Cement distributors in Lagos have stated that prices of the commodity might rise to levels seen earlier in the year during the next dry season when demand increases.  

A review of prices across major cement distribution outlets reveals that prices have remained stable in the past four months following intervention from the federal government and the National Assembly. The price of a 50kg bag of cement ranges from N7,500 to N8,200.  

Speaking on prices of the product, Ms. Halimat, a major cement distributor in Ikorodu said, “Now, we sell Elephant cement at N8,200 per bag and that’s the price for like two to three months now. No big difference between the price for Dangote and Elephant Cement for some time. I think it’s because of government intervention and the rainy season. Normally, demand is low during the rainy season as most construction work stops.”  

Ms. Halimat’s views were confirmed by Mr. Idowu, who not only sells cement but also general building materials. He said that although prices are stable now, they are expected to rise when the dry season comes, and construction work picks up.  

He said, “The drop in demand does not only affect cement but building materials in general but as construction works begin from maybe October or November, we’ll begin to see prices increases- that is how the market usually works but the one early this year was shocking and unexpected. I have been in this business for almost 20 years and I’ve not seen such a quick increase in cement prices. We have learnt now.”  

N8,000 cement prices are not still cheap 

However, another cement seller, Mr Enuwa disagreed that reduced demand for cement was due to the rainy season. According to him, reduced demand was caused by an increase in prices beyond the reach of average people to embark on large scale projects.  

He said, “N8,000 for 50kg of cement is not cheap and that is not a stable price. How many people can build a house or any project at that price? We were selling cement around N5000 per bag this time last year and it increased to around N12,000 but dropping to the current price, that is not stable.”  

He explained that the high prices of cement might deter developers from building at the regular full scale expected during the dry seasons.  

Speaking on the cement price projection for the dry season, an official of the Dangote Group who requested anonymity said there is no reason to believe the opinions of cement distributors on the projected price increase.  

According to him, prices are determined by different factors, not only demand, and it is difficult to project with certainty any increase in prices.  

In his words, “What the distributors are telling you is what they think. It doesn’t mean it will happen. I cannot say for certain what will happen to cement prices when the dry season comes. It depends on different factors, and we have no control over some.” 

Cement price increase earlier in the year 

In February 2024, Nairametrics reported a spike in the price of cement from around N5,000 for 50kg bag to over N10,000 sending panic waves across the construction industry. It took the intervention of the federal government to rein on manufacturers that saw prices drop to N8000 after deliberations between the federal government led by Minister of Works led by Sen. David Umahi.  

Prior to the hike, analysts at Cardinal Stone had projected that cement prices in 2024 would remain high due to the elevated inflationary environment, volatility in the foreign exchange market and high operational cost.   

Nigerian businesses have not had it good with the foreign exchange market in 2024. The naira started the year trading at under N1000/$ and closed the first quarter at N1309/$ despite exchanging for as high as N1600 on the official window during the quarter.  

The Cardinal report then diminished the likelihood of a price war between industry players in response to BUA’s price reduction in October 2023, stating that while it is slim, it is not impossible. It is worth knowing that in October 2023, the Chairman of BUA Group, Abdulsamad Rabiu stated his cement company will peg the price of cement at N3,500. The declaration proved to be mere lip service as neither developers nor distributors were able to buy at that price.  

Impact of cement price increase on the housing sector 

As hinted earlier by Mr. Enuwa, the cement distributor, the impact of the high cement prices could deter developers from starting new projects.

An earlier report by Nairametrics revealed that the 130% increase in building materials has stalled housing projects across the country with builders most hit due to the decline in jobs.  

Furthermore, the increase in building materials like cement has negatively impacted the real estate sector as developers face losses over an unprecedented increase in the cost of building materials which impacts the entire real estate development sector. 

[Nairametrics]

The news of the Supreme Court pronouncement on the financial relationship between state governments and local governments hit everyone like a thunderbolt—the various tiers of government and public affairs enthusiasts, those who pre-occupy themselves with public affairs. Private citizens who occasionally reflect on matters of this nature only in their closets because of its over-arching implications cannot be indifferent. The judgment is seen as weaning off, indeed freeing local governments from the apron strings of the state governments. The Supreme Court reaffirmed the constitutional rights and obligations of local governments, rights state governments had glossed over all of the 25 years since the take off of the Fourth Republic in 1999. They will now have financial autonomy to fulfill statutory obligations to the people in their localities. 

With the Supreme Court ruling last week which lawyers would say has become a case law, financial share of statutory allocations for local councils will be going to them straight from the Central Authority. Governors are divested of power to dissolve elected local council assemblies. Hitherto, a governor could just wake up from a bad dream and send a local government council packing at his whims and caprices and replace the elected officials with handpicked caretakers who owe no allegiance to the community, but to their appointers, the governors. Because such sack sends cold shivers down their spine, local government chairmen advise themselves accordingly. Thus, they became no more than prefects owing their loyalty only to the governors. The result has been that the share of revenue to the councils has been wooly or at best what the state executives dimmed fit, not what councils may statutorily be entitled to collect to develop and maintain their communities. All that is shrouded from the public gaze and enquiries. Doubts then arise in the minds of the public on whether local governments ever have budgets at all. The doubts trigger speculations that in cases there have been allocations councilors, chairmen and officials just gather to share the revenue. True or false, that has been the low esteem in which the councils have been held and the contempt the state authorities have been assailed over their relationship with the local councils. Ask anybody, it is as if local governments do not exist in Nigeria. After Ademola Adeniji Adele, I do not know the name of the chairman of Lagos City Council. In his days Adeniji Adele could be mistaken for the governor of Lagos State. After Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin, I don’t know the names of the chairmen who had mounted the saddle at Owo in succession to him since 1978. Can it ever be forgotten that Dr. Abubakar Ibiyinka Olorun-Nimbe and Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu were at different times chairmen of Lagos Town Council, Dawodu on the platform of Action Group and Dr. Olorun-Nimbe, on the platform of NCNC? Each would pass as governor of Lagos State in these modern times. What with the Administration that transformed Lagos, building what was then referred to as New Lagos, (Surulere)–the medium and low cost houses there, and which provided public buses with the inscription LMTS,(Lagos Municipal Transport Service) among a string of legacies. In the First Republic, local councils were more visible. They built schools, they paid teachers; they constructed roads. They had Native Authority Police Force (NAPF). 

Last week, the Supreme Court rose admirably to sanitize the hinderances and inadequacies that have bedeviled local government administration in the country. The government of a state and local governments sharing the same umbrella are henceforth to work collaboratively, yet independent of one another. The governors have generally expressed support for the Supreme Court judgment although the last may not have been heard from them. The chairman of their Forum, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, Governor of Kwara State, said he and his colleagues would study the judgment and come back. The Governor of Oyo State, Seyi Makinde, could hardly contain his displeasure. He is setting up a committee to look at the judgment. Other fears have been expressed. Former Governor of Delta State, James Ibori, sees the Federal Government remitting money directly to accounts of the local government councils as a set-back in the nation’s march to true federalism. Viewing it as dangerous, he believes very strongly that the judgment adds to the burden of over-centralization of government at a time there is a loud clamour for loosening up and upholding the principles of federalism. 

He refreshes our memory with sections of the Constitution with particular reference to Section 162 (6). This states as follows: “Each state shall maintain a special account to be called ‘state Joint Local Government Account’ into which shall be paid all allocations to the local government councils of the state from the Federation Account and from the Government of the State.” Ibori then said: “The court’s ruling on the matter is an assault on true federalism. The Federal Government has no right to interfere with the administration of Local Governments under any guise whatsoever. There are only two tiers of government in a federal system of government.” He said, yes, it is wrong for states to fiddle with allocations to the Joint Local Government Accounts and he is opposed to it, but he argues, that “does not call for this death knell to the clear provisions of section 162 of the constitution.” Further in his words, “The Supreme Court’s ruling appears to contradict the explicit provisions of the 1999 Constitution. The ruling potentially shifts the balance of power between the Federal Government and the states. By allowing federal intervention in local government finances, it arguably centralizes more power at the federal level, contrary to the principles of federalism. This decision could be seen as an erosion of state autonomy. States are meant to have significant control over their internal affairs, including the administration of local governments, in a federal system.”

Financial independence: “The ruling may impact the financial inependence of states and local governments. If the federal government can directly intervene in local government finances, it could potentially use this as a tool for political leverage”. Ibori sees a precedent being set as “this decision could set a precedent for further federal interventions in areas traditionally reserved for state governance, potentially leading to a more centralized system of government over time. That Local Governments must be democratically elected ‘goes without saying. Yes, I agree. That’s the position of the constitution but withholding their allocation is not the way to go. It’s wrong. In the coming days, we will begin to fully understand the implications of the Supreme Court decision. An assault on the constitution is not the answer to fiddling with the Joint Local Government Account. If the ruling is saying governors cannot tamper, touch or fiddle with the Joint Accounts, that’s fine because they shouldn’t be doing that in the first place. But asking the Federal Government to pay Local Government allocations to the account of the local Government directly will lead to utter chaos and avoidable friction in governance.” Ibori would like the Supreme Court take another look at its decision.

Erstwhile Governor Ibori has made solid points on over-centralization of power. Given the level of our inner maturity which underpins leadership attitude to opposition views and which triggers unconscionable carpet crossing, the sort we are witnessing in Rivers State, a narrow demagogic leader may arise at the centre who may decide to teach a recalcitrant opposition local council a lesson by withholding its allocation in order to cripple it. But then there appears to be some in-built mechanisms to prevent abuse by the Federal executive powers on the issue. What the Constitution Section 162 (2) says is that the President is to lay before the National Assembly proposals for revenue allocation from the Federation Account following which the latter will determine the distribution formula. The tabling before the National Assembly is upon advice from the Revenue Mobilization, Allocation and Fiscal Commission. The same Section, article 3 then states and I quote: “Any any amount standing to the credit of the Federation Account shall be distributed among the Federal, State Governments and the local government councils in each state on such terms and in such manner as may be prescribed by the National Assembly.” The process leaves little or no room for the Executive to withhold the allocation to any state, local council or a group of states and their councils. At every stage, there is input of the National Assembly. It is also pertinent to wonder if the state governors have demonstrated fidelity to the letters and spirit of the Constitution on the administration of local councils in the country.

My take, therefore, is that it is the states that brought the misfortune on themselves with the court ruling scrapping the channel for onward release of local council funds through them. They put in the way of effective local councils devices to hamstring them. If they were remitting the local council share of the revenue to them as and when due and doing so transparently, there would have been no acrimony. No one would have gone to court to bring them to an awakening. In many cases as noted by the court, the funds were withheld, not disbursed to the local councils. The governors did not take a cue from the Federal which publishes its own disbursement month after month, the amount that is shared and what goes to which tier of government. The experience over the years is that a majority of the state governors have been derelict, using funds as instrument of manipulation and power aggrandizement, thus leaving councils and by extension their communities they are expected to serve to suffer. The consequence is that there is hardly evidence of development anywhere. Because local government areas hold no promise for the youths, they flee to towns and cities where they create social problems. The governors have had 25 years to reflect on the rightness or otherwise of withholding of allocations to local councils and dissolving properly constituted councils.

Justice Emmanuel Agim said this much in the Supreme Court leading judgment: “I hold that the states’s retention of the local government funds is unconstitutional. Demands of justice require a progressive interpretation of law. It is the position of this court that the federation can pay LG allocations to the LGs directly or pay them through the states. In this case, since paying them through states has not worked, justice of this case demands that LG allocations from the federation account should henceforth be paid directly to the LGs.” 

It can also only be enheartening that no elected local government council can henceforth be dissolved by governors and only democratically elected local government councils are to be paid and not any longer caretaker committees. The Supreme Court declaration on the vexed issue is “that the state government has no power or control to keep the local government council money or funds”. The court made further declaration barring state governments from dipping hands in the local council public till what Justice Agim called “an order of injunction restraining the defendants (that is state governors) by themselves, agents or privies from spending local government allocation.”

Local government councils are the officials closest to the people in towns and villages, what political pundits are wont to call grassroots and as in other lands, their functions include establishing orderliness in localities through licensing of trucks, bicycles, wheel barrows and canoes. They are charged with construction and maintenance of roads, streets, street lightings, drains and other public highways, parks, gardens and open places. They are supposed to be in charge of provision of public conveniences, sewage and refuse disposal; control and regulation of outdoor advertising, movement and keeping of pets of all description; shops and kiosks; restaurants, bakeries and other places for sale of food to the public and licensing, regulation and control of liquor. They are to collaborate with the State Government with respect to provision and maintenance of primary, adult and vocational education, the development of agriculture and natural resources, other than exploitation of minerals and in the provision and maintenance of health services. These functions are well spelt out in the Fourth Schedule of the Constitutions. In the Western World, it is Mayors that the populace looks up to for their wellbeing and security.

It is a gratifying landmark judgment which the nation had last week for which the Supreme Court and the Federal Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi deserve commendation. Fagbemi’s action was predicated on 27 grounds, asking the Supreme Court to issue an order banning state governors from unilateral, arbitrary and unlawful dissolution of democratically elected local government leaders. The Supreme Court decision points the way to civility, orderliness as well as progress and development in our local government councils. 

The galaxy of stars of the month of July in our firmament

I woke up, turning my gaze up to scan the firmament. What did I see? Bright stars, all, in the month of July. Consider the list, all beaming their rays of their shine to our world. Professor Wole Soyinka: Aremo Olusegun Osoba; Prince Henry Odukomaiya; Chief Ajibola Ogunshola; Professor Olatunji Dare; Prince Nduka Obaigbena; last but not the least, Dr. Stephen M. Lawani. The brightest of the stars and citizen of the universe, Professor Wole Soyinka; he was 90 on 13 July, last Saturday.  It was the day Osoba, ace reporter, editor, Managing Director of the Daily Times, The Herald and Sketch, two times Governor of Ogun State and now political godfather to a great many, set off the waves with the release of his latest book, ‘My Life In The Public Eye’ ahead of his great day which was last Monday, 15 July. He was 85. Unknown to many of us, the day passed quietly, marked privately with members of his family, Prince Henry Odukomaiya, we fondly call editor of editors; pioneer Managing Director of National Concord and pioneer Managing Director of The Champion, was 90 on 10 July. He had his brightest days at the Daily Times. Celebrated columnist with an exceptional mastery of the English language, Professor Olatunji Dare, turned 80 on Wednesday, 17 July. He was chairman/editorial page editor of The Guardian after which he went on lectureship tour of the United States. Before his days at The Guardian, he had been a lecturer at the University of Lagos and chairman of Nigerian Herald at Ilorin. 

Step forward Chief Ajibola Ogunshola, a very thoughtful fellow who is particular about standards and honour. He cannot tolerate carelessness, superficiality or wastage. Here is a glittering testimonial from a well-informed and hard-hitting columnist of The Punch, Abimbola Adelakun last Thursday: “He is a no-nonsense man with high professional standards. He brooked no sloppiness and approached any slack in quality with the sternness of a colonial-era village headmaster. In those days he would scan newspaper piece written by a journalist, make corrections with a red pen, put the copy in a white envelope, and address it to the writer.” In accordance with the Law of Homogeneity, he could only have worked with an executive with similar standards and taste and a workaholic. He found that fellow in Ademola Osinubi as his Managing Director while he was Chairman of The Punch. They transformed the paper and raised it to an enviable height. Ogushola turned 80 on Sunday, 14 July. 

Just as well, next is Dr. Stephen Lawani who with Ogunshola was a university scholar at the University of Ibadan. Both were awarded scholarship by the university at the same time for their brilliance. Lawani read chemistry and Ogunshola mathematics. Because he led his class Lawani got two scholarships to do his doctorate programme, one in Chemistry and the other in Library Science. He elected the latter, drawing from his love of reading. The condition attached to Library Science scholarship was that he would on completion of his studies go back to Nigeria to set up the IITA library at Ibadan. After living IITA he worked in the World Bank in Washington, United States. Lawani is author of five books, the first being Christian and Reincarnation, then Future Societies to mention just two. Lawani was 80 also last week. 

Here is the man we call the Duke! I am referring to none other than Prince Nduka Obaigbena. His credo that unrelentingly drives his spirit is He Who Dares Wins. This was the parting address Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher left with the British troops as they departed to fight Argentina over Falkland Islands in 1982, the engagement that was more known as Forklands War. Obaigbena is an exceedingly resourceful fellow. Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, the late celebrated columnist, was to say to me one day: “If you lock Nduka Obaigbena up in a room, the following day, like a Jew, he would come out with a bomber. There is nothing in his hands that he cannot turn into money if he wants to, squeezing something out of nothingness.” The testimonial says it all about a genius in the publishing world who always thinks out of the box. He is publisher of THISDAY newspaper and owner of Arise News Television which has been announced is live in 54 African countries and viewed in Europe on Sky platform. He turned 65 on Sunday, 14 July. 

I can write a full length article on each of these eminent men, who are our joy and our pride. To do so will take seven weeks, each person per week. Five of the articles will undoubtedly fall out of season. It suffices, therefore, to draw attention to their great days and to invite us all to rise, clink glasses and say hip, hip, hip Hurrah!!! The glowing thread that connects them is writing. There they are, our bright stars up in the firmament!!! Hearty congratulations to all.  

Over the years, I have written about Obi on his birthdays, a tradition stemming from my annual tribute to Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu while he was alive. I celebrate individuals deserving of recognition, those who understand that a person's worth is not measured by wealth amassed but by the positive impact left on the world. This encapsulates our subject, who turns sixty-three today and is making a huge impact on society in diverse forms.

Because of his recognized impact, he is the major topic of discussion among serious and even unserious minds that irritatingly use his name to chase clout on social media platforms. Last month, I had an unexpected encounter with Fr. Jude Onebunne, who teaches philosophy at Nnamdi Azikiwe University and Pope John Paul II Seminary in Okpuno. My discussion with Fr. Onebunne centered on the philosophy of Mr. Peter Obi. Fr. Onebunne shared that he had devoted time to studying Obi and found his philosophical insights compelling. He emphasized the importance of studying Obi's political and existential philosophies, not just for Nigeria but for humanity as a whole. As a lecturer, Fr. Onebunne had begun incorporating Obi's philosophy into his teachings, urging his students to analyse and expound.

Father was absolutely right, and I concurred with him. Just as we discuss Thomism for St. Thomas Aquinas, Aristotelianism for Aristotle, Confucianism for Confucius, and Cartesianism for René Descartes, Obi's philosophies, variously described as “Obism,” “Obinometricism,” and “Okwuteism,” should be distilled into a single term and actively introduced to students, taking on a life of its own in society. Before concluding, he analyzed the names ascribed to Obi's philosophy and noted that “Obinometricism” sounded more like economics than philosophy and should be ceded to economists. The fact is that Father is at work and beckoned others to set out to work as well. I am at work as well. I therefore propose that we term the corpus of Obi’s philosophy “Obimentalism.” We shall come back to that.

Fr. Onebunne clarified that his promotion of Obi's philosophy had nothing to do with Peter Obi as an individual but everything to do with the enduring impact of his life and philosophy on society. “Val, we do not know Plato or Aristotle personally, yet we still study them because their thoughts continue to function actively in society. Peter Obi deserves similar adulation” Fr. Onebunne concluded, while bursting with energy.

Now, who is Peter Obi? If we subject his actions to critical analysis, what philosophy can be gleaned from them? Can we distil a consistent political, ethical and economic philosophy from his engagements? At sixty-three, how do we define him? Who among us is equipped to dissect such a multifaceted man?

From a young age, Obi earned money, starting even in primary school, yet he never let wealth dictate his life. This distinction in business followed him into public office, where service has remained his watchword.

As Governor, his priority was the welfare of the people, driving him to govern differently. He concurrently pursued all sectors and excelled in each. Those close to him marvelled at his capacity for long and intense mental labour. He has remained a volcano of energy and astonishes by the variety and accuracy of his knowledge in philosophy, politics, economics, and life itself. In a nation where governors often leave their states in debt, Obi left unimaginable surpluses - over 75 billion Naira.

We talk about him today and seek to align our ideas with his because, over the years, he has proven, like all great men, to be a man with a mission. Thus, it has not been smooth for him as his whole life has remained a battle—against those who rigged him out, those who impeached him as governor, and those who truncated his tenure. He fights against friends who, at each turn in his battles, want him to compromise his principles or abandon his struggles through the courts in favour of a gentlemanly protest politely established and easily forgotten. He has seen the end of his numerous battles against injustice. He sustains his principles through discipline, manifest freedom from every kind of corruption, and superiority to all considerations of money, which have often allowed him to rise above the baseness of human nature to the erect stature of the self-conquered man. Such a man deserves to be philosophically celebrated!

“Obimentalism!” This is what we shall call it—coined from Obi and development. “Obimentalism” is a philosophy that aims to inspire and guide individuals to become active participants in building a better society, where everyone has access to opportunities and resources to thrive. Is it not a great term to describe Peter Obi's philosophical approach? “Obimentalism” as a philosophy emphasises: O - Opportunities: Creating opportunities for all to thrive. B - Building: Building human capital, infrastructure, and institutions. I - Inclusivity: Promoting social justice, equity, and inclusivity. M - Meritocracy: Rewarding merit and hard work. E - Empowerment: Empowering individuals and communities. N - Noble leadership: Demonstrating noble leadership and good governance. T - Transparency: Ensuring transparency and accountability. A - Accountability: Holding oneself and others accountable. L - Legacy: Building a lasting legacy for future generations. I - Integrity: Upholding integrity and ethical standards. S - Service: Prioritising service to humanity. M - Mentorship: Mentoring and inspiring future leaders.

At this juncture, I join Fr. Onebunne in urging academic philosophers, economists, and political scientists to conduct and encourage thorough research on him. Students should be encouraged to write projects, theses, and dissertations on various aspects of his legacy. Some possible research topics could be: “The Ethics of Prudence: An Analysis of Peter Obi's Fiscal Responsibility,” “The Philosophy of Education: Peter Obi's Vision for Human Capital Development,” “The Politics of Integrity: A Case Study of Peter Obi's Leadership,” “A Philosophical Analysis of Peter Obi's Political Career,” “The Intersection of Politics and Philosophy: Peter Obi's Approach to Development,” “The Virtue of Frugality: An Exploration of Peter Obi's Simple Lifestyle,” “The Ethics of Resource Allocation: Peter Obi's Approach to Budgeting,” “The Ethics of Accountability: Peter Obi's Approach to Transparency and Governance,” among others. This is very possible because, as a postgraduate student, there are few classes in economics, politics, or philosophy where lecturers do not cite Obi’s policies, governance framework, or economic strategies as exemplars. As a student of Prof. Chiyere Stella Okunna, we were given an assignment to use any mass communication principle to analyze Obi's speech at Chatham House. This is exactly what we are advocating. I hope the likes of Dr.Nze U. Nze are taking notes.

Therefore, Obi is a fully researchable subject. More than any Nigerian, he has been the subject of numerous newspaper and journal articles. Even Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala gave him a chapter in her book. Books written about him unsolicited are legion. In fact, this morning there will be a public presentation of a book titled “Democratic Leadership: Peter Obi and the Passion for a New Nigeria” by Mr. Fred Emeka Eneje in Enugu. A few weeks ago, my very good friend Mr. Sola Fasure drew my attention to a forthcoming book entitled “The Gaullist Obi: Reshaping Nigerian Politics.” In his message, he said, “Val, one of our friends wrote this book and I wish to bring it to your attention…” This is what a good leader garners many years after leaving power. Here is a man who refused to sponsor any book or panegyrics about him while he was governor.

If popularity is measured by the acceptance of one’s policies and way of life across diverse contexts, Obi is undoubtedly one of the most revered individuals globally today. I am aware of how people from all corners seek to associate with him, a testament to his magnetic philosophies deserving of deeper exploration by academia.

In conclusion, Peter Obi’s journey exemplifies a life lived with purpose and unwavering dedication to the common good. As he celebrates his sixty-third birthday, his impact is evident not just in his accomplishments but in the philosophical legacy he has left behind. The concept of "Obimentalism" seeks to capture the essence of his approach to leadership and development, emphasizing the values of opportunity, inclusivity, and integrity. His life's work invites us to delve deeper into his philosophies, encouraging scholars and students alike to explore and analyze the principles that have guided his actions. As Obi continues to inspire and challenge conventional thinking, his legacy serves as a beacon for those committed to building a better, more equitable society. Let us embrace and expand upon this new philosophical framework, ensuring that the lessons from his life contribute meaningfully to the discourse on leadership and development.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has told the National Assembly to stop enabling the recklessness of the executive arm of government, following the Senate’s sacking of Senator Ali Ndume as Majority Whip for criticising President Bola Tinubu’s leadership.

Atiku, who also cited Senator Abdul Ningi’s suspension earlier this year over claims of budget padding, said the health of Nigeria’s democracy is being compromised by the unholy alliance between the executive and the legislature which portends to a dictatorship.

Recall that Ndume from Borno South Senatorial district was replaced with Senator Mohammed Monguno from Borno North as the Senate Majority Whip.

This decision was conveyed through a letter addressed to Senate President Godswill Akpabio, signed by the national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, and the national secretary, Ajibola Bashiru.

The letter, titled “Complaints Against the Unbecoming Utterances of Sen. Ali Ndume,” was read by Akpabio during the plenary session.

Atiku, while reacting to Ndume’s ordeal, said it is uncharitable for senators,  on the floor of the red chamber, to be immediately reprimanded for performing their statutory duty of calling the executive to order.

He said in the evolution of systems of government, the legislative arm of government was conceived as a means of protecting the people from the authoritarian tendencies of wielders of state powers by ensuring the executive does not go overboard in the application of its powers.

The 2023 presidential candidate of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) said, “Regrettably, however, the democracy in Nigeria in the current administration of President Bola Tinubu has become an anathema to that general principle of democracy as providing primary protection for the people against executive excesses.

“This ugly tendency is being manifested by the steady posturing of our National Assembly, especially the Senate, of taking a reverse course in its core function and becoming a puppet in the hands of the President.

“It is uncharitable that whenever members of the Senate stand on the floor of the red chamber to perform their statutory duty of calling the executive to order, they are immediately reprimanded for doing so.

“When Senator Abdul Ningi called attention of the country to the incident of budget padding in the 2024 Appropriation bill, rather than calling for a thorough investigation into the observation, the reaction of the Senate was to hand him a suspension.”

He added that Nigerians became victims of an ambiguous budget framework upon which appropriations for the current fiscal year are hinged in the face of multiplicity of appropriations.

“Only yesterday, Senator Ali Ndume called for the President to wake up to his responsibilities and provide succour to address the biting hunger and poverty in the country. Ironically, the response of the @NGRSenate to his patriotic warning is to relieve him of his principal office as the Chief Whip of the Senate.”

Atiku said despite persistent solicitations for government to put its priorities on canceling the excruciating hardship in the land and suspend plans of spending scarce resources on the purchase of new aircraft for the presidential fleet, “the Senate took a stand against the people and ignored the voices of altruism by decorating the President with controversial purchases of an aircraft and a yacht amidst the worst material conditions of the average citizen in the history of our country.”

The former Vice President added, “We are, therefore, beginning to see a pattern in which the National Assembly has become an enabler of executive recklessness, and the concerns of the people stand in the nadir of priority list of the legislature.

“This emerging reality must stop. The health of our democracy is being compromised by this unholy alliance between the executive and the legislature and portends a dictatorship that will worsen the lot of the people,” Atiku said.

[Leadership]

Tragedy hit the University of Ilorin as some yet-to-be-identified students and a shuttle driver got involved in a fatal auto crash at the school’s main gate, which led to the death of a student.

PUNCH Metro gathered on Thursday that it was a lone accident and the victims were passengers of the campus shuttle.

In a 23-second video obtained by our correspondent, it was observed that a white mini bus (Korope) involved in the accident was upside down and a female passenger was lying and bleeding on the floor. Some Good Samaritans were also making efforts to rescue the students entrapped in the vehicle.

Confirming the incident, the spokesperson for the Kwara Police Command, Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi, stated that a student died, while other students including the drivers are receiving medical treatment at the University of Ilorin Teaching Hospital.

Ejire-Adeyemi said,” The bus driver was conveying students out of the school premises, just at the exit lane close to the school gate, apparently he lost control and the vehicle somersaulted while on the motion.

“Unfortunately, one student lost her life, and other passengers sustained different injuries but they are presently receiving treatment in the university hospital. The shuttle driver is also receiving treatment.”

In a post made on X.com by the UNILORIN Students Union @UiLStudentUnion, it was disclosed that the victims are at the healthcare facility for medical attention.

It reads, ”Excellent Unilorites, please be informed that the victims of the unfortunate incident are currently receiving treatment in the Intensive Care Unit. Please disregard any other information at this time. Further updates will be provided as necessary.”

Efforts made by our correspondent to contact the UNILORIN Students’ Union President, Joseph Ologundudu, and Public Relations Officer, Oluwatobi Atolagbe, proved abortive as they did not respond to calls as of the time of filing this report.

[Punch]

Teenage gymnast Shoko Miyata has been pulled from Japan’s team for the Paris Olympics after being caught smoking and drinking, officials said Friday.

The 19-year-old, a world bronze medallist and captain of Japan’s women’s gymnastics team for the Games, was sent home from their training camp in Monaco and admitted she had violated their code of conduct.

“With her confirmation and after discussions on all sides, it has been decided that she will withdraw from the Olympics,” Japan Gymnastics Association (JGA) secretary general Kenji Nishimura told reporters in Tokyo.

Nishimura said the association had been told that Miyata was seen smoking in a private setting in Tokyo some time at the end of June or beginning of July.

She also reportedly drank alcohol in a room at Japan’s national training centre.

Smoking and drinking are both illegal under the age of 20 in Japan.

Nishimura said it was not clear whether Miyata was at a party or drinking alone.

“Being a member of the Japan national gymnastics team is a position where you have high demands on you all the time,” said JGA chairman Tadashi Fujita.

Fujita said that Miyata was already back in Japan after leaving the team’s camp and that the JGA would give her support.

Nishimura said she had “looked exhausted” at the camp in Monaco.

“She understands the importance of the rules and she looked sincere in facing up to her behaviour,” he said.

“It has been tough for her but she has talked openly and honestly about it.”

Miyata won bronze in the balance beam at the 2022 world championships in Liverpool.

She won the all-around title at Japan’s national championships earlier this year.

The Paris 2024 Summer Olympics will be held from July 26 to August 11, 2024, PUNCH Online reports

AFP

In the face of regional turmoil, rising extremism, and heightened geopolitical tensions, Africa urgently needs strong leadership. But its two most significant regional powers, Nigeria and South Africa, are too constrained by domestic challenges to represent Africa’s interests effectively on the world stage.

Nigeria and South Africa account for one-third of Africa’s economic production and have also spearheaded many of the continent’s peacemaking efforts over the past three decades, including the establishment of the African Union (AU). As I noted in my 2023 book The Eagle and the Springbok, Africa’s security and development rest heavily on the leadership of these two regional powers.

Nowadays, however, both countries are too preoccupied with domestic economic challenges and political turmoil to represent Africa’s interests effectively on the world stage. In Nigeria, President Bola Tinubu’s first year in office has been marked by a currency crisis and reports of the president’s ill health. In South Africa, the ruling African National Congress recently lost its majority for the first time since 1994, forcing President Cyril Ramaphosa to form a unity government with the ANC’s main political rival.

As Africa’s most influential powers, Nigeria and South Africa have a relationship that is both cooperative and competitive. This partly reflects their distinct cultural identities. Nigeria, home to the world’s largest black population, is the continent’s most linguistically diverse country; South Africa is its most Westernized.

Although both countries remain beset by corruption and crime, their growth trajectories have diverged considerably in recent years. South Africa is set to become the continent’s largest economy this year, while Nigeria – which held the title as recently as 2022 – is projected to fall to fourth place, behind Egypt and Algeria.

Instead of reversing Nigeria’s economic decline, Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope Agenda” has accelerated it. Having inherited a struggling economy with a national debt of $113 billion and 33% unemployment, Tinubu’s decision to remove fuel subsidies that kept gasoline prices low has triggered a massive cost-of-living crisis. Moreover, his administration’s attempt to float the naira by devaluing it has led the Nigerian currency to depreciate by roughly 70% against the US dollar over the past year.

These disastrous “shock therapy” policies, a misguided attempt to embrace economic orthodoxy, were initiated without much consultation or planning. After gasoline prices nearly tripled, inflation skyrocketed to 33%, and labor unions took to the streets, the government quietly reintroduced fuel subsidies.

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Fearing widespread labor unrest, Tinubu’s administration also announced cash transfers of $54 over three months to the country’s poorest households. But with 40% of the population living in extreme poverty, and bread prices nearly doubling since 2023, these payments fell far short of what was needed.

To be sure, Nigeria lacks the funds to do much else. The government currently spends more than 90% of its revenue on servicing the national debt – six times what it spends on health and education – and the reintroduced fuel subsidies are projected to consume half of its annual oil revenues. Compounding these challenges, the country loses 400,000 barrels of oil per day to theft and vandalism.

At the same time, while the naira has depreciated by 40% against the dollar in the first half of 2024 – making it the world’s worst-performing currency – devaluation has failed to achieve the government’s stated goal of attracting foreign investment. Instead, multinationals like GlaxoSmithKline and Procter & Gamble have exited the country.

Tinubu’s struggles extend to his foreign policy. As chair of the Economic Community of West African States in 2023, Tinubu threatened to intervene in Niger following the country’s military coup, vastly overestimating Nigeria’s military capabilities. This resulted in an embarrassing retreat after Niger’s junta defied his ultimatum and, together with Mali and Burkina Faso, withdrew from ECOWAS.

Shortly after assuming office, Tinubu unveiled his “4D” foreign-policy doctrine: democracy, development, demography, and diaspora. But this framework seems to be more about alliteration than action. In September 2023, as part of his foreign-policy overhaul, Tinubu recalled all of Nigeria’s ambassadors. Ten months later, many of these posts remain vacant.

Despite Nigeria’s declining economic weight and political influence, many Nigerians continue to cling to the outdated notion of the country as the “giant of Africa.” Meanwhile, the kleptocratic political elite shows blatant disregard for the plight of ordinary citizens, imposing austerity measures while continuing to spend lavishly.

By contrast, South Africa seems to have adopted a more measured approach. Following the election’s stunning outcome, the ANC has formed a coalition government with the business-friendly Democratic Alliance (DA), which won just 4% of the black vote. Confronting an external public-debt burden of $158 billion and the world’s highest income inequality, Ramaphosa’s administration is rightly focusing on addressing the country’s electricity crisis, infrastructure challenges, and corruption.

But tensions are already emerging. While many within the ANC want to boost social-welfare spending, the DA has consistently opposed the ANC’s welfare policies. Indeed, many ANC leaders would have preferred a coalition with two left-leaning ruling party offshoots: former President Jacob Zuma’s uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) and Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF).

As political commentators have repeatedly warned, the “markets” – meaning South Africa’s white-dominated corporations and foreign investors – would punish any coalition that included the MK and EFF, owing to both parties’ support for nationalizing financial institutions and land expropriation. Moreover, the fact that the ANC has been in power for three decades without shifting to the left suggests that such a move was unlikely.

Having garnered 15% of the national vote, the 82-year-old Zuma remains a powerful political player. Notably, MK won Zuma’s home province of KwaZulu-Natal with 45% of the vote, while support there for the ANC dwindled to 17%.

In an unexpected twist, the ANC, DA, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) managed to form a coalition, effectively excluding MK from the provincial government. Considering that MK won nearly as many seats as the next three largest parties combined, its exclusion could fuel instability in the traditionally volatile province, which is home to Sub-Saharan Africa’s largest port.

With Islamist terrorism on the rise and the United States, Russia, France, and China expanding their respective military footprints in Africa, the continent urgently needs strong leadership. But Nigeria and South Africa are unlikely to provide it. Constrained by domestic crises, Africa’s major powers have become hobbled hegemons.

I AM bemused by the sense of elation exhibited by some government officials and elites that the United Arab Emirates, UAE, has lifted the entry ban on Nigerians.

Immediately the announcement was made this Monday, July 15, some Nigerian officials started falling over themselves to assure the UAE that Nigerians would be of good behaviour and, pledging to strengthen partnership with it.

The lifting of the ban, which ordinarily should be a non-issue, took over our airwaves and the media. Then there is the accompanying melodrama whether in truth, apart from visa fees, the UAE is also demanding that each Nigerian applicant provides a six-month bank statement showing a minimum $10,000 balance and, pay N640,000 for a document verification number.

Whether these other requirements are part of a scheme to defraud Nigerian applicants or not, is not my primary focus, but the insult of the UAE banning Nigerians in the first place. This rudeness was compounded by the fact that the ban remained even after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had personally intervened when he met the UAE leader Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan on September 11,2023.

As someone who had frequently visited Dubai and Abu Dhabi mainly on-stop over trips and, stayed a few weeks on two occasions, I could not understand why some Nigerians are fascinated with a country in which Africans are, at best, fourth class citizens. UAE unofficially rates its citizens as first class, fellow Arabs as second, Europeans and Americans as third, and Africans as fourth, if not fifth after all other people.

Most Nigerians I met in that country were either traders at the Deira Markets or taxi drivers. UAE goods were not really cheap; how can they when the country is not a manufacturing hub?

In terms of trade, the UAE exports to Nigeria in 2022 totalled $653 million. The breakdown showed that the main product exported was refined petroleum- $352m. This was due to the gross ineptitude of our elites that ensured that despite Nigeria being an oil producing country; we do not locally refine our petroleum product needs. The second UAE export was broadcasting equipment worth $159m. This, from a country that in 2022 imported $20.3 billion worth of broadcasting equipment while it exported $17.7 billion. The third exports were cars worth $149m from a country whose cars are manufactured by Nissan and Toyota.

Comparatively, Nigeria’s exports to UAE was $752 million, with gold accounting for $489m. Ironically, Nigerians travel to Dubai to buy the same gold! The UAE did not export any services to Nigeria because that country itself depends on imported labour. As late as 2019, the UAE population of 9.8 million was made up of 8.8 million migrants. Migrants made up 90 per cent of its total workforce.

In reflecting this reality, I recall a professor from the American University Dubai, at a training workshop in Dubai, telling us that the joke amongst his colleagues was their reference to EMIRATE as an acronym for ‘English-Managed, Indian-Run, Arabs Take Everything.’ Another added that EMIRATES is actually an acronym describing the migrants condition: ‘English-Managed, Indian-Run, A Thousand Expatriates Suffering.’

Some Nigerians buy property in UAE and I wonder why. This is because except for the “freehold” areas introduced in 2002, if you are a foreigner, the ownership of your property expires in 50 years after which it reverts to the original owners.

Except that in comparison with Nigeria, UAE has a disciplined elite that has used its oil wealth to develop their country; that country has little or nothing to teach Nigeria. If anything, Nigeria has a lot to teach the UAE in terms of comportment and civilized behaviour in the international arena.

Internationally, the UAE is predatory; it plays hyena diplomacy. In 2011, it contributed 12 aircraft to bomb Libya, including the convoy of President Mouammar Ghadaffi, leading to his summary execution.

In 2012, it contributed troops to crush peaceful protests in Bahrain. Also, the UAE was involved in the establishment and funding of the Islamic State, ISIS, before that terrorist organisation became a monster which had to be put down by its sponsors.

When Qatar declined to crack down on rebels in the Islamic world like the Islamic Brotherhood; refused to stop its relations with Iran and, rejected the ultimatum to shut down the Al Ajazera international television network, the UAE contributed militarily to blockade that country.

Taking advantage of the crises in Somalia, the UAE is buying up parts of that country in order to own lands in Africa. It paid leaders of the rebel Puntland State in Somalia, $336 million to take over the port of Bosaso and its environs. It also paid the leaders of the rebel Republic of Somaliland $440 million to take over the Port of Berbera and adjourning areas.

Perhaps the most infamous foxy moves the UAE has made, is its invasion and seizure of parts of the Yemeni Republic. Houthi rebels had overthrown the government of President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi and a civil war ensured in 2005. The deposed President fled south and Saudi Arabian and UAE troops were deployed to stop the rebels from taking over the entire country. But the UAE had its own selfish plans. After pretending to protect the factional Hadi government in southern Yemen, it raised an internal force to fight Hadi. It then invaded and occupied four Yemeni islands and two islets that make up the Yemeni archipelago. In seeking to justify its colonisation of the Yemini lands, the UAE claimed that it was maintaining security, providing stability and supporting the inhabitants of the island in their development projects. It is instructive that the Puntland lands UAE has acquired have borders with the Yemeni Gulf of Aden which it is trying to acquire.

Nigeria has bent backward to maintain good ties with the UAE. Perhaps it is in our nature to make and maintain friends. But a basic principle in diplomacy is reciprocity. We should treat countries as they treat us. We should maintain some dignity in our relationships.

I tried to quantify what Nigeria might have lost when the UAE ban was on. It wasn’t much. So what did we gain during the ban? I think plenty. To begin with, we saved the scarce foreign exchange, including flight tickets we were expending travelling to a country that has little or nothing to offer.

The main attraction of the UAE, especially Dubai, is that it became a status symbol where rich Nigerians spend ‘their’ money. It had become the playground of Nigerian Big Boys like Ramon Olorunwa Abbas, alias Hushppupi. Even a Nigerian First Lady became identified with Dubai.

If we do not want to discourage Nigerians travelling to countries like the UAE, government should at least not encourage them.

IN his 1994 book, The Impossible Country: A Journey Through the Last Days of Yugoslavia, Brian Hall related his encounters with Serbs, Croats, and Muslims – real people, likeable people – who had been overcome with suspicion and anxiety about one another.

He painted the tragic picture of a country, its politics, its history, and its seemingly insoluble animosities. Reviewing the book, Atlantic Monthly, the iconic American magazine founded in 1857, said it was “a tragic portrait . . . presented with sympathy and frequently with humor . . . (of) a disparate people who were never united except by their resentment of a foreign conqueror.”

The question that concentrates my mind each time I read Hall’s book is whether Nigeria, like the ill-fated Yugoslavia, has become an impossible country. Why is it that nothing works in the real sense? Why are there statesmen who hanker after public good? Instead, there is a glut of wayward, errant political actors and there is a world of difference between the politician and statesman because as James Freeman Clarke, the 19th century American author poignantly noted: “A politician thinks of the next election; a statesman of the next generation. A politician looks for the success of his party; a statesman for that of his country. The statesman wishes to steer, while the politician is satisfied to drift.”

Nigeria is drifting and every issue is viewed from the prism of politics, which is why the Supreme Court ruling on Thursday, July 11, 2024, granting financial autonomy to the 774 local governments in the country will also become a problem sooner than later.

Why? Because those who went to Court to procure the judgement have their eyes on the next election rather than the next generation.

In the unanimous judgement of its seven-member panel, the Supreme Court upheld the suit brought by the Federal Government to strengthen the independence of LGs in the country, by granting them financial autonomy.

Insisting on what it termed the demand of justice which requires a progressive interpretation of the law, Justice Emmanuel Agim, who read the judgement said: “It is the position of this court that the federation can pay local government allocations directly to the local governments or through the states. In this case, since paying them through the states has not worked, justice demands that local governments’ allocations from the federation account should henceforth be paid directly to the local governments. I hold that the states’ retention of local government funds is unconstitutional.”

By granting financial autonomy, the Supreme Court ordered the Federal Government to pay the 20.60 per cent monthly allocation of the 774 LGs directly to their exclusive accounts and not to accounts controlled by governors. The Court also ruled that state governors do not have the power to dissolve elected LG councils and replace them with caretaker committees as that violates Section 7(1) of the Constitution.

The judgement was well received by many. Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, former governor of Abia State, ululated thereafter: “The Supreme Court judgement on the autonomy of local governments is one that should be hailed and applauded, especially for the courage and independence shown by the judiciary. The Supreme Court being a policy court did what is right and beneficial to the society.”

Those in Kalu’s corner have a point. Since 1999, governors have made a mess of the local government system by not only fiddling with the allocations to the Joint LG Accounts, but also, contrary to the dictates of the Constitution which states unequivocally that local governments must be democratically elected, continue to run them with caretaker committees.

But some Nigerians like Chief James Ibori, former governor of Delta State, demur.

Ibori, who together with Kalu belong to the Class of 1999-2007 governors with President Bola Tinubu, said on the contrary, the judgement is a coup against true federalism.

“Supreme Court has dealt a severe setback on the principle of federalism as defined by section 162(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended),” Ibori lamented, adding: “The court’s ruling on the matter is an assault on true federalism. The federal government has no right to interfere with the administration of local governments under any guise whatsoever. There are only two tiers of government in a federal system of government.”

Ibori believes that if the judgement subsist, it will erode the powers of the state governments and give more powers to the Federal Government, contrary to the principles of federalism. This, he contends, will be a dangerous precedent because “if the federal government can directly intervene in local government finances, it could potentially use this as a tool for political leverage.”

That is the crux of the matter – lack of political altruism. While it is true that governors have made a mess of the purpose for creating local governments, Tinubu, who created 37 local council development areas in Lagos, is not a great apostle of local government autonomy.

So, the judgement is more political than legal. Could it be that the executive railroaded the judiciary into handing Tinubu control of local governments for the purposes of 2027 elections?

But how far can the president go? He who pays the piper dictates the tune. Even if elections are conducted, as long as the state governors control the State Independent Electoral Commissions created by section 197 of the Constitution, there is not much anyone can do. They will decide who wins elections at that level and LG autonomy will continue to be a mirage.

In fact, in their brazenness, most governors routinely dissolve SIEC boards put in place by their predecessors and reconstitute them with their own loyalists as soon as they assume office.

The credibility and quality of elections into local governments have to be sorted out if LG autonomy is to be guaranteed. But how can that be when the Secretary of Local Government and other key administrative staff are appointees of the state government? Besides, the state Houses of Assembly which exercise oversight on local governments are still strongly tied to the apron strings of their respective governors and could be used to witch-hunt any LG chairman or councillor who fails to do the bidding of the state governors.  

Some have suggested that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, should be saddled with the responsibility of conducting LG polls. But with what the Professor Mahmud Yakubu-led INEC has become, there is little or no difference between SIEC and INEC.

And that takes me back to Brian Hall’s book. Nigerians are right now overcome with suspicion and anxiety about one another, a disparate people never united, not even by their collective misery inflicted on them by the ruling class – their oppressors.

To make matters worse, there are no statesmen. All we have are desperate politicians adept at gaming the system, people will do everything to win the next election even if it means pulling down the roof on everyone and everything. So, it does not matter what the Supreme Court rules or what the Constitution actually says, Nigeria will remain an impossible country as long as the status quo remains. 

In Anambra state, insecurity seems to grow every time an election approaches. This is a discernible and unsettling pattern. The Anambra state governorship election is up around late 2025, which is approximately a year away. As the election approaches, kidnappings and other violent crimes increase, contributing to the ongoing situation of insecurity. It’s now a perfect correlation that can be seen and examined to propose remedies.

The year 2024 is painting a very different image from 2023, which was quite calm, especially near the end of the year when there was only one incident at Uga during Christmas. As the months get closer to the guber election of 2025, insecurity is increasing once more.

If the state’s elections coincide with insecurity, it indicates that politicians and their agents are the ones responsible. Furthermore, the government cannot attempt to propagate insecurity while actively combating it. Given that governments exist primarily to ensure the safety and well-being of their citizens, doing so would be foolish and unhelpful.

Going by this assumption, politicians who are desperate and use criminals to win elections before, during, and after appear to be at it again. The people who commit violent crimes in Anambra state are the UGM, ritualists, cultists, and others. They collaborate with politicians in their desperate attempts to rig elections to win at any cost, which results in apathy and the diversion of the people’s mandate to the riggers.

Politicians have an abhorrent and reprehensible ability to use violence and illegal activity to win elections. As they do this, the government is compelled to devote greater resources to combating insecurity; money intended for salaries, social amenities, and other necessities will have to be diverted to combat insecurity and uphold law and order.

That’s not where it ends. Rich people in the state are discouraged from returning home and making investments because of the pervasive sense of insecurity. In addition, residents of Anambra state are moving to Asaba, Ogun state, Abuja, the coast of West Africa, and other locations.

Anambra is missing out on all of this, while the economy of the areas their wealthy sons and daughters flee to prosper and cash out. Ndi Anambra, for instance, are rapidly developing Asaba because they find comfort and security there. Because of the desperate politicians in Anambra who will stop at nothing to seize control of the state and be able to allocate its riches as they may, many Anambra residents now relocate there with their families instead of remaining in Anambra state.

Nigerian politics in general and Anambra specifically are following this hazardous trend. The majority of politicians are career politicians who do not have another forwarding address. Those who have succeeded as well as those who failed in business are turning to politics to survive. They are battling for control over the riches of Anambra state to use the same for revitalising their businesses.

Therefore, to these politicians, politics is mostly about achieving personal goals rather than serving the public interest. Development is likewise a secondary concern for these politicians, whose main concern after assuming power is how to maintain their position of authority. Funds intended for development are diverted for reelection, retirement into luxury, and godfathering roles to their cherry-picked successors, to ensure an unending supply of funds from state resources to them.

This has been the shameful pattern in Anambra politics, to which the state owes its relative underdevelopment until Chukwuma Soludo became governor and started a fundamental reset that the politicians vehemently oppose. Rather, they would prefer a governor who will share the state’s resources and open the coffers, leaving schools crumbling, growth stalled, and healthcare devoid of physicians, nurses, and drugs.

Elections should typically be decided based on ideas and performance records of the incumbents, as politics is typically a contest of ideas. But ideas and performance have little or no room in Nigerian politics, especially in Anambra. Politicians would rather take advantage of the electoral umpires, especially those who oversee election security and declaration of results to rig the results.

Ultimately, the state or country is forced to operate under a so-called democratic system without holding a true election, which results in the placement of grossly incompetent individuals in important posts. These are people who have grabbed the mandate of the people and run with it. Politicians from Anambra have a history of shady dealings and notoriety, but what worries the most is how they intend to use insecurity to rig elections and cement their hold on power—do or die.

This is a passionate plea to the government about the complete deployment of tech and specialised operatives to the fight against crime, and also a plea to the desperado-politicians who would not hesitate to ruin Anambra state to gain political power. Politicians ought to aspire to be like statesmen who care more for future generations than the next election.

The blood these politicians are spitting through the criminals they have armed and sent into the field is calling out to God for retribution, and God will hear and respond when the time is right.

It is equally necessary to discuss how full deployment of tech can reduce the security concerns in the state and the country, while applauding the Soludo government for its enormous security strides and urge the governor not to relent or be deterred. What I recommend is to have the state under full satellite-like coverage throughout, round-the-clock monitoring of all main routes from a covert central source, and fast response squads stationed at all major entrances and exits as well as inter-LG roads, all linked by communications.

In this manner, any incident occurring anywhere in Anambra state can be quickly observed and reported, and the area can be sealed off until the offenders are located and apprehended. The project will cost billions and will require Anambra billionaires to contribute to the development and implementation of the mother security architecture. It is simple and achievable and something similar is already in Edo and accounting for the state’s very low insecurity rating.

Lastly, may the politicians of Anambra choose the politics of ideas above the politics of bitterness. They must give Soludo the freedom to fully carry out the excellent plan he has painstakingly crafted to revitalise Anambra and restore prosperity and livability to the state. In just two years and a few months under Soludo’s leadership, Anambra state is already transforming for the benefit of Ndi Anambra.

No well-meaning people play politics with security. Anambra politicians shouldn’t.

Dr. Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.; Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.