort of practices under dictatorships or military rule.

Like millions of Nigerians, I looked forward to the propagation of democracy in our land with the exit of military dictatorship in 1999. Regrettably, what we ordered was not what we got. Nigeria started descending into Afrodemocracy during the first term of Obasanjo, who started taking a number of unilateral actions, disobeying court orders and infiltrating the National Assembly to install and uninstall the leadership. During his second term in office, he found a legal leeway for repression by setting up the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to witch-hunt those who were not in his camp. Dissenting governors were regularly removed — against the constitutional order.

The EFCC template became a tool for subsequent administrations: going after political opponents or those considered to be politically expendable. This sits well with many Nigerians who love media trial and jungle justice, even if the corruption allegations are weak or spurious. It also helps that the politicians themselves are not above board, so everything done to them is kosher in the eyes of many Nigerians. Afrodemocracy takes root under such circumstances, as a despotic president will simply cow opposition into submission. It is not uncommon for opposition figures to defect to the ruling party — some for economic reasons, some out of fear of being targeted by the EFCC.

Persecution, repression and co-optation weaken competitive democracy because of the likely absence of robust opposition. This can, in turn, deprive the citizens of good governance since the basic elements of accountability and transparency will be virtually non-existent. How then can democracy dividends be delivered to the people? In most cases, citizens are reduced to nothing and they are ever ready to trade their dignity for crumbs from the table of power. What should be their right will be passed to them as a privilege. Politicians, unable to use their track record to win support, will prey on the citizens by playing up sectional interests to good effect, especially at election times.

The good news is that what we call “liberal democracy” today also had elements of Afrodemocracy — such as rigging, vote buying and political violence — centuries ago. It has evolved to what it is today. That is why democracy is often described as a journey, a continuum. And that is why we should celebrate our progress in 25 years. For one, Nigerian presidents have not been able to reduce the federal judiciary and legislature to mere rubber stamps. This is a glimmer of hope. There is still the occasional nudge to put the executive in its place, even if often cosmetic. But that the nudge exists at all shows that we can yet liberalise our democracy. We can fan the flame into fire.

Another landmark to celebrate: in 2006, we survived a sinister self-succession scheme by truncating an amendment to the constitution. It was designed to give the president — and, accidentally, the governors — a third term in office. On the surface, the plan was to award Obasanjo an extra term of four years since the constitutional limit is two terms of four years each. But, as it goes with Afrodemocracy, changing the constitution is the first step to life presidency — one step at a time. The failure of the third term agenda was a major victory for the current democratic order. When we complain about how slow the democratisation project has been, we should not forget this win.

Without a doubt, the Nigerian people deserve better than what they are getting. Democracy is built around the people. In fact, the people are the object and subject of democracy. Conversely, Afrodemocracy is built around the political elite. They lord it over us. They become tin gods when they get into office and make themselves extremely comfortable first before remembering the purpose for which they were elected into office. But we still have the right to ask questions and we have used our power to vote them out in the past, be they president, governor, lawmaker, councillor or council chair. That is some comfort. We had no such authority or privilege under the military.

As we commemorate 25 years of democracy in Nigeria, our biggest challenge is how to make it work for the people. How can we demand and entrench good governance at all levels — federal, state and local? Our focus is always on elections, so our energies peak when it is time to vote. Thereafter, we switch off and begin to groan. Yet, we have to consciously organise ourselves to hold democratic institutions accountable and responsible on a daily, not seasonal, basis if we are going to help the process grow to our own benefit. It shouldn’t matter if our preferred candidates win or not. Nigeria belongs to us all. Good governance is not a gift to be home-delivered to us — we must demand it.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

GAME OF THRONES

Alhaji Muhammadu Sanusi II has been controversially restored to his throne as Emir of Kano, four years after he was deposed by Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, then-governor of Kano state. I pity Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero, his now deposed successor. He was a pawn on the chessboard. I think Ganduje went too far when he broke the Kano emirate into pieces clearly for political reasons. But the restoration of Sanusi could have been tidier given that there was a court injunction stopping it. No matter how bad an injunction is, it has to be obeyed until vacated or quashed. Ordering Bayero’s arrest, as Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf did, baffles me. I wonder what these governors will do with state police. Scary.

ANNEXING BANEX

The Nigerian military has virtually relocated to the Banex Plaza, a favourite market for phones and computers in Abuja, after some traders assaulted two soldiers in uniform following a disagreement over a faulty mobile phone. I will say this again: under no circumstances should anyone assault uniformed officers. It is an attack on the state. If any civilian is wronged by soldiers, there are processes of seeking redress. But the same thing applies to the military: why shut down dozens of businesses because of the offence of a few? The culprits could have been fished out. For those canvassing a return to military rule, that is just a taste of the tyranny we suffered for decades. Brutal.

2023 REPEAT

I know I am getting ahead of myself, but since we are already discussing the 2027 presidential election (evidently, Nigerians were created for elections), I am here to predict that it will be a rematch of 2023: Bola Tinubu vs Atiku Abubakar vs Peter Obi. Atiku has just said he will run for president for as long as he is healthy. He recently denied plans to endorse Obi in 2027. Obi himself is already playing retail politics in the core north, where he fell short in 2023. And Tinubu’s associates are openly talking about mobilising the president’s re-election. It will not be the first rematch. We watched Goodluck Jonathan vs Muhammadu Buhari in 2011 and the rematch in 2015. Intriguing.

A train moving from Kaduna to Abuja has reportedly derailed at Jere.

Daily Trust reports that the train departed Kaduna around 8:05am and derailed about an hour later.

Three carriages were said to have gone off the tracks.

Security operatives are currently on the scene to watch over the dozens of stranded passengers and offer support.

More to follow…

INTRODUCTION

Few days ago, the Court of Appeal held a capacity building workshop for Justices of the Court of Appeal and members of Election Petition Tribunals nation-wide. No doubt, the Nigerian Judiciary is a major player in holding any credible elections, being the third arm of government that resolves disputes and interprets the law. My Ozekpedia (modeled after Wikipedia, Legalpedia, Encyclopedia, Europedia, Glottopedia, Physiopedia, etc) once described the Judiciary’s recent role in election matters as “Judocracy - form of government where presidents, governors, Senators, House of Representatives members, House of Assembly members, chairmen of local government, Councilors, etc., are incubated, midwifed and delivered in the hallowed courts of law rather than through the ballot box” (See https://www.premiumtimesng.com/opinion/603439-how-buharocracy-put-nigeria-in-throes-by-mike-ozekhome.html?tztc=1, June 9, 2023; https://independent.ng/2023-pept-pronouncement-a-judocracy-against-nigerians-ozekhome/, September 7, 2023).

OBJECTIVES OF THE WORKSHOP

To attain pure and undiluted justice, there is the urgent need to take a second hard look at the Constitution and statutory provisions dealing with elections and electoral disputes in Nigeria. To inquire into building capacity for Judges via training on election-related matters and improve mechanisms for case management, the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) headed by ace rights activist, Clement Nwankwo (we were in the trenches together in the 80s and 90s), in collaboration with the International Foundation for Electoral System (IFES) and the Court of Appeal, organized the capacity-building programme to support and strengthen the work and role of the Judiciary as it relates to election matters generally. The workshop aimed at promoting judicial excellence, electoral integrity and democratic governance.

At the workshop, the intermediate court’s jurists discussed and made many far-reaching and salutary recommendations that will go a long way in sanitizing and deodorizing our warped electoral process, after INEC had woefully failed in its duty to carry out free, fair, credible and transparent elections. The learned jurists should know better because they constituted the pivot and linchpin of adjudication during the 2023 electoral disputes era. Many judgements were applauded; but some were met with public anger, outcry and ruckus as a result of the perceived injustice and unfairness midwifed by such judgements.

The workshop which targeted Justices of the Court of Appeal and Judges/Members of the Election Petition Tribunal provided an avenue to build their skills on effective resolution of election disputes ahead of the upcoming 2027 General Elections, and to correct past errors. Also considering a new legal framework for elections in place, the Justices/Judges were trained on the application of the new Electoral Act, 2022, as well as on Practice and Procedure in Election Petition Tribunals.

THE RECOMMENDATIONS AND MY HUMBLE PERSPECTIVES

I agree with many of the recommendations arrive at during the workshop as they aim to enhance the efficiency, fairness and transparency of the present warped electoral process which I had spoken so often about. (See https://newtelegraph.com/2023-general-elections-and-a-fractionalised-electoral-process-part-4/, July 10, 2022; https://www.tvcnews.tv/2017/03/nba-ozekhome-disagree-on-election-reform/, March 31, 2017). However, I hold a differing opinion on some of the recommendations. For example, the recommendation that the Court of Appeal should be the final arbiter in governorship election disputes cannot be supported having regard to the sensitive nature of the gubernatorial seat. I will explain anon. Following are my humble thoughts on each point of the recommendations:

1. ELECTORAL DISPUTES SHOULD BE DECIDED BEFORE SWEARING-IN

I completely agree with this salutary and commendable recommendation. Ensuring that all post-election disputes are resolved before the winners take office would promote stability and ensure legitimacy in governance. It would also prevent situations where elected officials face multiple legal challenges and hurdles during their embryonic stages in office. These are invariably disruptive and serve as a major distraction to elected persons who bellyache as to whether or not they would eventually sail through. They lose concentration thereby and focus more on their court battles, all to the detriment of governance.

2. ALL PRE- AND POST-ELECTION DISPUTES SHOULD NOT TERMINATE AT THE COURT OF APPEAL:

While expediting the resolution process is important, I humbly suggest that governorship and Senatorial election matters should undergo an additional layer of scrutiny by the Supreme Court, the final court of the land. Given the significant impact of governorship and Senatorial elections on the various States and Senatorial zones in Nigeria, it is crucial for the highest court of the land to provide a final, definitive ruling on such matters, to ensure comprehensive justice and avoid premature stultification of litigation.

This my humble opinion is particularly relevant in the light of the recent 2023 elections, specifically the Plateau State Election Petitions, where the Court of Appeal invalidated the victories of more than 23 lawmakers from Plateau State, elected under the People's Democratic Party (PDP). I had critiqued this. (See https://independent.ng/ozekhome-enumerates-reasons-acourt-should-have-reviewed-plateau-legislators-judgment/, March 2, 2024; https://dailypost.ng/2024/01/17/ozekhome-supreme-court-judgement-plateau-lawmakers-dilemma-reignites-calls-for-electoral-act-amendment/ , January 17, 2024; https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2024/01/13/your-judgments-on-kano-plateau-zamfara-perverse-supreme-court-blasts-acourts-election-panels/, January 13, 2024). The nullifications were based on alleged irregularities in the nomination and sponsorship processes of the candidates by their political party (the PDP), which was said to “have no structures” (whatever that meant). These decisions were perceived as unjust and legally untenable by both legal pundits and political observers for several reasons. Firstly, the Court of Appeal's judgements appeared to have arbitrarily overturned settled judicial precedents regarding who has the locus standi to challenge alleged irregularities in a candidate's emergence at a party’s primaries. Secondly, there was significant debate over whether such complaints could be cognized by an Election Petition Tribunal, given its narrow jurisdiction under Sections 285 (1) and (2) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, especially as they are pre-election matters.

Thirdly and more importantly, these decisions were seen as unjust and unfair because the Court of Appeal served as the final court in these matters, leaving the candidates without the opportunity to further appeal to the Supreme Court in their search for justice. The electors and voters’ preferences were jettisoned and substituted by the Court’s own preference. The votes were counted quite alright and the Legislators won. Oxymoronically, the same votes did not count; so the Legislators lost. It amounted to judicial disenfranchisement. This situation underscores the need for both governorship and senatorial election disputes to reach the Supreme Court, to ensure fairness and uphold democratic principles.

To prevent frivolous appeals and crowding of the apex court’s docket (the understandable fear of many), while maintaining the right to approach the Supreme Court review, a heavy non-refundable pre-filing deposit fee of 10 million Naira should be imposed on the Appellants. This measure would deter and heavily minimize, if not completely halt frivolous appeals and ensure that only serious constitutional cases get to the highest court. This balances the need for thorough judicial scrutiny with the necessity to streamline the legal process.

3. ADR MECHANISM FOR PRE-ELECTION MATTERS

This is a positive and commendable recommendation by the Workshop. Applying Alternative Dispute Resolution for pre-election matters as opposed to adversarial court litigation would help resolve disputes more quickly and amicably, thereby reducing the burden on the courts. This will foster a collaborative approach to resolving electoral conflicts.

4. AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION TO ENSURE DISQUALIFICATION OF A DEPUTY DOES NOT AFFECT THE GOVERNOR:

It is important to ensure that the candidacy of a governor is not unduly affected by issues relating to the deputy governorship candidate. I believe that this amendment would provide clarity and stability in the electoral process. An ugly scenario that played out in the 2019 governorship election in Bayelsa State must be avoided. David Lyon of the APC had been declared governor-elect. He won square. He celebrated. He was live on television practising how to take the salute on a mounted daise for his inauguration the following day when news filtered in that a 5-man panel of the apex court had sacked him. His offence was that his Deputy, Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo, had presented false information to INEC in aid of his qualification as Lyon’s running mate. Thus, Degi’s sin was visited on an innocent Lyon whose own qualification was unquestionable. In my humble opinion, the judgement may have been based on technical law, devoid of justice.

5. INCORPORATING PARAGRAPH 25 (2) OF THE FIRST SCHEDULE TO THE ELECTORAL ACT INTO THE CONSTITUTION:

This ensures continuity in the hearing of election petitions even if the original presiding officer is unable to continue. It is a practical and necessary amendment to prevent delays and future challenges to the validity of judgements emanating from such tribunals.

6. AMENDMENTS TO SECTION 285(7) & (12) REGARDING THE TIMELINE FOR APPEALS:

Clarifying the timeline for when the 60-day period for appeals begins is crucial for ensuring timely justice. I believe that Section 285(7) & (12) of the Constitution should be amended to specify that the countdown starts “from the date an appeal is entered in the Court of Appeal or the Supreme Court.” This adjustment would streamline the process, providing a clear and unambiguous timeframe. It ensures that all parties involved have adequate time to present their arguments and that the courts can deliver their judgments efficiently and timeously. Remember that the Supreme Court has laid it down in Maku & Anor v. Sule & Ors (2019) LPELR-58513 (SC) that the requirement to file a petition within 21 days, relying on section 285 (5) of the 1999 Constitution, was a constitutional requirement and that the time frame was “just like the Rock of Gibralta or Mount Zion” which cannot be moved. Timeline in electoral matters, come nearer home, are like the Olumo Rock of Abeokuta and Zuma Rock of Abuja that cannot be moved.

7. REVIEWING THE STATE OF THE LAW ON THE TRANSMISSION OF RESULTS:

Revisiting and reviewing the laws on result transmission is crucial to prevent controversies such as we witnessed during the 2023 elections that put Nigerians on tension and tentacles as to whether or not there were “glitches” or breaks in transmission. Ensuring clear, transparent and reliable procedures for transmitting results will enhance the credibility of the electoral process. The difference between “transmit” and “transfer” and how they are exercised should be clearly defined and demarcated.

8. ALLOWING SUBPOENAED WITNESSES TO GIVE EVIDENCE:

This amendment would ensure that relevant testimonies are not excluded simply because they are not frontloaded with the petition itself, thereby supporting a thorough and fair examination of the facts in election disputes. How does a Petitioner frontload documents denied him by INEC even after a court or tribunal had granted permission for inspection and use of such electoral materials? What happens even if INEC releases them? The current position in law is that such evidence, having not been frontloaded, goes to no issue. This ugly spectre should be removed.

9. DELETION OF SECTION 137 OF THE ELECTORAL ACT, 2022:

Section 137 has not effectively altered the burden and standard of proof as defined in Sections 131-136 of the Evidence Act. The Evidence Act remains what it is - the law governing all evidential matters in any proceedings whether criminal, civil or electoral. Consequently, it is sensible to delete section 137 of the Electoral Act, so as to prevent confusion and maintain consistency with the established provisions of the Evidence Act of 2011 (now amended). This would ensure clarity in Electoral proceedings and uphold the integrity of the evidentiary standards already in place.

10. INCREASING THE NUMBER OF JUSTICES IN THE SUPREME COURT AND COURT OF APPEAL:

Increasing the number of Judges on the bench is a necessary step to making justice more accessible, and managing the workload more effectively. This measure would ensure timely resolution of cases by allowing more hands on deck to address the large backlog. By adding more judges, the judiciary can handle the volume of cases more efficiently, reducing delays and improving overall judicial performance. This improvement is crucial for maintaining public confidence in the legal system and ensuring that justice is delivered promptly.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, while I support most of the recommendations arrived at during the Court of Appeal’s workshop, I firmly believe that governorship and senatorial election disputes should ultimately be reviewed by the Supreme Court, to ensure thorough and final adjudication. This would uphold the integrity of the electoral process and enhance public confidence in the judicial system.

Your name says you are a man of strength. Some say you are a strongman. Others call you Nebuchadnezzar. You say you are a man of capacity, character and INTIGRITY. Hon minister, he, who fights and runs away, lives to fight another day. The gods are not amused when men play god. For some mistakes, you must count your losses, lick your wounds and let sleeping dogs lie. The best military commanders understand tactical retreats. You had prophesied the formidability of this young governor who didn’t like talking. The Igbo say it is the small faeces that do the real damage to the anus. Read the handwriting on the wall. That kingdom is lost. This attempt at a third term through the backdoor has failed irredeemably.

Fubara, being Ijaw, is a gnat perched on the scrotum. They must give it tribal interpretations of domination. You can no longer possess and wield a monopoly of the road dogs against their own. Fubara, being your trusted finance director and Accountant General, was your bagman. He knows where the skeletons are buried. Many in the presidency, including your cheerleaders, want you pruned. It’s human nature to seek to deflate pomposity. Many of the president’s men think your loyalty is mercenary. Behind the curtains, they say you are a scheming and treacherous politician who beguiles people with effusive self-congratulatory sermons about loyalty in politics but whose guiding principle is the ruthless supremacy of money. Your hands are full.

Hon Minister, that boy is your first son in politics. He can easily be your nemesis. You can’t win this fight. Can’t you see that he understands the intestines of the courts? The passwords for judicial manipulation appear to have changed. Some of your potent magicians have defected. Your formats for abracadabra have all but expired. He hosts former presidents, governors, and emirs, and he carries himself like a rockstar. Bands play for him as they once did for you. He never seems drunk. Poets have said that people who don’t get drunk should be feared. 

Honourable Minister, Fubara plans to start a probe. There is a frenzy. Names of houses, supermarkets and petrol stations have started flying around. He claims to have all the documents involving everything he partook in. Honourable Minister, when a young ebullient lion rises against his ageing father, the father must recognise the times and tides, tuck in its tail and retreat, away from the territory with his dignity. If he chooses to linger and puff, to lust after past glory and pride, he will be cannibalised. Honourable Minister, a probe by Fubara might be truncated by a legal sleight of hand, but no politician waits for his sh-t to hit the fan.   

Hon Minister, before choosing this career in godfatherism, you should have studied your new friend Asiwaju, on whose mandate you are now well seated. After he installed Fashola to actualise his political dynasty and the progress of Lagos, troubles surfaced. Fashola decided to be his own man. It must be in the character of gods to see such independent-mindedness not as maturation but as ingratitude. So, Asiwaju naturally threw fits. But they were quiet fits. He didn’t go about staging media chats, beating his chest and battering the drums of war. He allowed the House of Assembly to start a noisy study of the impeachment manuals. Yet nobody was in doubt about the unseen hands drumming for the dancing legislators. The politics in Lagos, being more civil than the savage politics of Rivers, nobody removed the roof of the House of Assembly after a certain faceless group called the Face of Lagos submitted the script. Though Fashola used the courts creatively, Asiwaju could have taken off his gloves and gone headlong. But he read the situation and noticed that Lagosians were with performing underdog, Fashola. So Asiwaju allowed the elders whose pleas he had rebuffed to beg him again. This time, he ordered a ceasefire and saved himself an internecine war, leaving his twitching face to hint that he would deal with Fasiola at the appropriate time. When 2011 came, he flirted with the idea of stopping Fashola from taking the ticket. But since that could mean jeopardy, he hesitated. If Fashola decamped and Lagos followed him, that would be the end. So, he hesitated for peacemakers to arrive and exhaust themselves. In truth, Asiwaju swallowed the humiliation and allowed Fashola to continue. Today, all that Fashola did in Lagos now belongs to Asiwaju, his political father. 

Hon Minister, it’s on record you bought forms for everybody and prevented other people from buying forms. That’s your style. You don’t fool around, so they think you are a brute. You won’t give the impression there would be primaries only to change the delegate list overnight. No. You could have made them waste their money on forms and still decide the winners. But rather than appreciate your direct approach, some now mischaracterise that gesture as political gluttony. Others call it megalomania. They don’t know how hard you worked to earn money and reputation and build political structures. They begrudge you for pursuing your ambition to be a godfather and have people stand on your mandate. They misunderstand you. Recently, you have seized the two main parties in your state to re-organise them effectively. Some say you are destroying democracy. But how can they understand that you have done it so that people don’t waste their time pursuing ambitions like mirages? They don’t know that whether they like it or not, you will decide the winners and that it’s out of benevolence you have put them out of their misery early by literally confiscating the main parties. 

That is the burden of being unpretentious. That was why you told the Bishop of Portharcourt not to make any politician a knight. Because politics and knighthood don’t go together. But they said you were uncouth. Perhaps you didn’t notice Fubara was a knight. He is now saying that God made him governor, that he can’t worship a man, and that he will use his position to serve the people. You should have found a proper puppet. You made him governor and made others commissioners and legislators and he thinks you overreached yourself. He is now trying to be a knight. He is gathering all the IGR and declaring it all to receive applause like a saint. Does he know how you bought his form and funded his elections?

Perhaps Hon Minister you can try other methods. There are ways to catch a monkey without chasing it around the town relentlessly, falling into ditches and leaving people thinking you are a savage. Give the monkey some bananas. You made Fubara go feral. What you have done is to eat all the bananas to have the energy to chase the monkey. That was not smart. Fubara was a taciturn humble governor. Overnight, he has become almost a Cicero. You could have allowed him to be a governor, to appoint most of the commissioners. Then, you could have appointed the IGR collector and held onto the House of Assembly. But you didn’t read the Lagos manual and wanted to be a godfather. 

Rather than share power in the enye-ndi-ebea enye-ndi-ebea fashion with Fubara, you seized everything and made him an errand boy. Now you have sleepless nights. Had you sat in the live-and-let-live position, his success would be your foresight. You would claim him and all his achievements. And if he failed, you would disown him and blame it on his political waywardness or something like that. Now you are fighting your heir.

 What do you lack in Abuja? You have access to the choicest wines that you love. You have the private jet. You have a trillion naira budget under your watch. And you are still fixing your cronies in good places. Doctors advise people to avoid stress because it eats them up. Hon minister, you are not Amalinze, the cat. Stress is written all over you. Fortunately, the EFCC is still sleepwalking. And the president remembers the little magic you performed for him during the elections, so you will remain honourable for a while. Fubara has talked about otapiapa. Fubara has talked about his determination to open the nyash of the fowl. Honourable Minister, a grasshopper that the noisy bird, Okposo, eats dies from deafness.

The decision of the Kano state government to reinstate Emir Sanusi II some four years after he was dethroned has expectedly elicited diverse reactions from many Nigerians. While some looked at the subject from the cultural point of view and argued that it is in order to restore the traditional institution in its unadulterated form, others are unhappy that politicians have turned the royal throne into a chess game. So, the blame game is on.

Some say it is the result of an unending political rift between two former Kano governors, Musa Kwankwaso and Abdullahi Ganduje. There is a third group that loathes the involvement of the Judiciary which engaged in an offshore interference in the controversy. It is however simplistic to make conclusions about the return of Emir Sanusi II without reference to why and how he was deposed in 2020. The deposition of the Emir 4 years ago was heavily criticised by many political analysts who were convinced that the Emir did no wrong.

Any Nigerian including a traditional ruler has the constitutional right to hold and constructively exchange his viewpoints on any subject. Speaking truth to power should thus not be a basis for victimising a citizen especially Sanusi who always did so to any authority. Therefore, to reinstate him to the throne as has just been done reflects justice. As a result, I am unable to support those who think Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is the party to blame. In addition, I will patiently observe the regularity of the application of technology to our judicial process before commenting on the exparte orders allegedly issued from above in the form of justice to put the controversy on hold. 

The only group whose role I cannot but deprecate is the law-making arm of government whose members permanently position themselves to be manipulated to do wrong. To see many Kano legislators vividly rejoicing today as part of those who ensured that justice was served is annoying because many of them were part of the injustice of the past, they are supposedly correcting now. Were they not the ones who amended the relevant law that gave former Governor Ganduje the power to depose Emir Sanusi in 2020? What was the public good that motivated their controversial amendment which they have now repealed to empower Governor Yusuf to reverse his predecessor?

What step did they take to gauge public feelings either when they amended the law or now that they have recanted? In answering the above questions, many people are free to assume that our lawmakers, as usual, merely prioritised materialistic considerations. Considering the historical assumption that Kano has a highly sophisticated political class,when will legislators in that ancient city take the lead in making themselves and their colleaguesto fully appreciate that they are in office to represent the people? Is it not painful that legislators across the country are often catalysts in any controversy patronised by the executive arm of government?

Put differently, when will our legislators realize that their active connivance has always aided government to hurt many innocent citizens? To attempt to review such cases will be too long for this piece but a few examples will demonstrate the unfortunate negative role of legislators. The story of Simon Achuba former deputy governor of Kogi state is probably the worst. While in office, Achuba drew attention to some irrational expenditures in government. He was immediately blacklisted while the state legislators were mobilized to impeach him.

The number of impeachment processes by which Nigerian legislators have been used to remove deputy governors are quite many but what puts Achuba’s case ahead of all is that at the end of the process, the panel set up to probe him returned a verdict of not guilty. Although the exact type of motivation could not be ascertained; the legislators ignored the positive verdict and went ahead to impeach a proven innocent citizen. But why would any sane person or group punish an innocent person?In later years however, the Judiciary nullified the impeach ment and awarded huge sums to the former deputy governor. If the legislators had appropriately played their assigned role of checking the excesses of the executive, Kogi state would more likely have been better off today. Perhaps Yahaya Bello would have ended up as a friend of the anti-corruption Czar.

In like manner, Taraba State would not have experienced motionless growth some years ago if the state legislators had allowed former Governor Danbaba Suntai who was badly injured in a plane crash to be replaced in line with the constitution. But for whatever reason, they preferred to remain in a match with an injured goalkeeper/captain of the team. Even in matters concerning their own group, personal benefits always prevail. Only last week, Cross River State legislators reportedly removed their speaker,Elvert Ekom Ayambem with a vote of no confidence by17 out of 25 members.

The decision might look reasonable until the real reason for the action is known. As they always did everywhere in Nigeria, the legislators said their speak er was not only incompetent but corrupt having allegedly embezzled huge fundsbelonging to the Assembly. Annoyingly, the legislators said the motion to remove Ayambem was handled as a matter of national public importance without telling us which public project, the missing amount was meant for. It is also interesting to note that, as usual, the only punishment for Ayambem is removal from office as speaker. But then who determined that the accused was guilty of the crime? In addition, is removal the prescribed punishment for stealing?

It is important to interrogate the subject properly because to only remove the speaker leaves the Assembly with a known rogue-member. It is suggested that the Assembly should get the anti-corruption agencies to prosecute the speaker. Otherwise, the 17 accusers may find themselves functioning as accuser, prosecutor and judge. However,history teaches us that the accusations may have been reversed and the speaker hailed by his accusers if he had allowed the money to be shared.

The point to be made is that activities of legislators like impeachment of deputy governors or the removal of speakers are usually influenced by two factors. The first is where the governor is the initiator of the impeachment. The second is where legislators remove their speaker because they find him unable to get the executive to increase their level of comfort. There are also occasions where a speaker is removed because the executive is uncomfortable with him. In all the scenarios, the legislators are never able to rationalize their conduct; they do what the executive desires and leave him to take charge of the damage control.

A good example presented itself some years ago when the Niger State House of Assembly was motivated to remove their speaker some 48 hours after he was elected by them. The explanation the Assembly gave for the removal was poor performance without thinking about when he was to perform. Inevery interaction between the legislature and the executive, the same disposition is what one sees. It is the reason legislators at all levels never scrutinize or ask relevant questions each time the executive is desirous of a loan.

During the second tenure of the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari, the National Assembly’s argument was its commitment to cooperate with the executive and depart from a so-called antagonistic posture of its predecessor. In due course, many Nigerians observed that the posture was designed to gain huge favours including scandalous funding of bogus constituency projects beyond federal concerns. Can someone tell our legislators that the several failed projects they are setting up panels to probe were destinedto fail because the legislature never functioned as a check during budgeting for the projects?

The legislature is not the only arm of government to be blamed for all the challenges in our nation today; other arms no doubt played poor roles too but as the direct representatives of the people, the roles of our legislators expose them as persons more interested in personal gains. This seems to explain the rate at which many of them jump at executive positions where contracts are awarded. We are however constrained to appeal to them that nothing is more honourable, humane and fulfilling than to work for the people.

One year ago, Citizen Bola Ahmed Tinubu became Nigeria’s president. In the run-up to the elections, a lot of hate was brewed on all sides of the political divide. That, I dare say, is the nature of politics all over the world. Contestation for the minds and votes of the people is revved up to trigger the basest of instincts. Just like in the First Republic, every election cycle shears the fragile fabric of national cohesion to such an extent that we are much more divided today than we were at the onset of the current democratic relay race in 1999.

Take a trip on the superhighway of social media and see how we advertise our mutual hatred and call other ethnic nationalities by names that our dogs— even the common Bingos used for dog meat pepper-soup— would find discourteous. 

One year into the Tinubu administration, we are yet to start the healing process of pulling ourselves together so that our forward march can be as one people, even as we have— and jealously guard— our different political perspectives. There is nothing wrong with political disagreements. There is everything disagreeable with establishing a dynasty of implacable warriors in the name of political followers whose sole duty is sustaining the E-wars on the internet or the thinly veiled TV diatribes where we de-market each other.

This retrogression shall not be televised. We shall keep it hushed in whispers among our various clusters. What we had hoped would be a centripetal pull has rent us asunder and made us, not just perpetual opponents, but infernal foes to each other. The simple matter of electing our leaders has morphed into an unprecedented political chasm destined to consume the atavistic forces it has unleashed. 

Yet, this was the same country in which, nine years after the civil war, Dr. Alex Ekwueme from Anambra State in Southeastern Nigeria was voted as Vice President to Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Augustus Meredith Akinloye (Always Mentally Alert) was the all powerful chairman of the ruling party. The president deferred to him at all party functions. The calibre of the opposition was high: the redoubtable Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the UPN; Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe of the NPP; Alhaji Aminu Kano of the PRP; and Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim of the GNPP. 

Even with all the warts of Second Republic politics, we still look back at those days as comparatively glorious. The urgent task before us all is to reset to brotherhood mode. Waziri Ibrahim called it “Politics without bitterness”. Could that be the dream that fired Senator Opeyemi Bamidele to sponsor the bill seeking to restore our former national anthem (Though tribe and tongue may differ in brotherhood we stand…)? I would rather we use our magic wand to return the Naira to its value in 1980 (98 kobo=$1) instead of re-echoing the colonialists’ colourful words such as ‘native’ and ‘tribe’.

I think the more desirable thing for us right now is to look ahead and change gear. It is one year of the Tinubu administration. Last week, the ministers rendered an account of their stewardship on national television. If I was the president, I would by now have done my own assessment to compare with the lies that some of them openly told. But, thank God for little mercies, the Tinubu administration’s perform-or-be-fired mantra is several miles better than Buhari’s style of leaving appointees in office even when they start becoming rancid.

So, let the president rejig his cabinet. There’s no point allowing passengers to continue occupying the driver’s seat. And let’s have a closure on the suspended Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Dr. Edu. 

I am rather interested in deliverables for the next one year. What should we expect the Tinubu administration to have achieved (wholly or partially) by this time next year?

Food Inflation

The Nigerian Bureau of Statistics has disclosed that the average annual rate of food inflation for the twelve months ending February 2024 over the previous twelve-month average was 30.07 percent. For the year ending in April 2024, the average annual rate of food inflation stood at 32.74%, representing an increase of 9.52 percentage points over the 23.22% average annual rate recorded in April 2023. The Tinubu administration will be judged by how far its policies encourage a downward trend of these distressing figures in the coming year.

State Police

There appears to be a consensus now that the existing federal police structure is inadequate to handle the current security challenges in the country. President Tinubu ought to trigger an expeditious constitutional amendment and legal framework for the setting up of a new state police structure to run side by side with the existing federal force. 

Value Of Naira

I have heard top government officials boast that the goal of the current policies rolled out by the government in the financial sector is to eventually achieve a fair exchange rate of about N700 to the USD. Amen! It will be interesting to see where we are in the next 12 months.

Tax Harmonisation

Nigerians expect that the next one year will not witness any kind of tax ambush as was attempted many times in the last one year. There is a limit to which a pauperised person can be taxed even as everyone knows that the immediate past administration had mismanaged the economy. You can’t restore a malnourished child to normal body weight in one day.

Alternative Sources

Nigerians are expecting that in the next one year, the other sources of revenue touted as potential money spinners would at least come to their own. The club of potential champions include: Steel Development, Marine and Blue Economy, Solid Minerals Development, Tourism and Digital Economy, 

Electricity

After the failure of the attempt by the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission in conspiracy with the discos and the Minister of Power to increase electricity tariff arbitrarily, there is need to restore confidence in consumers through a more predictable supply without which all the expectations of increased productivity will come to nought.

Transition To CNG

By this time next year, most Nigerian cities ought to have benefitted from the presidential CNG initiative to reduce the dependence on petrol in favour of Compressed Natural Gas. If that does not happen, the government would be judged to have failed.

Federal Roads

All over the country, federal roads have become death traps. The poor state of most roads make commuters sitting ducks for armed robbers and kidnappers who have been having a field day all over the country. In the next one year, this is one area where Nigerians will definitely assess the government and judge it harshly if it defaults.

Political Solution

In line with my persistent call for national healing and reconciliation, I think we should take advantage of President Tinubu’s political experience and pan-Nigerian outreach to request him to find a political solution to the ongoing trial of Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the proscribed Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB).

It is within the powers of the president to constitute a team to advise him on possible details and conditions for achieving a political solution to the case. If that is achieved in the next one year, the political temperature in the Southeast will drop as the ground will be swept from the feet of pretenders to the IPOB cause who have constituted themselves to terror gangs in the forests of that region. I can visualise a collective sigh of relief being heaved by his kinsmen and other goodwill ambassadors of other ethnic nationalities who have been calling for a political solution to get this matter behind us once and for all.

As Shakespeare says, The quality of mercy is not strain’d. It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven Upon the place beneath. It is twice blest: It blesseth him that gives and him that takes.

The duo of Abba Yusuf, governor of Kano State, and the Nigerian presidency stand the risk of plunging Kano back into the year 1893. Their weapon would be politics and votes of the over 2 million people of Kano. In the year 1893, in the words of highly rated scholar on Northern emirate administration, C. N. Ubah, a bitterly disputed succession battle plunged the Kano emirate into anarchy and civil war. Indeed, the Kano royal family had overtime been a hotbed of divisions and acrimony. Beginning from the first civil war fought in Kano in 1565, the royal house of Kano had been bedeviled by internal strife and bloodshed. In 1648, the house was again ravaged by a second civil war shortly after the death of Muhammed Alwali, also known as El Kutumbi. The strife continued even till 1806 when Kano became part and parcel of the nascent Sokoto Caliphate. That year, followers of Usman dan Fodio forcefully drove out Alwali, Kano’s last Hausa emir, from the city. Thereafter, in 1807, after a protracted struggle with the Fula warriors towards the end of that year, Alwali was ambushed and assassinated at Burum-Burum in present day Kano. His assassination spelled the end of the Kutumbaw line of Hausa aristocrats in Kano, as well as the fall of the Bagauda dynasty that had been in place for 800 years.

In modern times, we have had peaceful enthronement and dethronement of Kano Emirs. For instance, one day in August, 1963, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, suddenly woke up from a belligerent side of his bed and conceived the sack of the Emir of Kano, Sir Muhammadu Sanusi. Persuaded that courtesy demanded he should inform his protégé and Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa of this move, Bello sent his friend, Alhaji Isa Kaita, Waziri of Katsina, then Northern Region Minister for Works and later, Minister of Education between 1957-1966, to Lagos.

There, Kaita met Balewa with his five ministers – Muhammadu Ribadu, Shehu Shagari, Zanna Bukar Dipcharima, Maitama Sule and Tudun Wada. When he broke the news, Balewa and the others were horrified and expressed their opposition to it. “Tell the Sardauna that he should not do it, for Kano will be on fire,” they chorused. Sanusi was a highly revered and loved monarch with a cultic following. Then Kaita rose and told the Prime Minister and the five ministers, “I am not here for permission. I am here to inform you that the Sardauna had made up his mind. I am afraid, no going back”. Bello and Balewa later agreed that Azare, headquarters of the Katagum Emirate in Northern Bauchi province, should be Sanusi’s banishment place. Two days after, Sanusi was dethroned and banished to Azare where he died in 1984.

Who will give Tinubu and Yusuff that initial counsel which Balewa and his ministers gave Ahmadu Bello? Who will tell them that, with the current weaponizing of politics and votes in the Kano royal house succession battle, in anticipation of the 2027 elections, “Kano will be on fire”?

Fifty seven years after that Ahmadu Bello dethronement of Sanusi, in the same off-handed and cavalier manner he removed him, Abubakar Ganduje also halted Sanusi Lamido Sanusi’s imperial ride on the royalty of Kano. Through the State Emirate Council Law 2019, Ganduje imposed a five-emirate system, birthing first-class emirs in Gaya, Rano, Karaye and Bichi. Thus, in 2020, Ganduje peremptorily removed Sanusi over allegation of insubordination to his government. And 61 years after, Governor Yusuf walked that same Ahmadu Bello route by removing the Emirs.

Aside Ganduje’s allegation of insubordination against Sanusi, the presidency of Muhammadu Buhari, too saw Sanusi’s cup as having run over. Security reports alleged that the Emir was tampering with the president’s meaty pie. Coupled with his perceived aristocratic obstinacy, relentless criticisms of the fiscal regime and indeed the administration of Buhari in very unflattering terms, Ganduje’s disdain for Sanusi received a presidential imprimatur. He had to go.

After receiving his letter of appointment from Yusuf on Friday, Sanusi, speaking in Hausa, ascribed his return to the palace as God’s inscrutable act, because God is “the all knowing. He gives power and takes away from people in leadership. If He gives, no one can take away and if He takes away, no one can stop Him. God gives power to whoever He chooses.” Earlier, while signing the new Kano Emirate Bill (2024) into law, Yusuf had said that the decision to return Sanusi to the stool as the 16^th Emir of Kano was in the best interest of the state and its people.

Both Sanusi and Yusuf must however know that they were both being clever by half. The duo merely exploited and capitalized on the mass of the people’s uncritical appraisal of existential matters. Nigerians mix metaphysical issues with the issue of existence, to their disadvantage. The plot to bring the former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) governor back to the palace had no hand of God in it. It was a product of deft maneuvering by political gladiators playing a political chess game. Alongside the Sultan of Sokoto, Emir of Gwandu and the Shehu of Borno, in Nigeria and outside of its shores, the palace of the Emir of Kano is held in awe for its significance for both religious and political purposes.

Together, the four Emirs are historical and religious rulers who are literally deified in Northern Nigeria. On the national platform, whoever is the Kano Emir has a controlling leverage on the political barometer of the north. With Ganduje’s political hold on the state he governed withering and dithering, one permutation said the federal government needed an ally in a suave, likeable Sanusi whose preference also fits the political vendetta game that the Rabiu Musa Kwankwanso-led New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) wanted to inflict on the APC national chairman. A Sanusi as Emir, with his adorable suavity and talismanic respect in the north would inch any government with sagging electoral hold like Tinubu’s back to power in a re-election contest. So they think. The other permutation said that Ganduje got the presidency of Tinubu to send military troops to Kano to thwart the removal of his anointed Emirs.

Though there are no artillery firepower and marching troops, today in Kano State, there seems to be a reenactment of the famous Battle of Kwatarkwashi. Last Thursday, Abba Yusuf appended his signature to the reappointment of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi as Emir of Kano, four years after his dethronement by his predecessor, Ganduje. By that singular act, perhaps unbeknown to Yusuf, he went down history lane among leaders of Kano who engaged in the politicization of successions in the Kano emirate.

Fought in 1903, the Battle of Kwatarkwashi ruptured Kano emirate peace. It was a decisive war between the British administered Protectorate of Northern Nigeria and the Emirate forces in the Sokoto Caliphate. In that battle, High Commissioner to the Northern Region, Lord Lugard, waged war against Kano Emir, Aliyu Babba. Bent on removing Babba for what he considered his arrogance and disregard for his office, Lugard wrote incriminating memos to Britain justifying military action against Babba. First, he claimed the Emir planned to attack the Kano garrison with 10,000 troops. Then, he alleged that Babba granted asylum to Dan Yamusa, the Magaji of Keffi, who, in October 1902, allegedly murdered a Captain Moloney, Keffi-based junior Resident. Lugard then placed a price and wanted tag on Yamusa’s head.

On January 29, 1903, the battle began. Colonel Morland, Commandant of Northern Nigeria Regiment and his troops rolled their battle tanks into Kano. Emir Babba’s cavalry for the battle was no match for Morland’s 24 Officers and 722 other ranks, with their four 75mm guns and 4 Maxims. The British, after breaking the walls of Kano, stormed the Emir’s palace, killed its defender, Sarkin Shanu, who had fought them with a sword, set the Emir’s arsenal on fire and killed not less than 300 of the warriors. On February 16, the British forces then proceeded to the Northwest of Kano where they ambushed the Kano cavalry who were gathered by the great rocks of Kwatarkwashi where a 6-hour firepower ensued. At the end, the Vizier of Kano emir beat a retreat with his remnant of cavalry, to Sokoto. Many of the fighters, under Muhammad Abbas, however, surrendered to the British, leading to Muhammad Abbas, Aliyu’s elder brother, being proclaimed Emir of Kano.

Unlike the Kwatarkwashi battle, change of Emirs in a very volatile emirate of Kano is usually in an off-handed manner. Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, Second Republic governor of Kano state from 1979 to 1983, had also toed same line in his removal of the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero. Rimi perhaps verbalized the disdain with which politicians regard Emirs. Speaking with respected veteran journalist, Lekan Alabi, in 1982 on an NTA Ibadan Personality Interview Programme, Speak Out, Rimi declared that traditional rulers were “mere public servants” and threatened to remove Bayero.

He exploded: “The way you press and our political opponents (regard) the Emir of Kano is not the way we regard him. As far as we are concerned (thumping his chest) – we the elected government of Kano state – as far as I, the governor of Kano state, is concerned – the Emir of Kano is nothing, nothing, nothing but a public person… he is holding a public office… being paid from public funds and whose appointment is at the pleasure of the governor of the state and who can be dismissed, removed interdicted, suspended if he commits an offence. And there is nothing unique about Ado Bayero, the Emir of Kano… believe me, if he commits any offence which will make it necessary for us to remove him, we will remove him and we will sleep soundly”.

Since the formation of Kano Emirate in 1805, two attempts have been made to split the emirate. Incidentally done by civilian governments, both attempts hung their reasons for the Emirs’ removal on the need to whittle down the powers of Emirs. Rimi was the first to create five emirates out of the Kano Emirate. A noticeable sour relationship had developed between Bayero and Rimi. In 1981, Rimi stopped the traditional homage usually paid by village heads to Bayero. So, on April 1, 1981, Rimi created four new emirates of Gaya, Rano, Dutse, and Auyo, excising some domains from Bayero’s emirate. On April 7, 1981, he also issued a “Query” to Bayero and in 1982, ordered the return of dethroned Emir Muhammadu Sanusi to Wudil in the state.

What is playing out in Kano today is a replay of the Second Republic Kano government-Emirate tango. Or the usual volatility of successions in the royal house in earlier centuries. Rimi, who became governor under the banner of the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) had fallen out with party leader, Mallam Aminu Kano. From this fallout came a faction of PRP called “Yan tabo” with its loyalty strictly to the Mallam. The other faction, called “Yan santsi,” pledged its loyalty to Rimi. Unfortunately for Rimi, the electoral umpire, FEDECO, pronounced its recognition of the Aminu Kano faction. This led Rimi to defect to the Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) where he vied for a second term in the 1983 elections. As soon as he tendered his letter of resignation as governor, the “Yan tabo” faction replaced him with his deputy, Abdu Dawakin Tofa but later fielded Sabo Aliyu Bakin Zuwo as governorship candidate. Zuwo defeated Rimi. On his assumption of office in 1983, the first thing Bakin Zuwo did was to reverse the creation of the four new emirates made by Rimi. The single emirate of Kano continued for thirty six years until 2019 when Ganduje again got it splintered.

Unbeknown to the generality of the people, though Governor Yusuf had, in campaigns for the office of the governor, vowed to “right wrongs” in the emirate, his “very bad” case at the appellate court must have given him and the Nigerian power apparatchik what lawyers call consensus ad idem on the restoration of Sanusi to the palace. In the permutations of what is happening in Kano, the one suggesting that the president is most likely running with the hare and hunting with the hound is almost the most fertile. Sanusi and the current Nigerian power levers have always been allies. Giving his return a presidential push would be a worthy favour to a friend who incidentally has become a proposed weapon for retention of power.

Events unfolding since Thursday have shown that politicians are gradually dragging Kano to the Battle of Kwatarkwashi, the slab of bloodshed. As I write this, there appears to be two Emirs on a single Kano emirate stool. Presidency officials themselves are split between Sanusi and Bayero. Security apparatuses are also torn apart in their loyalty to the two “Emirs”, with Yusuf threatening to arrest Bayero for allegedly sponsoring the bid to set Kano aglow. But, is the blood of Kano people worth the politics of 2027 and vendetta?

THERE is no denying the fact that corruption has become endemic in our country Nigeria and that it has eaten very deep into every fabric of the society. I listened to a voxpopuli on social media some days ago where Nigerians who had “japa” from the country were asked whether they would “japada” Not a single one of them said they would! Why, they were asked, and they answered that it is because the situation that forced them out of the country has not changed. The country’s problems, they added, were leadership and corruption. Tame corruption and Nigeria would become a better place, they said. Enthrone good leadership and the country would, in no time, become the Eldorado that its citizens “japa”on a daily basis in search of. It is common knowledge that Nigeria is not short of solutions to its problems, implementation has always been the problem. Who will bell the cat, as they say? Karl Marx hit the nail right on the head when he posited that “Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world. The point, however, is to change it”

On Saturday, 27 April, 2024 at online publication, Treasure newspaper’s first public lecture and award ceremonies held at the Conference Hall of Solab Suites Hotel, FUTA South Road, Akure, Ondo state, the controversy over whether or not the death penalty was sine qua non for taming corruption reared its head again. Guest lecturer, Segun Maiyegun, a household name in student union and pro-democracy activism voted for public execution for corrupt Nigerians. The topic of his lecture was “Home-grown economy as a road map for economic sustainability: Examining the prospects under the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration”. “I am calling for the death sentence on anyone who embezzles”, Maiyegun said unequivocally. But speaking later, the Ondo State Honourable Commissioner for Information, Mr. Wale Akinlosotu, who stood in for his governor, Lucky Aiyedatiwa, disagreed. According to him Nigeria must toe the line of international best practices on the subject matter, adding that there are enough laws in the country’s statute book to effectively tackle the cankerworms of corruption.

Pointing to China’s example of the death penalty for corruption, Maiyegun said “harsh punishment“ is needed to deter corrupt practices. He also advocated an understanding of the inner workings of political economy because politics, according to him, “is the answer to economic problems. We need people to understand the interplay and contributions of individuals” to national development. He advocated restructuring that will devolve more powers over control of resources from the Centre to the states while also calling for a free marketplace of ideas and knowledge. “People want to know their leaders; let the leaders come  closer to the people”

Pro-democracy activist and chairman of the occasion, Debo Adeniran, argued that practical steps were needed to turn the country’s comatose economy around. He said critical minds are required to ask critical questions that would proffer solutions to the country’s myriad problems. “I give it to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu: he was in the streets, too. He was with us in the streets. If there is anything happening, he intervenes”. He was referring to those years of the struggle to end military rule when Tinubu was an activist who marched in the streets with other pro-democracy activists. “I am not a fan of Tinubu but he intervenes when there are issues”, he added for emphasis.

One other serious problem that was discussed at the event was that of insecurity and the role played by the proliferation of light or small arms. The Southwest Zonal Coordinator of the National Centre for the Control of Small arms and Light weapons, Mr. Benson Sola Akinlade, said the country’s economy cannot thrive in an atmosphere of insecurity because, according to him, economic sustainability is inseparable from security sustainability. Highlighting the Centre’s efforts at preventing and controlling the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, he said thousands of such illicit weapons have been successfully mopped up.

Legal experts have offered different views about the judicial order that was recently given stopping the reinstatement of Muhammadu Sanusi II as Emir of Kano

The allegation made by Governor Abba Yusuf that Justice Mohammed Liman of the Federal High Court in Kano granted an order stopping the reinstatement of Sanusi Lamido as the 16th Emir of Kano from the United States is generating serious controversy among lawyers in the country.

While some argued that if the court proceedings are conducted virtually, the judge can sit anywhere because he has a global jurisdiction, others contended that the Nigerian judicial system follows territorial authority. Judges typically exercise jurisdiction within Nigeria’s borders.

LEADERSHIP Sunday reports that the rules of the Federal High Court provide that judges can conduct judicial activities outside the country in certain circumstances, like when the court judge participates in international arbitration proceedings held outside Nigeria.

Also, in rare cases, a judge may conduct hearings or proceedings in another country with the consent of the parties involved and the Chief Judge’s approval.

However, the Federal High Court has embraced virtual court proceedings, also known as remote hearings. However, a situation where a judge sits over a case virtually from outside the country is controversial.

The judge, in the eyes of the storm, is a very senior judicial officer who handled high-profile cases before he was transferred outside the  Lagos jurisdiction of the court.

He has been sitting virtually on some old  Lagos cases from his Kano base by the court’s rules.

On May 7, 2024, Justice Liman convicted and sentenced a plastic surgeon and founder of MedContour Services Ltd., Dr Anuoluwapo Adepoju, for failing to appear before the Federal Competition & Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) about an investigation into a failed plastic surgery that resulted in the death of one Nneka Onwuzuligbo in 2020.

This judgment was delivered virtually.

Also, on May 17, 2024, during a visual court hearing, he fixed June 3 for judgment in the money laundering trial of a former speaker of the  Lagos State House of Assembly, Adeyemi Ikuforiji.

He has also been conducting the case of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) against Four directors of Petrol Union Oil and Gas Company Limited, accused of an alleged £2.556 billion fraud.

In his reaction to the controversy,  a Professor of law, Ademola Adaranijo, said that the judge had not done anything wrong. However, he is unsure of the allegation because there has not been an official response from the court’s authority or the judge.

Adaranijo stated that in law, when it comes to online offences, jurisdiction is global. He said that if someone committed an offence of cyberstalking, for example, in Enugu, he can be tried anywhere in the country because you can not limit the Internet to a particular location. 

He said, “In the same vain if the judge is sitting online, he can conduct the proceeding from anywhere as long as the parties agree. 

But a  Lagos lawyer, Michael Okpu, disagrees with his colleague’s opinion; he said a judge must have access to necessary resources, files, or support staff to handle cases effectively.

He said, “The National Judicial Council’s (NJC) Guidelines for Virtual Court Proceedings (2020) only allowed virtual hearings in certain circumstances, such as urgent matters, interlocutory applications, pre-trial conferences and simple civil cases.

“However, the guidelines mandate that the judge, parties, and legal representatives be within Nigeria’s territorial boundaries during virtual proceedings.

“So, a judge of the Federal High Court of Nigeria cannot sit over a case virtually from outside the country; he must be within Nigeria’s borders to participate in virtual court proceedings,” he said.

[Leadership]