“Ka ana achu aja, ka ikpe n' amah ndi mmuo.” Let's keep sacrificing, let the gods take the blame. (Igbo Proverb)

Nigeria is a nation known for its diversity, vibrancy, and complexity. Yet, one thing that stands out starkly is our inability to collectively agree on a single path. This is reflected in our politics, policies, and even daily interactions. Despite this, there are few areas where unity shines through, namely in music, sports, and entertainment. The recent resurgence of the song "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" by Pa Mike Ejeagha exemplifies this phenomenon, highlighting both the nostalgic yearning for the past and the fragmented present we find ourselves in.

Originally produced in 1983, "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" by Gentleman Mike Ejeagha has experienced a remarkable resurgence in 2024. This resurgence was sparked by a skit from Brain Jotter, a popular skitmaker, who used a segment of the song in his comedy sketch. The song's catchy ending, "gwo gwo gwo ngwo," caught on like wildfire, trending across various social media platforms and bringing the 41-year-old song into the limelight once again.

Mike Ejeagha, who will be 94 years old in August 2024, suddenly found his decades-old folktale song becoming the trendiest piece of music in the country. This phenomenon led to a heated debate over copyright infringement issues and payment rights, raising questions about who benefitted more from this revival—Brain Jotter or Mike Ejeagha.

The controversy centers around the intellectual property protocols, which suggest that the duration of the sound clip used by Brain Jotter is less than the required length to qualify for royalty sharing. Whatever Brain Jotter gifted the old man in appreciation is just that—a gift. The silver lining here is the renewed interest in Ejeagha's works, providing an opportunity for him to earn from his repertoire once again. On the side lines the fact emerging is that his record company having dragged him to court for several years simply refused to pay him royalties amongst many other issues.

The song "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" is a folktale that tells the story of a tortoise outsmarting an elephant to marry a king’s daughter. The king had decreed that whoever could bring a large animal like an elephant or cow tethered to the feast would marry his daughter. None of the animals succeeded, except for the tortoise. The tortoise tricked the elephant into believing he was to chair the occasion, and on their journey, the tortoise convinced the elephant to allow him to place a rope around its neck for safety. Upon arrival, the tortoise presented the tethered elephant to the king and won the princess’s hand in marriage. This story elevates intellectual capacity over brute strength, embodying a lesson in wisdom and cunning.

The story of "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" and its resurgence brings back fond memories of a Nigeria that many feel has been lost. The nostalgia is palpable, especially when considering how unified and proud Nigerians once were. There was a time when the Naira outweighed the Dollar, Nigerian products were renowned, and the nation enjoyed a semblance of order and pride.

In those days, Nigeria's public institutions, such as the Nigerian Airways, Nigerian Railway, and NITEL, were symbols of national pride. The education system was robust, with universities like the University of Ibadan, University of Nigeria, Obafemi Awolowo University, and Ahmadu Bello University being the pinnacle of academic excellence. Public education was patriotic, and national unity was a given.

Today, Nigeria finds itself in a very different place. The Naira has plummeted in value, and the country struggles with economic instability and political turmoil. The reliance on foreign investments and aid highlights a lack of self-sufficiency. The disconnect between governance and the governed has grown, with leaders more interested in ruling than leading.

Insecurity has become a significant concern. The once peaceful regions are now hotbeds of violence and unrest. The road trips that were once safe and filled with camaraderie have become perilous, requiring prayers and luck to navigate safely. The sense of community that allowed a stranded traveler to find help easily has diminished, replaced by fear and distrust.

Amidst this turmoil, music, sports, and entertainment have remained unifying factors. They provide a sense of identity and pride that transcends the many divisions within the country. The success of Nigerian artists on the global stage, the collective joy during international sports competitions, and the shared laughter from comedians and skitmakers create moments of unity and national pride.

The revival of "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" is a testament to the power of these cultural elements. It shows how a single piece of art can bridge generational gaps, bringing back memories of a better past and giving hope for a more unified future. This phenomenon highlights the enduring legacy of our cultural icons and the potential for arts and entertainment to foster national cohesion.

Nigeria's current challenges are numerous, and the road to recovery and unity is fraught with obstacles. Yet, the resurgence of "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" offers a glimmer of hope. It reminds us of a time when the nation was more cohesive, and it underscores the importance of preserving our cultural heritage.

While Nigeria may struggle to agree on many issues, the shared love for music, sports, and entertainment provides a common ground. These cultural elements can serve as the foundation for rebuilding national unity and pride. As we look to the future, it is essential to remember the lessons of the past and the power of culture in fostering a sense of togetherness.

Ultimately, the story of "Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo" and its unexpected revival teaches us that despite our differences, there are still threads that bind us together. It is up to us to strengthen these threads and weave a stronger, more united Nigeria—May Nigeria win!

To ensure the stability of the pump price of refined fuel and the dollar-Naira exchange rate, the Federal Executive Council today adopted a proposal by President Tinubu to sell crude to Dangote Refinery and other upcoming refineries in Naira.

Dangote Refinery at the moment requires 15 cargoes of crude, at a cost of $13.5 billion yearly. NNPC has committed to supply four.

But the FEC has approved that the 450,000 barrels meant for domestic consumption be offered in Naira to Nigerian refineries, using the Dangote refinery as pilot. The exchange rate will be fixed for the duration of this transaction.

Afreximbank and other settlement banks in Nigeria will facilitate the trade between Dangote and NNPC Limited. The game changing intervention will eliminate the need for international letters of credit. It will also save the country of billions of dollars used in importing refined fuel.

It is reassuring that the Board of Trustees, Governing Council and other stakeholders of Wigwe University are working hard to sustain the university and fulfil the vision of its founder, Herbert Onyewumbu Wige, who passed away with his son and wife in such a tragic and difficult-to-understand circumstance six months ago. The university will open mid-September – about six weeks away - for its first set of students who are going in to study various courses in engineering; science and computing; management and social sciences and the arts. Herbert’s death undoubtedly created pain, panic and anguish and caused a delay in completion of some projects in the new institution, but overall, the institution is developing at a preset pace to meet all timelines. The recent departure of the university’s pioneer vice chancellor also caused some anxiety, but I can confirm that he was let go in the overall interest of the university and the vision of the founder. A replacement, Prof Marwan Al-Akaidi, has been named and he is exceedingly suitable to provide the required leadership. Al-Akaidi was formerly the university’s Dean of College of Science and Computing and Deputy vice chancellor (Research and innovation). I should also stress that many facilities in the campus have been completed and are ready. They include the gas-powered power plant that will provide 24-hour uninterrupted electricity; IT infrastructure; classroom blocks; students’ hostels; faculty buildings; admin block and sporting facilities. Construction work on the Senate Building and other facilities is progressing in earnest.

Licensed in June 2023, the university is owned by HOW Foundation, established by Herbert in 2016 as a special purpose vehicle to drive his philanthropic activities. Mrs Yvonne Victor-Olomu, the foundation’s chief operating officer, says Herbert’s death was a terrible blow, but the resilience of the team he left behind saw the vision through. She is grateful to some eminent Nigerians for their unwavering support in ensuring that the university’s dream is fulfilled. They include Aigboje Aig-Imokhuede and the Tengen Family Office; Aliko Dangote; Leo Stan Eke; Gov. Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State and the Rivers State government. ‘’In addition, our Board of Trustees chaired by Prof. Fabian Ajogwu and the Governing Council led by Prof. Julius Okojie have been fantastic in driving the vision of Dr. Herbert Wigwe’’, she told this writer, noting that the host community and the lead construction firm deserve commendation for their support. Prof. Okojie is a former Executive Secretary of NUC whose acumen in managing tertiary education has been invaluable in shepherding the young institution.

But why did Herbert set up the university? What exactly did he set out to achieve? On January 14, less than a month to his death, Herbert Wigwe laid out his vision for the university in a speech he delivered at the 2024 DLD Conference in Munich, Germany. Here are his words: ‘’Those of us who have built successful businesses in Africa – and want to see more economic growth for all – cannot wait for (Africa’s) problems to solve themselves. We cannot afford to waste the talents of the next generation. That’s why my foundation is the driving force behind the launch of Wigwe University: to empower the continent’s youth to lead the charge in global leadership, innovation and progress.

‘’Our vision is nothing less than the transformation of tertiary education in Africa: to help the continent leapfrog the world as a global leader in innovation and development. Higher education can transform Africa, and we can transform higher education. Our university sets out to train and mentor the next generation of fearless African leaders, entrepreneurs and innovators. It is a homegrown institution – built by Nigerians for Africans and the world. Sitting on 600 hectares in Rivers State, it has the capacity for 11,400 students, as well as 400 faculty and staff. In its first year, 2024-2025, it will onboard 2,500 students, with staff recruited from across the world – from Europe, North America, Asia and of course Africa. We have reimagined what higher education in Africa should be – by emphasizing entrepreneurship and employability.

‘’We are building a culture of innovation, providing students with practical skills, including critical thinking, problem-solving and leadership itself. We offer work-integrated learning programs, internships and mentorship initiatives, to bridge the gap between academia and industry – including partner institutions across the globe. We are embracing cutting-edge technologies, including artificial intelligence, data analytics and renewable energy, to prepare our students for the Fourth Industrial Revolution. To do all that, we have invested heavily in our own infrastructure, which many African universities sadly lack. We have our own 10MW power plant, and our own fiber optic internet connectivity. We are building sports facilities to the world-class standards of FIFA, IAAF and the NBA.

‘’We are building a world-class performance arts center with a Broadway-standard stage, outdoor amphitheater, and our own sound stage and editing suites. We also have our own university farm to help feed the university and our host community, as well as support research. Our motto is “We, the fearless.” Because that’s who we are, and who are students would be. However, we need you – the visionaries outside Africa – to be fearless too. That means transforming your ideas about African youth and your relationship to Africa’’.

There is no greater honour to Herbert’s memory than to nurture this vision; and as his post humous birthday draws near, I am thankful to all Nigerians of good heart who are standing up to ensure that this is done. Their own vision will never dim.

Founded in 2005, DLD (Digital-Life-Design) has developed into Europe’s leading innovation conference for visionaries around the globe. Herbert was a leading member and the keynote speaker in its January conference. The main purpose of DLD is to bring together business, creative and business leaders, as well as investors and opinion formers, to exchange ideas and get inspired. It is one of Europe’s leading conferences on innovation. Herbert’s presentation was titled ‘’Leapfrogging Africa to the forefront of global development through tertiary education’’.

Any government can easily undermine its credibility if it sends mixed signals on essential policy issues or initiatives, flip-flop from one policy or strategic direction to another, and turn essential socioeconomic frameworks into a yo-yo game. The outcome and resultant consequences have  been consistent: a total erosion of integrity and trust in the government. This has been more glaring in the critical decision on Nigeria’s government size and its twin, cost of governance. In government, size matters! But what matters most is the ideological underpinning of what determines size, relative to goals and objectives. The size of the government in Nigeria has, over the years, been a contentious issue, primarily because of its linkage with bloated bureaucracy, huge recurrent expenditure, and negative impact on economic growth. It is common sense that as the size and cost of the government skyrocket, there will be less funding for development interventions.

 At this time, we can see that the more specific challenges and consequence of not having the right service architecture that matches context, resources and state objectives is manifested in the multiplicity of Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) that perform similar functions or have overlapping responsibilities, hence the increased cost of governance and an increasing misery index. This “misery index” reflects the challenges faced by the average citizen due to the inefficiencies and redundancies in the government system.  

 These challenges have been the bane of governance in Nigeria and merit attention. Successive administrations in Nigeria recognised this elephant in the room and set up processes to tackle these challenges. One would have wondered why it is taking too long to streamline government and governance when everyone knows and agrees it needs to be done. The answer lies in one thing – the political will and courage to take an action that has enormous political ramifications and may affect millions directly and indirectly, supposedly in terms of government jobs and the quality of services the government provides.   The current administration acknowledged this inverse relationship between the ballooning size of government and economic growth. Hence, at various times, the president had promised to streamline the size of government ministries, departments, and agencies. The president made several consequential statements to address the challenge of the unsustainable size and cost of government. The most applauded was his commitment to implementing the Steve Oronsaye  report on mergers and streamlining of government agencies. This column dealt with the issue in a piece titled “High Cost of Government, Low Outcome“. In that piece, it was my argument then as it is now that “I acknowledge as a fact that a US-type presidential system tends to be big by constitutional requirements. And in a country where the government is both an industry and a social welfare institution, the tendency for big expansive government is high”.

Nearly a year later, the government is clearly in a dilemma. Instead of streamlining  the size of government, we are likely to see MDAs increase by the end of the year. In the past six months, the National Assembly has initiated bills to create more than two dozen new agencies and institutions. According to Order Paper, a parliament watchdog publication, under its Oronsaye Report Tracker project, 25 establishment bills have been passed since the presidential proclamation. Most recently,  President Bola Tinubu signed the Acts establishing the Southeast and North-West Development Commissions into law. Mr President also announced the creation of the Ministry of Livestock Development, the 49th Federal Ministry. The presidential think tank suggests that the Ministry of Livestock is the silver bullet that will solve the perennial farmer-herder conflict, assuming that the Ministry of Agriculture is not fit-for-purpose agency to manage such. 

Several new agencies and commissions have already been established between the Buhari administration’s last days and the Tinubu administration’s promise to implement the Oronsaye report. Some of such institutions are the Nigeria Data Protection Commission, the National Social Investment Programme, and the National Senior Secondary Education Commission. It appears that this is an unending exercise. The bourgeoning of government ministries and agencies paints a picture of desperation and a government throwing everything it has at solving intractable socio-economic challenges or improving standards, but in reality, it is adding to the problem of an over-bloated government without the efficiency needed to deliver on the ethos of a public-private partnership model for economic growth.

It is evident that the government urgently needs a comprehensive plan to refocus its desire to manage interests and its responsibility to right size/streamline the size of MDAs or its twin;cut the cost of governance. The consequences of inaction will be appalling. What is the effect of increasing the size of government and, by implication, the cost of governance at a time of national economic distress? At a time when the debt profile is at an all-time high, inflation is taking a toll and debt servicing cost expenditure accounts for a greater percentage of our spending. Expanding the government’s footprint during economic distress can significantly hamper economic growth, widen our debt profile crisis since we often borrow to fund recurrent expenditures, worsen inflation, kill private enterprise, and affect the most vulnerable among us.

Unarguably, a combination of a large, bloated government in a third-world country and inefficient public service is an inhibitor of economic growth. One can argue that size is not necessarily an indicator of efficiency, productivity, and quality of service. It is sometimes better to professionalise the civil service, increase their value addition through innovation and technology, and proper human resource management. The government needs to take a step back and appreciate that despite its best intentions, the perception and signaling it provides does not engender or promote the commitment required to solve citizen’s present and future challenges; and as such should take deliberate steps to create an enabling economic environment that will enhance the private sector’s ability to create jobs and absolve any possible loss of jobs that may  result from the streamlining of government MDAs. 

Today’s technological advancements, even locally, has made it easier to rely on e-governance technology to provide seamless services in government to government, government to business, and government to citizens. Some state governments are at the foundational level of setting up e-governance to improve their services. Edo  and Akwa Ibom states in the south-south, Enugu and Ebonyi in the southeast are creating the architecture for this. The future is e-governance. It is inevitable. So, the earlier we adopt, adapt and refocus the civil service towards being service-oriented and not job creation-oriented, the better it will be for the efficient government running.   

Big and small governments have their relative advantages and disadvantages, but the multiplicity of MDAs with overlapping responsibilities serves no purpose other than to drain scarce resources. It simply reduces government services to social security rather than productive labour. The greatest challenge of a multiplicity of MDAs that are also inefficient is that they stifle the spirit of entrepreneurship and innovation, encourage waste, promote corruption, mediocrity, and politics triumph over national interest. Even much more fundamental than the multiplicity of MDAs or cost of governance is the impact of the misalignment of governments’ words and actions. It does irreparable damage to public trust.

This administration’s multiplicity of government MDAs, as well as the size and cost of governance, is best understood by correlating its words with the actions that follow. When used as an instrument of popular appeal, words could mean something different in politics and public life from their ordinary literal meaning. It is action that builds trust and credibility. It is time the government stuck with its goal of adopting or adapting the Oronsaye  report on streamlining the MDAs to achieve efficiency, save cost, create policy consistency and build public trust. Nigeria is in a difficult place now, and businesses and citizens want clarity of policies and direction. Even the  MDAs and civil service need clarity and a roadmap for the future. I recommend that the government comes out clearly and tell Nigerians where they are on this issue of the ideology, purpose and size of government. The government’s words must match their actions.

Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro won re-election with 51.2 percent of votes cast Sunday, the electoral council announced, after a campaign tainted by claims of opposition intimidation and fears of fraud.

The President of the CNE electoral body, Elvis Amoroso, in its majority loyal to the government, told reporters 44.2 percent of votes had gone to opposition candidate Edmundo Gonzalez Urrutia.

Independent polls had predicted Sunday’s vote would bring an end to 25 years of “Chavismo”, the populist movement founded by Maduro’s socialist predecessor and mentor, the late Hugo Chavez.

Maduro, 61, addressed supporters minutes after the announcement, saying: “There will be peace, stability and justice.”

As his supporters celebrated, downcast opposition voters waited to hear from Gonzalez Urrutia and opposition leader Maria Corina Machado.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken immediately expressed “serious concerns” that the result did not reflect the will of Venezuelan voters.

Since 2013, Maduro has been at the helm of the once-wealthy petro-state where GDP dropped by 80 percent in a decade, pushing more than seven million of its 30 million citizens to emigrate.

He is accused of locking up critics and harassing the opposition in a climate of rising authoritarianism.

Gonzalez Urrutia had replaced popular Machado on the ticket after authorities loyal to Maduro excluded her from the race.

Machado, who campaigned far and wide for her proxy, had urged voters on Sunday to keep “vigil” at their polling stations in the “decisive hours” of counting amid widespread fears of fraud.

Maduro had previously warned of a “bloodbath” if he loses.

– ‘Prepared to defend’ –

Rejecting opinion polls, the government relied on its own numbers to assert Maduro would defeat Gonzalez Urrutia, a little-known 74-year-old former diplomat.

Maduro counts on a loyal electoral apparatus, military leadership, and state institutions in a system of well-established political patronage.

On Friday, a Venezuelan NGO said Caracas was holding 305 “political prisoners” and had arrested 135 people with links to the opposition campaign since January.

Gonzalez Urrutia had said the opposition was “prepared to defend” the vote and trusted “our armed forces to respect the decision of our people.”

He added there had been a “massive” voter turnout.

Ballots were cast on machines that print out paper receipts placed into a container. The electronic votes go directly to a centralized CNE database.

The opposition had deployed about 90,000 volunteer election monitors to polling stations countrywide.

– Watching ‘very closely’ –

Sunday’s election is the product of a mediated deal reached last year between the government and the opposition.

The agreement to hold the vote led the United States to temporarily ease sanctions imposed after Maduro’s 2018 reelection, which was rejected as a sham by dozens of Western and Latin American countries.

However, the sanctions were snapped back after Maduro reneged on agreed conditions.

Washington is keen for a return to stability in Venezuela — an ally of Cuba, Russia and China that boasts the world’s largest oil reserves but severely diminished production capacity.

Economic misery in the South American nation has been a major source of migration pressure on the US southern border.

Most Venezuelans live on just a few dollars a month, with the country’s health care and education systems in disrepair and the population enduring biting shortages of electricity and fuel.

The government blames sanctions, but observers also point the finger at corruption and government inefficiency.

Machado said earlier Sunday that if Maduro “grabs power,” another “three, four, five million” Venezuelans will likely join the exodus.

“What’s at stake here goes beyond our borders, beyond Venezuela,” she said.

Concerns over the fairness of the vote were further stoked when Caracas blocked several international observers, including four Latin American ex-presidents, at the last minute.

The foreign ministers of seven Latin American nations called Sunday for the electoral process to “fully respect the popular will” of the Venezuelan people.

About 21 million Venezuelans are registered as voters, but only an estimated 17 million still in the country are eligible to cast ballots.

AFP

The only thing that is not changing in Nigeria is politics. Since independence in 1960, politics in the country has remained dirty. At first, we had local heroes who ‘won’ electionsthrough crude force such as political assassinations as well as the abduction and imprisonment of political opponents before voting day.Although not much of that happens these days, what has changed has been the methods employed for achieving the same goal of fake elections.As a result, it has been difficult to recruitinto government at any level, visionary leaders that canformulate and implement viable public policies for developing our society and improving the welfare of Nigerians. This is why our country has had an unending stunted growth. 

Except genuine efforts are made to put a halt to the practice of plantingincapable hands into governmentparticularly at subnational level, each successive government would continue to complicate the challenges it inherited. In other climes that we seek to emulate, many of their leaders show ample regards for principles while Nigerian politicians remain experts in jumping from one political party to another as if our political parties are not made up of persons of likeminds.In fact, Nigerian politicians behave as if democracy is about the ruling political party whereas political opposition is an integral part of democracy. A nation without a viable opposition party is a dictatorship and not a democracy. There is therefore the need for well-meaning Nigerians to assiduously support an end to mercantile political defections in their country.

Only last week, Onyewuchi Ezenwa, a senator representing Imo East defected to the All Progressives , APC, from the platform of the Labour  LP through which he won his election. The senator claimed the defection was due to factions in the LP. Not many are persuaded that the disagreements among members of the LP can fully explain the senator’s disposition. Perhaps his claim would have had little weight if he moved when the LP had two contending and acrimonious chairmen – Julius Abure and Lamidi Apapa. Today, the problem in the LP is not about factions that can sharply divide a party into two,but about the same disagreements among stakeholders that are happeningin other parties.

How come there were no defections in the APC where some members grumbled over the election of the national chairman of their party from the North-west instead of the North-central which was the zone that was entitled to completingthe tenure of the immediate past chairman? Would a senator of the Peoples Democratic Party PDPgenuinely defect from the party only because the current acting chairman is not from the appropriate zone?Against this backdrop, some analysts believe that Ezenwa’s defection may not be different from the trend of defections to the ruling party of a state of a defector because of the quantumof material gains likely to flow to a defector.

In neighbouring Abia state,it was probably the same reason that influenced two members of the State House of Assembly–Ihenacho Nwogu and Fine Ahuama to defect from their party, the Young Progressive Party YPP to the ruling Labour party. Well, as Governor Alex Otti of the state is being hailed in several circles for his developmental strides, the inclination to find one’s way into his campcan be far more tempting than other excuses.As for senator Ezenwa, not much was heard of his efforts as the highest leader of the LP in Imo state towardssettling the supposed squabbles within his party before succumbing to defection in protest against the said squabbles.Expectedly, the Imo state chapter of the LP is set to seek his withdrawal from the senate through the courts.

With the recent judgment of the Supreme Court concerning the local government system, it is obvious that the Apex Court has what it takes to tackle the nation’s huge political rascality. Indeed, the judgment elicited several reactions from many people. To the affected local officials, the judgmentespecially the aspect in favour of financial autonomy was a source of joy as they hitherto had no control over funds for developing their local constituencies. Although the judgment virtually amended the constitutional provision for the existence of a joint local/state government account, many analysts still hailed the judgment because everyone had become tired of the excessive control of local officials by state governors. Many persons were similarly satisfied with the Court’s nullification of the use of caretaker teamsinstead of democratically elected officials to run the councils.

The Supreme Court has thus showed that the best solution to Nigeria’s political problems is to focus more on the spirit rather than the letters of the law. Unlike other countries which rely on the federal system of governmentthat has two tiers, Nigeria deliberately designed a third tier to put a halt to its special situation in which rural communitiesare abandoned by state officials who always concentrate on urban centres especially state capitals. To give financial autonomy to local governments is therefore a positive approachof using the intendment of the law toensure more development in rural areas. Again, to make sure that Nigeria remains a true democracy, it is salutary to stop governors fromstarving local communities of democratic norms and structures. 

Our Supreme Court can no doubt further assist Nigeria’s growth if it also tackles mercantile political defections which have refused to abate. This it can do by ignoring technicalities that defectors have over the years employed to sustain their movements. Considering that votes cast in an election belong to both a candidate and his party, no candidate should be allowed to transfer the votes of his party to another simply because he personally desires to change his political affiliation.In the case of the legislature, lawmakers should be dissuaded from trumpeting certain disagreements among party members into a justification for defectingfrom one party to another. The claim that everyone is entitled to freedom of association really concerns those who are holding no office which they attained through electoral votes.

It would be recalled that during President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, Governors Ben Ayade and Dave Umahi of Cross River and Ebonyi states respectively absconded from the PDP into the APC. The judiciary refused to remove them from office on the ground that defection was not one of the conditions for removing a governor from office. To some people that decision looked only at the letters of the law; it ignored the fact that the governorswere not the sole owners of the votes that brought them to office.Our view then which we still hold today is that the governors should have been told that while they have freedom of movement and association, they couldn’t move with votes which the law recognizes to belong to the party they were defecting from. That approach would have curtailed the propensity for politicians to exploit the nation’s political system.

There are many other areas of politics that the judiciary can positively interrogate to save Nigeria. One of them is the issue of internal democracy in which political leaders often display crass irresponsibility.Why should a party work against some of its own members? A party which presents a non-contestant as its candidate to INEC for general election while slide-lining the true winner of the primary election is unduly reckless because what the party is suggesting is that party primaries are voluntary. If so, why provide for primary elections? A court which similarly hides under the claim that it is an internal matter of the party is inadvertently supporting the recklessness of political parties. If not, why is INEC mandated to monitor party primaries? 

In today’s Nigeria,there is tension everywhere because some activists are reportedly planning to hold nationwide protests against what they call bad governance. Whereas it is unfair to hold only the current one-year old administration liable for it, bad governance will never end if politicians are not called to order. Over the years Nigerian politicians have never listened to our cries that politics and governance are not the same and that politics all the time is responsible for bad governance. Even palliatives meant for us allare diverted by the ruling party to only their members. It is thus unfortunate that Nigerian politics has remained on the same page with irritating comedy.

IN my consciousness, humanity is defined as the trinity of fundamental human rights, democratic rights and workers’ rights. I believe that if we get these right, we would get our well-being right.

This is because, embedded in the deceptively simple words of these declared rights are the needs of humanity, the laws of nature and social justice.

But since we are humans, our views on these rights can be coloured by our perception, culture, ideology, experiences, politics and well-being.

For example, the West makes the wild claim that it is the birthplace of democracy. It points at the 5th Century BCE practice of democracy in Greece. But was that really a democracy? Take the case of the philosopher, Socrates Aeschines, who was accused of making the youths to think independently and ask questions.

The specific charges against him were that: “Socrates does criminal wrong by not recognizing the gods the city recognizes, and furthermore by introducing new divinities; and he also does criminal wrong by corrupting the youth.” For these, he got the death penalty and was given hemlock to drink. So, could Greece have been a democracy if the citizen must believe in all the official gods, could not believe in any new god, had no freedom of speech and could not think independently of the official position of the state?

If democracy is a system of government by popular representation based on the consent or vote of the electorate in which the will of the people prevails, then it is not a creation of the West or its thoughts. Various states in Asia and Africa practised it. For example, this was the practice amongst the Ijaws who eventually built city states. It was also widely practised amongst the Igbos.

Regardless of its origins, contemporary democracy is a rainbow of various colours. Contrary to the bogus claims of the West, democracy is not a single concept. It has neither a single definition nor a monolithic interpretation. Its practice is also different. For instance, China holds regular elections, has the largest parliament in the world with 2,977 members, a judiciary and one of the largest press in the universe. Its democracy also delivers on free, qualitative healthcare and education and, it is the only country in the world that has virtually wiped out poverty. Yet many say China is not a democracy; they claim its elections are not ‘free and fair’. They also claim that its parliament, judiciary and press are not free from the ruling Chinese Communist Party. It is this mindset that has led the Western press and the uncritical section of the media in Africa to refer to the Chinese media as “state-sponsored”. Interestingly, the British Broadcasting Corporation, BBC, for instance, is funded by the British state which now raises an average five billion pounds for it annually. So, what is the BBC, if not a “state-sponsored” press? The Voice of America, VOA, charged with carrying out American propaganda abroad, is funded by the American state which spends $200 million on it annually. These are just examples of state-funded media organisations across the universe. Yet these media organisations are not labelled “state-sponsored”.

The Chinese can argue that it is more democratic than most countries in the world, including the USA, because amongst other things, it meets the basic needs of its citizenry, including ensuring that 1,425,142,254 Chinese or 22 per cent of the human population are fed daily.

So, is the American democracy which cannot guarantee its citizens the basic needs of life like food, more democratic? Is the American democracy in which Donald Trump who in 2016 had 2.9 million less votes than Hillary Clinton was declared the “winner” and sworn in as President, the ultimate democracy in the world?

In his four years as USA President, Trump told 30,573 lies or 21 lies everyday in the White House. When he lost his 2020 re-election bid, he and his supporters tried to reverse the elections by use of arms. Since then, he has been convicted on 34 counts of felony. Yet, today, that same Donald Trump is leading the polls in the scheduled Tuesday, November 5, 2024 USA presidential election. What kind of democracy rewards a felon, a cheat, a liar and a person who has no respect for women?

So, for me, democracy is not a garb, but a way of life in which basic human rights are guaranteed to all, the people’s basic needs are met, their electoral choices are respected and their sovereignty over all powers are guaranteed.

These were some of the ideas I expressed on Thursday in Ilorin at the Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies, MINILS, 2024 Seminar Series.

I submitted that the International Labour Organisation, ILO, established in 1919 as a tripartite body of government, employers and workers, by its Conventions, deepens democratic and human rights far more than most organisations on earth.

The ILO’s core conventions include that of 1930 against Forced Labour; 1948 on Freedom of Association and Right to Organise; 1949 on Right to Collective Bargaining; the 1951 Convention on Equal Remuneration; the 1973 Minimum Wage Convention; and the 1999 one against the Worst Forms of Child Labour.

I posited that the Nigeria Labour Laws are some of the best in the world. I explained, for instance, that while Nigeria has ratified 44 ILO Conventions, the USA has ratified only 14, including just two of the eight Core Conventions.

So, the problem of Nigerian workers is not the lack of good labour laws, but that of implementation.

In conclusion, I submitted that part of the drawbacks of the UN is that it is essentially a gathering of governments with five countries wielding the veto. In contrast, the ILO is composed of governments, employers and workers, and, is much more democratic with emphasis on social dialogue and consensus building. So, the the ILO tripartite structure, its social advocacy and consensus-building processes, offer a model humanity can build on.

In answer to the questions by MINILS Special Duties Director, Adekunle Theophilius Tinuoye and Gabriel Akiwowo of the Food and Beverage Union on how to ensure labour laws are implemented, I said it is by praxis. I argued that if, for instance, the managers of companies that deny workers their right to unionise as specified in Section 40 of the Constitution are taken to court and jailed, others will exercise caution.

MINILS Director General, Comrade Issa Aremu, said the trilateral institute is the product of democratic gains; basic statistics such as on Minimum Wage, show that workers gain far more under democracy and, that workers and other Nigerians should not take democracy for granted. He announced that human and trade union rights would be main-streamed into the programmes of the institute.