The recent  inauguration of some INNOSON-assembled, compressed natural gas (CNG)-powered buses by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu right inside the premises of Aso Rock Presidential Villa was obviously an opportunity to counter (via photo-op) the widespread criticism that he neither gave much thought to nor adequately prepared for the cost of living and welfare consequences of his decision to abruptly announce the withdrawal of government subsidy on petrol at his swearing-in last year.

Even the President’s most ardent supporters would agree that at the point of his famous ‘subsidy is gone’ pronouncement, or indeed soon after, it did not appear that any containment measures had been put in place to meet the entirely predictable and seismic fallouts of such a major policy move.  The best such supporters have been heard to come up with is that had the president allowed for another round of public debate, the political moment for tackling the subsidy monster would have passed him by.  The obvious response to this lame argument, of course, is that the subsidy that is said to have gone, now appears to have returned, afterall.

Regardless of the wisdom in the manner we had attempted to see off petrol subsidy, or whether, in fact, the stubborn thing has refused to go away, the Tinubu government is clearly putting a lot of faith in the ability of CNG as an automotive fuel, to help reduce the pain being felt by the generality of Nigerians from the sharp rise in transportation costs and associated difficulties occasioned by its signature policy decisions, namely, petrol subsidy removal and naira exchange rates equalization.The President therefore had to personally take delivery of 30 mammoth buses to underscore the point that CNG will be the salvation fuel.

While it was not openly stated that the presidential inauguration of the CNG-powered buses represented some kind of milestone, the Aso Rock ceremony has served to remind us that it was also in August, a year ago, that the Presidential CNG Initiative (PCNGi) was announced, as “a component of the palliative intervention” directed at “providing succour to the masses” in view of the “transitive” hardships of the fuel subsidy removal policy.

In particular, the PCNGi was meant to lower transportation cost for Nigerians by enabling the powering of motor vehicles(and industries) with cheaper, cleaner, safer and more reliable domestically produced natural gas.  As an alternative to petrol and diesel automotive fuels, CNG ticks all the positive boxes—environmentally cleaner and therefore safer, cheaper (by at least 40% or up to 60% in some applications), abundantly available given that Nigeria is said to have more gas reserve than oil, plus the added advantage that gas can perhaps be more easily sourced locally with no need for imports. It can also be subsidised (if need be) without the drawbacks of subsidised petrol.  Certainly, the scale on which Nigerian subsidised CNG can be smuggled to the rest of West Africa and further to Central Africa appears much less than for petrol or diesel.  The PCNGi was intended to incentivise and accelerate CNG adoption.

On its website, PCNGi has stated its programme and objectives in clear, quantitative terms—with timelines.  It was to start by making available 21,000 conversion kits at 10 participant workshops to get Nigerians to retrofit their petrol and diesel-powered vehicles to run on CNG.  By the end of 2024, it hoped to reach 150,000 units with 250 participant workshops.  By 2027, it would have achieved 1 million units through 500 participant workshops.  For buses and tricycles, the Initiative was to take off with 5,500 vehicles with the expectation to finance 200,000 new ones across Nigeria.

PCNGi also had a plan to establish conversion centres all over Nigeria. It has projected 10 such centres at the start, and would drive to 100 at the end of 2024, with 1000 in view by end of 2027.  With such a technically-orientd exercise, a corps of technicians and engineers would be needed.  So, the start-up figure of 1000 trained technicians was planned, to be followed with 2500 by 2024 and 10,000 by 2027.  The Initiative budgeted $25 million to be raised for the first phase with the figure set to rise to $75 million by the end of 2024 and $250 million by 2027—to support the development of CNG infrastructure for the country.

There can be no quarrel with the vision behind pressing CNG into service to rescue the country from the unending crisis of automotive fuel supply and prising. But will it be sufficient to substantially ameliorate the harsh conditions Nigerians currently face with regard to unbearable transportation costs and the hardship arising therefrom?  On this question, the jury must remain out for a while.  Perhaps, we should await the 2024 report of the Steering Committee.  What is obvious in the aftermath of the recent #EndBadGovernance is that nearly a year into the implementation of the CNG initiative, not much of a noticeable dent has been made in the challenge of crippling transportation costs.  Nigerians are obviously no longer amused by the situation.

If we assume that PCNGi will be the exception in a Nigeria that is used to trashing the noblest of ideas through incompetent execution, and the goal of a million vehicles running on CNG by 2027 is actually met, that number would amount to less than 10% of the total vehicle population in Nigeria (Estimated Vehicle Population in 2018 was 11,826,033) based on the figure available to this reporter at the time of writing.  Likely, the total vehicle population must have gone up substantially with over 500,000 new vehicles registered every year since then.  Can reducing the price of fuel for that tiny a proportion substantially lower transportation costs for the entire nation? Put another way, with over 90 percent of motor vehicles likely to retain propulsion by petrol and diesel, will anything other than a substantial fall in the price of those fuels have a dampening effect on transportation costs? As it pursues the CNG option, the Tinubu administration would do well to bear this question in mind. In fact, it should actively consider the distinct possibility that its efforts to push the adoption of CNG as automotive fuel will not have that significant an impact.

In pursuing the CNG transport fuel option, government must have been encouraged by, and has approvingly cited, the examples of China, India, Iran, Pakistan and other countries that have substantially shifted to that fuel type.  There are two key differences between those countries and the situation in Nigeria.  The first is that it took a while for those countries to rollout their CNG infrastructure.  Besides having a proven track record of excellent programme execution, those countries did not do it as an emergency (not to say panic) response to a dire national crisis such as the one in which Nigeria currently grapples with.  Second, most of the countries cited in all likelihood, manufactured their conversion kits and fuelling infrastructure, having built for themselves, reasonable domestic manufacturing capacity. Nigeria on the other hand, has to rely on importation either of fully built kits and associated equipment or components for local assembly.   The lack of domestic manufacturing capacity continues to hobble us  wherever we turn. And while this cannot be developed overnight, the earlier we start treating that national weakness, the better for us. Thus far, there’s no indication that we are paying anything other than the usual lip service to this urgent national need.

Above and beyond the foregoing, getting Nigeria moving with or without CNG and with or without petrol subsidy, will not be efficiently and effectively achieved until and unless we have a properly organised public transportation system.  If any sector of our national socioeconomic life is disorganised, inefficient and dysfunctional to a disgraceful degree, that sector is public transportation. 

As we speak, no Nigerian city of a million or more in population, has a mass transit system that can properly be so-called.  What exists in Lagos and recently started in Abuja, is embarrassingly rudimentary.  How can a country of more than 200 million people with cities boasting populations of two, three, four and even 20 million, not have rail-based transit systems? How can such a country hope to be part of the 21st century? It is a testament to the remarkable short-sightedness of Nigeria’s governing elites that mass public transport has been handled with such irresponsible levity. It is as if our leaders are not aware of what other nations have been doing in this regard. Or that an efficient and effective transportation system is indispensable to anything at all resembling modern development.

Right here in Africa, Ethiopians, Moroccans and Egyptians are scaling up with transit systems; metro systems, subways, trams and RBT (not the joke in Lagos, please) that function almost like trains. Here in Nigeria, we continue to deploy an assortment of dangerous contraptions as means of public transportation.

Hard data on the scale of the use of motorcycles (Okada) as a mode of transport in Nigeria remain unavailable, but if we assume that that widely deployed mode of vehicular transport serves even up to 10 percent of Nigerians, then the scale of inefficiency involved is enough to keep us perpetually backward. A commercial motorcycle is operated by one person and generally can transport only one person at a time. An average subway train on the other hand, involves one or two operators carrying anything up to 1600 people at a time. A city bus has one driver transporting 80 people (or more if, as Fela sang, 99 are standing). We can judge for ourselves, which of the modes are more efficient and conducive to society’s well-being.

Merely having CNG-powered vehicles outside the context of a comprehensively planned public transportation system will not come close to solving the problem of high, inflation – stoking transport costs. It will certainly do little to reduce the chaos and inefficiency of Nigeria’s transportation sector.

In addition to his CNG Initiative, President Tinubu should cause to be convoked immediately, a national policy dialogue with stakeholders, principally state governors, on how to quickly start the roll out of a well-designed, modern intermodal public transportation system for the country.  Down the line, state governors should do the same with local government chieftains.  As a starting point, let each local and state establish transit systems based on CNG-powered buses, as the lowest hanging fruit.  Even as that is being implemented, planning for rail-based transit systems should commence, to be followed with immediate implementation.

Of course, if any feasible national railway plan exists, it should be dusted up, reviewed and implemented with more seriousness than the desultory efforts of the Jonathan-Buhari years.

The implementation of a national railway plan that would connect all state capitals in the country should have been a priority project of the Tinubu government in place of the ambitious and controversial highways it has embarked upon. In addition to bringing its innately superior efficiency to such an important economic sector, rail is less carbon-intensive than road transportation. This is one reason forward-looking countries like China are pursuing rail-based transportation systems like their very existence depends on them. And in a way it does, since it generates lower emissions and less greenhouse gases.

For Nigeria, a massive railroad build-out would be one easy way to urgently and easily develop the much-needed domestic capacity in basic industries and heavy engineering. Without such a capacity, real sustainable development will continue to elude us. So, the implementation of a comprehensive national transportation system, centred on  less carbon intensive rail-based platforms, would enable the country to kill two or more birds with one stone — give Nigerians access to affordable transportation options and engender industrial development. Such organised transportation systems make it easy to efficiently and effectively direct transport subsidies to those who need it the most.  Subsidy, when applied to automotive fuels rather than directly on mass transportation systems, benefits the less deserving more.

Apart from rail systems, Nigeria has great potential for marine transportation. Endowed with numerous navigable inland waterways and an extensive sea coast, the country could easily cut cost for end users through a well – organised marine transport system using boats, ships, ferries and barges that can deliver up not just efficiency but also comfort to commuters. The recent attempts to step up on water transportation in Lagos State with LAGferry and Omi-Bus services  while welcome is but a pale shadow of the possibilities that that mode of transportation holds for Lagos State, a place totally surrounded by navigable bodies of water. The use of boats and ferries as  reliable means of urban transportation in places like Hong Kong, Bangkok and Istanbul show that Lagos State can and should push harder in that direction, bringing into service, bigger and safer vessels than the outboard – engined equipment it is currently using. Even a hundred of the 40-seater boats LAGferry and Omi-Bus are using, do not come close to matching the 100,000 plus commuters that the ferries in Hong Kong deliver daily.

The domestic manufacture of vessels and the construction of accompanying infrastructure are also fertile grounds for industrial expansion and employment generation.

Whatever appropriate conveyance systems are brought into service in an organised manner will help us to become part of the 21st century world with a transportation mix that is efficient, effective, intermodal and dignifying. No modern economy can even begin to function properly if it continues to fool around with a disorganised and chaotic system for the essential task of moving people and goods from one place to another.

Elsewhere in the world, after education, health, public safety, effective public transportation is an indispensable responsibility of governments at all levels. 

As pointed out earlier, organised transit systems make it easier for government to directly subsidise public transport without the sort of issues that have bedevilled the management of fuel subsidy in the country and led to the present pinching pass. Afterall, we don’t drink the subsidised fuels; we use them mostly to power vehicular movement. The very desirable direct subsidisation of transportation can only be possible if it is organised to minimize chaos, render touting (agberos) irrelevant and significantly reduce the use of tricycles and motorcycles in the transportation mix.

Fuel subsidy was first introduced in 1973. We have spent the last 50 years—half a century—tryingto manage it effectively without success. We are entering a second half century without hope of a solution to the economically disruptive and politically charged challenge of fuel supply and pricing. It is about time we tackled the problem from the point of the end use to which automotive fuels are put. Since that end use is mostly transportation, that is the sector to which the Tinubu government must pay attention if our hope of national economic salvation is to be renewed rather than dashed.

Let us have CNG by all means, but let us also organise and modernise transportation in Nigeria. We will not go far until we do so.

•Mr Anyang is a former federal commissioner at the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, a former banker and a journalist

In recent times, there has been an alarming trend of individuals, public figures, and even some organizations attempting to confront, intimidate, or downrightly attack journalists. The question that arises is, “You wan fight journalist, you nor dey fear?”

To those who are unaware of the significance of journalism, the value of a journalist extends beyond the mere reporting of events. Journalists stand as watchdogs of society, guardians of truth, and voices for the voiceless. The power of the press in shaping public opinion, holding leaders accountable, and bringing transparency to governance and businesses cannot be overstated.

However, we are increasingly witnessing situations where people who should know better are taking actions against journalists, attempting to silence them, suppress information, or smear their reputation. Whether through physical intimidation, cyberbullying, or legal threats, these moves are not only undemocratic but dangerous. When journalists are targeted, it is not just an attack on an individual but on the very essence of free speech and transparency.

In Nigeria, the phrase “journalism is not a crime” echoes loudly as many journalists, both at the national and community levels, have faced harassment for simply doing their jobs. The moment you decide to fight a journalist, you are indirectly taking on the freedom that guarantees every citizen the right to be informed. Are you ready for that battle? Can you face the consequences of stifling free expression?

One could argue that there is a misunderstanding about the role of journalists. Perhaps some people see them as adversaries instead of partners in building a just and transparent society. Others may think that journalists are merely sensationalists, looking for the next big headline. But let us be clear: the journalist’s mission is not to antagonize but to inform and educate.

When a politician, a businessman, or even a celebrity decides to take on a journalist, it is usually because there is something they wish to hide. Journalists dig into the stories many would rather keep under wraps. Corruption, abuse of power, embezzlement, and human rights violations are some of the topics that often lead to friction between those who hold power and those tasked with exposing it.

But in a democracy like ours, truth must prevail. And journalists, being on the frontlines of truth, deserve protection, not persecution. So before you decide to fight a journalist, ask yourself this: what am I afraid of being uncovered? If you have nothing to hide, why fear?

The work of a journalist is not for the faint of heart. Day in and day out, journalists expose themselves to danger and risk while trying to serve the public. From covering war zones to investigating corrupt practices in local communities, the job demands immense courage. Yet, despite these risks, many individuals seem to underestimate the journalist’s resolve.

Perhaps it’s the public nature of journalism that makes some feel they can target members of the profession without fear of reprisal. After all, who is watching the watchers? But it is worth remembering that when a journalist speaks truth to power, they often do so with the backing of the people. The more you fight them, the more the public rallies behind them.

Attempting to silence a journalist rarely ends well. When you stifle the press, it does not just hurt the journalist, it sends ripples across society. Communities become less informed, citizens are less empowered, and corruption thrives unchecked.

There have been numerous instances where journalists have suffered attacks in Nigeria. Names like Dele Giwa, who was assassinated in 1986, remain etched in the collective memory of Nigerian journalism. His crime? Investigative reporting that sought to hold the powerful accountable. This is a grim reminder that while you can try to suppress the truth, it always finds a way to come to light.

Given the foregoing viewpoints, before you decide to take on a journalist, ask yourself: is it worth it? Fighting a journalist is akin to fighting the truth, and history has shown that the truth always wins. The next time you find yourself at odds with a journalist, remember, they are doing their job, and their job is to ensure you and every other citizen have access to the truth.

So, if you are thinking of fighting a journalist, think again. Journalism is not for the fainthearted, and neither is attempting to silence it. You wan fight journalist? You nor dey fear?

Given the foregoing, beware of the journalist, for he is not just a writer but a warrior of truth. Armed with a pen, paper, and an unwavering commitment to uncovering facts, the journalist stands at the frontlines of society’s battles. His weapon is knowledge, his armor is integrity, and his battlefield is the turbulent world of information. In the face of pressure, intimidation, or censorship, the journalist fights relentlessly, defending the right to know, exposing corruption, and giving a voice to the voiceless.

The journalist is not just a passive observer but an active participant in the shaping of societies. His role transcends mere reporting; he challenges power, questions authority, and holds those in charge accountable. With each story, he navigates complex narratives, often risking personal safety to bring the truth to light. When governments falter, when corporations deceive, or when injustices go unnoticed, it is the journalist who rises to confront these issues head-on. His greatest battle is to keep the public informed, ensuring that no wrongdoing goes unchecked.

In this sense, the journalist is a great fighter, but his victory is not always celebrated. Sometimes, he is misunderstood or vilified, as his revelations may shake the foundations of established systems. Yet, his fight is not for applause or recognition but for the preservation of democracy, fairness, and justice. The journalist knows that in the war against misinformation and corruption, silence is not an option. So, beware of the journalist, for in every word he writes, there is a fight for truth that cannot be easily defeated.

At a time in Nigeria’s political history, the country stood at the cusp of an economic renaissance, having successfully negotiated its way out of the crushing weight of external debt. Under the skilled leadership of Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who served as Minister of Finance and Economy, Nigeria achieved what many thought was impossible, a significant debt forgiveness from its creditors. This milestone freed Nigeria from a heavy burden, leaving the country virtually debt-free. It was a period of hope and optimism as the nation was poised for economic growth without the shackles of external borrowing.

Fast forward to the present day, and Nigeria finds itself back in a precarious situation. Under the administrations of former President Muhammadu Buhari and current President Bola Tinubu, the country has slipped into an alarming debt spiral once again. The debt situation has ballooned to levels that threaten to cripple the nation’s financial future. With billions borrowed from international bodies like the World Bank and China, the country is now faced with a debt service burden that consumes a significant portion of its revenue.

According to the Debt Management Office (DMO), Nigeria’s debt as at June 2024 went up by ₦24.33trn in three months, making the debt profile to stand at ₦121.67 trillion. The DMO noted that the increase was from new borrowing to part-finance the 2024 Budget deficit.

The DMO explained that Nigeria’s total public debt as at June 2024 was ₦121.67 trillion, and added that as of March 31, 2024, the country’s domestic and external debts stood at ₦121.67 trillion.

The DMO also added that Nigeria’s debt rose by ₦24.33 trillion within three months from ₦97.34 trillion in December 2023 to ₦121.67 trillion, and that the debt represents external and domestic borrowings by the Federal Government and the 36 state governments and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

In fact, this disturbing return to indebtedness raises a myriad of concerns. How did we go from being debt-free to being heavily indebted once more? What happened to the prudent fiscal management that once shielded us from the need for constant borrowing? These are questions Nigerians must ask, as the consequences of our current debt situation weigh heavily on the country’s economy and future generations.

More troubling is the fact that, despite the growing debt, Nigerians are not seeing the tangible benefits in terms of improved infrastructure, social services, or job creation. Instead, we see a government bloated with high expenditure, where the cost of governance remains staggeringly high. Lavish spending on government officials, duplication of roles, and the ever-growing number of political appointees are just a few examples of the financial leakages that continue to plague the system.

It is deeply worrisome that as the country borrows more, the cost of governance remains unchecked. The Nigerian government must face the hard reality: the current path of borrowing is unsustainable. There is a pressing need for the government to cut the cost of governance. This includes reducing the salaries and allowances of public officials, trimming down the number of political appointees, and eliminating wasteful expenditures across all levels of government.

A leaner, more efficient government structure is not only desirable but necessary if Nigeria is to manage its debt and put the borrowed funds to productive use. Public investment must prioritize sectors that can stimulate economic growth, such as infrastructure, agriculture, and education, rather than being consumed by recurrent expenses that have little to no long-term benefit.

Nigeria’s return to a debt-ridden economy is indeed a cause for concern. We must remember the days of fiscal prudence that led to our debt relief and strive to restore those principles. The government must act swiftly to cut unnecessary costs and ensure that borrowed funds are used transparently and efficiently for the benefit of the people, not just the political elite.

The stakes are too high for us to continue down this path. We owe it to future generations to break free from the cycle of borrowing and build an economy that can sustain itself without the crutch of external debt. The time for action is now, before the debt trap tightens its hold on Nigeria’s future.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to urge President Bola Tinubu to make it a priority to intensify efforts towards freeing Nigeria from the crippling weight of both domestic and external debts. The country is at a financial crossroads, and the mounting debt burden is becoming unsustainable.

Without decisive action, Nigeria risks plunging deeper into a debt crisis, which could severely hamper economic development and social progress. It is essential that the administration adopts a robust debt management strategy that focuses on reducing excessive borrowing, increasing revenue generation, and enhancing fiscal discipline. The foregoing view is as the future of Nigeria’s economy depends on the steps taken now to avoid further debt accumulation.

One critical avenue that President Tinubu should explore is the possibility of negotiating for debt forgiveness, much like what was achieved under the leadership of Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala when she was Minister of Finance and Economy. At the time, Okonjo-Iweala successfully negotiated with Nigeria’s creditors to secure significant debt relief, which allowed the country to regain financial stability and focus on long-term growth. By pursuing similar negotiations, Tinubu could alleviate the crushing debt service burden that currently consumes a large portion of the nation’s revenue. International creditors may be open to renegotiating terms if Nigeria presents a credible and transparent economic reform plan, signaling its commitment to fiscal responsibility.

In addition to seeking debt forgiveness, President Tinubu must also take bold steps to reduce the cost of governance and improve the efficiency of public spending. Every naira saved from cutting unnecessary expenses and plugging financial leakages can be redirected towards paying off Nigeria’s debts and investing in sectors that will stimulate economic growth. By combining debt forgiveness negotiations with internal fiscal reforms, President Tinubu can pave the way for a more sustainable and prosperous economic future for Nigeria. The time to act is now before the nation’s debt burden spirals further out of control.

Super Eagles interim coach, Augustine Eguavoen says he is still in in charge of the three-time African champions.

According to OwnGoalNigeria, a sports website, Eguavoen said his assignment was limited to two matches.

The Nigerian tactician was quoted to have said he was given a mandate to oversee the Eagles’ matches against Benin Republic and Rwanda in the ongoing 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers.

“I have been given a mandate to handle two games. I will want to say I am very pleased with the boys and again, thanks to the NFF leadership and all the boys who supported me in terms of discipline and working hard.”

“It ends today, which is the two games mandate. I can’t talk about Libya, because I haven’t been told but I can talk about it a little bit in case we have another coach, we can talk about it.” he reportedly said.

But speaking on arrival at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja in the early hours Wednesday, Cerezo as he is fondly called, denied quitting his role.

According to him, he only said he was going to discuss with the leadership of the Nigeria Football Federation )NFF) on how to prosecute the remaining qualifying series.

“It’s quite unfortunate that people trigger something that is not correct and the situation we are in now, we don’t need negative stories.

“I only talked about how I will sit down with the hierarchy of the Federation after these two games and see how we will prosecute the next games. When I saw the story, I was kind of worried and concerned. Whatever people are reading out there is not correct. I’m still very much in charge as the technical director of the federation and saddled with the responsibility of taking charge of the Super Eagles at this moment,” he clarified

Recall that Eguavoen was named the interim coach after German coach, Bruno Labbadia declined the role after being unable to reach an agreement on tax payment.

Eguavoen led the team to 3-0 win over Cheetahs of Benin before being held to a 0-0 draw by Wasps of Rwanda in the ongoing 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifying series.

[DailyTrust]

For some time, Nigerians have been in denial about the actual state of the nation once hailed as the giant of Africa. Nigeria has deteriorated over the years to the extent that it is often referred to as ” a failed nation”. Previous administrations failed to stem the decline in Nigeria’s economic fortunes. Therefore, the current administration inherited a nation in a state of comatose, characterised by high levels of insecurity, poverty, unemployment, inadequate access to education, non-payment of salaries and pensions by some state governments, high unsettled foreign exchange obligations, a debt service-to-revenue ratio of 97%, poor infrastructure, and other symptoms of a failing nation.

The task of putting Nigeria on the path to economic prosperity is enormous, but not insurmountable. It requires transformational and drastic changes, not incremental ones, as the nation has drifted too far from the path of economic sustainability. The current administration, understanding this, introduced major policy shifts—what some may call shock therapy.

It has also moved away from the Keynesian economic model, which promotes government intervention in the economy for stability, towards the classical economic model, which supports a limited government role in the economy. It is important to note that the classical model usually comes with some economic fluctuations in the short term, which Nigeria is currently experiencing.

The economic reforms of the current government have already started yielding results. The country’s debt service-to-revenue ratio has dropped from 97% to under 70%, freeing resources for investment in security, infrastructure, and other critical sectors of the economy. Allocations to the three tiers of government have increased.

Additionally, Nigeria’s gross domestic product grew by 3.19% in the second quarter of 2024 (year-on-year), which is higher than the 2.51% recorded in the second quarter of 2023 and the 2.98% recorded in the first quarter of 2024. Students have already started benefiting from the student loan scheme, and affordable houses are being built across the nation under the Renewed Hope Housing Scheme. The forthcoming Consumer Credit Scheme is another initiative set to commence, to name just a few.

Nigerians have experienced failed leadership in the past, so many are not fully convinced of the sincerity of purpose and the efficacy of the economic reforms of the current administration. However, the role the government played in securing local government financial autonomy and the unification of foreign exchange rates are examples of its genuine commitment to transforming the nation for good.

Local governments in the country are now expected to operate more effectively and contribute more to national development. It would have been convenient for President Bola Tinubu to leave the arbitrage in the forex markets intact and benefit from it at the expense of pursuing economic recovery. Another sign of the current government’s patriotism is its refusal to chase after popularity, instead sticking to its economic policies despite their unpopularity. In a democracy, many leaders avoid making such decisions to avert the risk of losing future elections.

There is no doubt that in addition to the current economic reforms, Nigeria like many other African countries—needs to seek some form of debt relief to free up more resources for national development. This was reiterated by the chairman of the African Union Commission during the recently concluded Africa Food Systems Summit in Kigali, who said that debt relief is an urgent imperative for many African states to give them vital economic breathing space. Without the current economic reforms Nigeria is undertaking, which show a genuine desire to turn things around, her creditors may be reluctant to consider her plea for debt relief.

Nigerians need to be patient, as there is no quick fix or easy solution to the economic challenges the country is facing. The government should ensure the timely implementation of policies. For example, the CNG initiative and the implementation of the national minimum wage need to be fast-tracked.

It will be beneficial for the government to continuously educate Nigerians about its various intervention programs and provide updates on the implementation of its economic policies. Communication is key, especially in times like this

Kenechukwu Aguolu can be contacted via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Without a doubt, Emmanuel Chukwuemeka Iwuanyanwu was a model and premier Igbo-Nigerian leader, patriot, and Igboist. Being an Igboist and a Nigerian defender at the same time is an extremely difficult combination to maintain. He had affection for both of them, but Ndigbo was his priority for obvious reasons.

It is more than thirty years since I first met Iwuanyanwu. The two-party system for Nigeria was being experimented with by General Ibrahim Babangida who established the National Republican Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP). Iwuanyanwu was a presidential aspirant under the banner of the NRC. At the time, I was a student at the University of Jos.

At the University of Jos, I ran for the position of students’ union president and therefore was a leader in the students’ union in my own right. Therefore, when IBB announced the two parties and political gladiators like Iwuanyanwu fought to carry the flag of their respective parties as their presidential candidates, politically astute students like me showed interest and looked for ways to get involved. Student activists, or perhaps better described as aspiring politicians on campus, naturally found a constituency in the student body.

Thus, my clique and I prepared a plan and laid ambush when we learnt that the Iwuanyanwu campaign train, headed by Dr. Josiah Odunna, was coming to Jos. He was happy to meet with us with the full complement of his campaign team. I was really in my element that day, speaking for the group like a self-assured prophet. Iwuanyanwu was definitely impressed, but when I was done, he looked both amused and perplexed. My presentation was overly ambitious in its audacity. I had made an effort to persuade Iwuanyanwu and his elite campaign team that we could mobilise Nigeria’s whole student body.

His scepticism was reasonable given that, at the time, there was no social media as we know it today to link all the campuses, despite the fact that Barristers Gabriel Egbule and Mike Nnalue (may the good Lord rest his soul) and I were publishing the Campus Flash newspaper and could be considered campus journalists. It implied that manual campus visits were required throughout Nigeria. Iwuanyanwu concurred with us that all Nigerian universities needed to be mobilised, but he begged me and my colleagues to focus only on the University of Jos and maybe one or two others nearby.

Iwuanyanwu gave fatherly advice, saying: “You still have your books to read and exams to pass and pass excellently.” He was against our education suffering in favour of politics. Surely, everything has its time.

Iwuanyanwu gave the order to take care of us while details would be worked out. My group and I made the same visit to Iwuanyanwu’s base at Owerri, and the rest, as they say, is history.

I continued to have friendly encounters with Iwuanyanwu, but nothing really noteworthy until the Igbo Leadership Development Foundation (ILDF), an organisation I served as spokesperson, started planning the campaign for the election of an Igbo (south-east) as president for Nigeria. Around the same time also was when I buried my dear mother and Iwuanyanwu and some other elders banded together to help me and lessen the burden of my mother’s funeral.

Iwuanyanwu gave his significant support and blessing to the campaign of the ILDF for the Igbo Nigerian president project. The group paid him visits to convey the guiding ideas and philosophy behind the main program we had in the works as well as the self-imposed effort to rescue Ndigbo from Nigeria’s political obscurity.

Pursuant to this, the Igbo Leadership Development Foundation (ILDF) organised a national dialogue in Abuja with Gregory University Uturu in 2021. Iwuanyanwu gave us his whole support and participated in the event. Leaders from all over Nigeria as well as representatives of the country’s major cultural blocks attended the national discourse, which took place at the Sheraton Hotel Abuja. Chief Nnia Nwodo, the then president-general of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, was present, as was Iwuanyanwu.

I provided this history to demonstrate that, even as a student, I had a close acquaintance with the great leader and therefore had the chance to form an opinion about his life and times. The fact that Iwuanyanwu was an activist is one of his qualities that is most frequently downplayed. It matters so much to me, probably for the reason that I belong to the human rights community. It’s not easy being an activist in a ruthless country like Nigeria.

Furthermore, Iwuanyanwu—a University of Nigeria-trained civil engineer and a private practitioner—would have undoubtedly had his business ventures, some of which depended on government patronage, suffer as a result of his firm stance against the marginalisation of his Igbo people in Nigeria.

He was a true leader, as they rarely come! He put the needs of his people before his own, even if doing so meant sacrificing his happiness, safety, and growth of his wide business concerns. Even as an activist myself, I was afraid for his life every time he fiercely talked about the condition of the Ndigbo in Nigeria. He took no prisoners.

Iwuanyanwu, like his compatriots and great Igbo leaders, Comrade Uche Chukwumerije and Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife, did not give much thought to his own safety or business when he championed the rights of Ndigbo, a practice that began with his participation in the Biafra war as an army captain.

The life of the Ikeduru Imo state-born Iwuanyanwu resembled an octopus. It spread and had an impact on nearly everything important, including politics, sociocultural issues, business, construction, sports, the media, and even banking. You dare call him a jack of all trades and master of all! For the younger ones’ sake, it is important to emphasise a few of his impacts.

The areas where Iwuanyanwu made profound contributions include the following: sports (Iwuanyanwu Nationale), aviation (Oriental Airlines), media (Champion Newspapers), road construction (Hardel & Enic), health (Iwuanyanwu Ambulance), banking (ABC Merchant Bank), education (Iwuanyanwu Foundation), philanthropy, food security (Magil Bread, etc.), and housing (he owned several estates across the country).

In politics and the nation’s quest for democracy, democratic rule, and purposeful national leadership, Iwuanyanwu was a leading member of the NNC, NRC, UNCP, APP, ANPP, PDP, etc. He was a statesman par excellence. He left his footprints on each and every one of these great endeavours. His legacy will live on for future generations, providing a clear pathway for those who genuinely want to succeed and make their life meaningful through perseverance, hard work, and self-belief, so they too can leave their mark on the sands of time.

Serving as the 11th president-general of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, preceded by George Obiozor, was Chief Iwuanyanwu’s final act of service to Ndigbo, Nigeria, and mankind, where he inspired and repositioned the Igbo people in Nigeria and global context.

By the grace of God, he crossed both biblical rubicon for humans—three scores and ten and eighty for those who are still strong. He passed away a happy man at 82.

At eighty-two, Iwuanyanwu walked off this route to meet his maker—the final destination for all mortals. As renowned poet John Donne once said…
“Each man’s death diminishes me,
For I am involved in mankind.
Therefore, send not to know
For whom the bell tolls,
It tolls for thee.”

Chief Dr. Eng. Emmanuel Chukwuemeka Iwuanyanwu has finished his earthly race and left his mark on history. How about you? The bell tolls for you too!

Good night, great Igboist, nationalist, and leader. In both the Igbo nation and Nigeria, you were undoubtedly the zenith and emblem of Igbo possibilities and Nigerian nationalism. You have left a void that will be difficult to fill, but there’s God, and in Him we trust.

Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. You can contact him via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and on Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.

Luton Town have announced the signing of ex-Super Eagles Star, Victor Moses on a free transfer.

The 33-year-old was a Premier League title winner with Chelsea in the 2016/17 season.

The former Nigeria international has most recently been playing his football in Russia with Spartak Moscow, who he joined in 2021.

“Victor Moses has signed in as new Luton player on free transfer, deal sealed,” Football transfer expert Fabrizio Romano wrote on his X handle.

Club’s Manager Rob Edwards said, “Victor is one we’ve been talking to for quite a while. He trained with us last week and played 60 minutes in a behind closed doors game, and we made a decision because we think he’s able to come in and help us.

“He gives us more strength in depth and versatility, because he’s someone who can play both sides or as a number ten.

“He’s played for so many different clubs in different ways and shapes, and under different managers, so he’s tactically aware. We think he’s someone who can provide some really good competition for us.

“I don’t want to put too much pressure on him and expect too much too soon. He’s not going to come in and start the games straight away.

“He’s got to get used to what we do and how we play, but he’s fit, he’s able to come in and affect it now, and he definitely makes the squad stronger.”

For his part while speaking to the club, Moses added, “I’m looking forward to it. I had a few offers from Europe, but I said to my agent that I set my mind on staying over here, and here we are. I’m very pleased and honoured to be at this club and I just can’t wait to get going.

“I spoke to Rob before I came, I spoke to the directors and they told me the plan and the history of the club, and I just want to be part of the success.

“I want to come here and enjoy my football, work hard for the club and for the team, and get back to where we belong in the Premier League.”

He left Selhurst Park in 2010 to join then-Premier League Wigan, where he spent the next three seasons.

Chelsea came calling and ended up playing 128 times for the club winning the Premier League, FA Cup and two Europa Leagues.

Moses has also won the Africa Cup of Nations with Nigeria in 2013.

[Leadership]

The Department of State Services (DSS) has released the passport of the President of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Daily Trust can confirm.

Some of labour leaders, who confided in our correspondent on Tuesday in Abuja, said the secret police did not find anything incriminating against Ajaero.

Daily Trust had reported that the DSS bowed to pressure from various quarters on Monday when it released the labour leader on bail a few minutes to the ultimatum given by the NLC.

Details shortly…

[Daily Trust]

Nigeria failed to defeat Rwanda in a 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier played in Kigali on Tuesday.

The match ended goalless between both countries.

However, the Super Eagles will feel aggrieved as they had what looked like a legitimate goal ruled out in the first half.

Victor Boniface’s header from a throw-in fell to Ademola Lookman who put the ball the net.

But the referee ruled it out.

Both sides saw their goalkeepers make fine saves to maintain the stalemate.

Nigeria lead Group D with four points, while Rwanda are in second spot with two points.

[DailyPost]

Things appear to be falling apart in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), once a dominant force in Nigeria’s political landscape.  It is becoming clearer that the centre of a political party that had boasted of holding on to power for 60 years can no longer hold. A party of ideals, ethos, structure and spread, is now stuck in the mud. And there is no sign of resurgence soon, as the party is mired in crises since 2022.

Gone are the days that the PDP was either in control of the central government or many of the states. In the Fourth Republic, the party, formed in 1998, swept through the land as a hurricane. It ruled at the centre.  It also had the reins of government in 31 states. The party swallowed many other political parties. It was formidable and appealing to many politicians at the time.

The party is not new to troubles, some of which are self-inflicted. In spite of its internal squabbles, the PDP had been steady. But, things nosedived when it lost the centre.  The defeat that occurred in 2015 when former President Goodluck Jonathan lost to the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari, was a turning point for the worse for the opposition party. Now, it controls only 13 states.

While permutations have begun ahead of 2027 general elections, the future of the PDP in the current political landscape is bleak. The leading opposition party is contending with a myriad of internal and external issues gradually eroding its spread and dominance on power.

Crisis of leadership and vision

Beyond the immediate conflicts of leadership and factional battles, the PDP is also grappling with an identity crisis that could prove fatal if not addressed promptly. The party, which once prided itself as the custodian of Nigeria’s democracy, is at crossroads.

Since its formation in 1998, the PDP has been synonymous with the ideals of national unity, economic reform, and democratic governance. However, in recent years, these ideals have become blurred, with the party increasingly defined by its internal struggles rather than its policy positions or ideological commitments. The lack of a cohesive posture vision has made it difficult for the PDP to assert itself.

Fast forward to the aftermath of the 2023 elections, there was growing concern within the party’s ranks about the need to redefine the PDP’s mission and values. Some members have called for a return to the party’s founding principles, while others advocated for a complete overhaul of its leadership structure and political strategy.

Genesis of conflicts

It appears that the seeds of the current crisis were sown in the lead-up to the 2023 general elections; however, many analysts believe that it goes farther into the months before the 2015 elections.

Late President Musa Yar’Adua on a joint ticket with Dr. Goodluck Jonathan had won the presidential election in 2007. Unfortunately, two years into their tenure, Yar’Adua died. His vice was eventually sworn in, who completed that tenure and also contested the presidential election in 2011 and won.

But the north felt short-changed, as they insisted that it was their turn to lead the country. This led to the defection of some bigwigs, particularly from the north extraction from the party. Vice President Atiku Abubakar and other political gladiators had worked against Jonathan.

Then, the party lost the presidential election to the hurricane All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2015.  And the downward journey of the party has been rapid.

Immediately past President Muhammadu Buhari from the north occupied Aso Rock for eight years.  After his presidency, the popular consensus was that power should shift to the south.

In 2023, Abubakar decided to exercise his right and didn’t give in to the clamour for southern presidency. He won the primary and became the candidate of the party.

His insistence to get the ticket led to some chieftains of the party like Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) and Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) leaving the PDP with their loyalists.  Five PDP governors under G5 Group, who didn’t leave the party also worked against candidate Atiku.

Following Abubakar’s emergence as the PDP’s candidate, frictions accelerated when it became clear that he would not choose Nyesom Wike as his running mate. The scenario led to a bitter feud that spilled into the public domain.

This acrimony deepened when the party leadership, under the chairmanship of Iyorchia Ayu, was accused of favoring the northern bloc, further alienating the southern members. For Wike and other PDP stakeholders, it was inconceivable that the party’s national chairmanship as well as the presidential ticket would remain in the north as Ayu is from Benue state and Atiku is from Adamawa.

The crisis reached a crescendo when five aggrieved governors, known as the G-5 or Integrity Group, openly rebelled against the party’s leadership. This group, consisting of Wike, Samuel Ortom (Benue), Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu), and Seyi Makinde (Oyo), demanded Ayu’s resignation as a precondition for supporting Atiku’s candidacy. The refusal of the party leadership to accede to their demands resulted in the G-5 boycotting the 2023 presidential campaign, significantly weakening the PDP’s chances at the polls. The fallout from this division was evident in the election results, where the PDP failed to secure the presidency and performed poorly in several key states.

APC as an adversary

While the PDP has been embroiled in internal strife, the APC has been quietly consolidating its power. Aside from bringing PDP strongman, Nyesom Wike and former Ebonyi state governor, Umahi on board as ministers, the APC, under the leadership of President Bola Tinubu, has embarked on a series of political maneuvers designed to weaken the opposition. This includes wooing disgruntled PDP members into its fold and exploiting the divisions within the PDP to its advantage.

The APC’s strategy has not been lost on political analysts, who argue that the ruling party is deliberately stoking the fires of discord within the PDP to prevent it from mounting a credible challenge in 2027. “The APC is playing a long game; they know that a fragmented PDP is easier to defeat than a united one,”noted a political analyst. “

The lingering crises

As the party licks its wounds from the 2023 electoral defeat, the crises within the PDP have only deepened.

One of the key aspects of the current turmoil is the leadership tussle that has various dimensions. Until a few months ago, the tussle centred around the legitimacy of Iyorchia Ayu’s leadership as a major bone of contention. Despite calls for his resignation after the 2023 elections, Ayu remained defiant, leading to further factionalization within the party, with the National Working Committee (NWC) split between supporters of Ayu and those calling for a change in leadership to reposition the party ahead of 2027. The party was in a fix over Ayu because of the cases instituted in court but commendably, he opted to withdraw from court.

Now, energies have been redirected by some party members towards having the acting national chairman, Ambassador Ilyas Damagum removed but it is a very complex matter that may never be actualized until he hands over at PDP’s national convention next year. Even if Damagum is removed or prevailed upon to resign from his current position, he will revert to his substantive position as Deputy National Chairman (North).

Also, even though the party will not admit it, ethnic and regional divides remain a lingering challenge in a once cohesive national party. The PDP has long struggled with balancing its regional interests, but the current crisis has exacerbated these divides. The party’s southern members felt marginalized, particularly after the 2023 elections, where the perception was that the northern bloc had unfairly dominated the party’s decision-making processes. This rift has made it difficult for the PDP to present a united front. People like Chief Olabode George may end up being proven to be right with his insistence that issues about the genesis of current problems need to be thrashed out first at a roundtable before expecting success in the reconciliation process.

Then, a series of legal battles have been hampering issues within the party. Several court cases further complicated the PDP’s woes after the 2023elections. These legal wrangling have not only distracted the party but have also sapped its resources, which could have been better utilized in preparation for the next electoral cycle. While that is over, other cases, especially in states like Rivers and Edo, continue to haunt efforts towards consolidation of party unity.

There have also been a series of defections and loss of confidence. The PDP has suffered a wave of defections since 2022, with several key members, including former governors and legislators, jumping ship to the APC or other parties. This exodus has been fuelled by the perception that the PDP is a sinking ship, plagued by internal squabbles and an inability to present a viable alternative to the APC.

Another aspect of PDP’s lingering crises is the intra-party frictions in some states, Rivers state is by far most obvious but others are simmering below the surface. For instance, in Edo state, Wike loyalists like Chief Dan Orbih, the leader of the Legacy Group that comprises stakeholders whom outgoing Edo state Governor Obaseki met in the party have resolved not to support Obaseki’s nominee, Asue Ighodalo in the September 21, 2023 Edo state governorship election.

Differences of opinion over the prospects of rebuilding strength through a merger with other political parties continue despite official pronouncements that it has been resolved. Looking at what the opposition was able to achieve against the ruling party in Senegal and other countries, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar has remained a strong advocate of having a merger between PDP and other parties. However, loyalists of FCT Minister Wike as well as the PDP Governors’ Forum and the party’s leadership led by Ambassador Damagum have expressed complete dislike for the idea.

In a June 5, 2024, official statement, PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Debo Ologunagba emphatically stated that talks about the party’s involvement in merger discussions with any political party in preparation for the 2027 general election are mere ruse and utterly misleading, adding that PDP is satisfied with the increasing influx of old and new members and the party expects other old members to return to PDP rather expect the party’s merger with their current party.

An even more emphatic opposition to the idea was presented by the chairman of PDP Governors’ Forum, Governor Bala Mohammed who described those calling for mergers as ‘marauders’ at the end of the forum’s recent meeting in Abuja.

He said that such marauders are plotting to hijack a faction for the purpose of forming a coalition with some other parties. “We are aware that there are some marauders hanging around somewhere, trying to factionalize our party and take one faction to go and do coalition (with another party); we are not going to allow that,” said the Bala Mohammed while reading the PDP Governors’ Forum communiqué after a four hours’ closed-door meeting at Akwa Ibom Governor’s Lodge in Abuja.

Much more than all the factors above is the issue of whether to restrict contention for the 2027 presidential ticket to southern aspirants alone or again, allow a repeat of the 2023 situation where Alhaji Atiku Abubakar featured. This is further complicated by the fact that FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike has explicitly declared his intention to mobilize for the re-election of President Bola Tinubu in 2027.

Crises

In a bid to stem the tide of discontent, the PDP has made several attempts at reconciliation. Notable among these is the establishment of a National Reconciliation Committee led by former Governor of Osun state, Colonel Olagunsoye Oyinlola (rtd). The committee, which is to build on previous reconciliation efforts of a similarly named committee led by ex-Senate President, Senator Bukola Saraki in 2022, was tasked with bridging the divides within the party and bringing aggrieved members back into the fold. However, there are anxieties that the efforts of the new committee meet with limited success, as the entrenched positions of some party leaders and their proxies appear capable of making genuine reconciliation difficult.

Disciplinary steps

Serious efforts to make FCT Minister Nyesom Wike to ‘pay’ for leading the G-5 to facilitate APC’s victory and PDP’s loss in the 2023 presidential election started immediately after the elections but for one reason or another, things have not worked smoothly for its advocates. The Nation learnt that an August 2023 meeting of PDP stakeholders, including Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, at the Abuja residence of High Chief Tom Ikimii had tried to reach a conclusion but complications arose.

While loyalists of Atiku want Wike to face severe sanctions like a lengthy suspension or total expulsion for his role in the 2023 presidential elections, others, including Wike’s loyalists also point at the anti-PDP roles played by Atiku Abubakar in previous presidential elections.

So, the question that still lingers till date is: from what year does the offence of ‘anti-party’ allegations begin to take effect? If it is restricted to 2023, Wike and his loyalists as well as some past and serving PDP governors would face serious sanctions but if it is extended to previous years, Atiku Abubakar and others who are advocating for the sanctions would get drawn in too.

Several party stakeholders have demonstrated a keen awareness that without resolving lingering crises, PDP could be taking huge risks with any 2027 game plan. In May 2023, Atiku Abubakar made a public appeal for unity within the party, acknowledging that the internal divisions were a major factor in the PDP’s electoral loss.

Despite these efforts, the cracks within the PDP remain visible. The on-going power struggle within the party’s leadership, coupled with the regional and ethnic divides, continues to undermine any attempts at forging a cohesive strategy for the future.

No more internal crisis?

Responding to questions on PDP’s internal crises, PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Debo Ologunagba asserted that contrary to widespread obsession with the perception of the PDP as a party in crises, the party is doing well in advancing the cause of democracy in Nigeria. Speaking on a TVC television programme, ‘Beyond 100 days” and themed PDP: A Party Divided Against Itself?” Ologunagba argued that while many assume that PDP is continuously consumed by frictions from contending interests, the party’s robust constitution and structures have continued to hold it firmly together since 1999.

According to Ologunagba, the party has continued to exercise various internal mechanisms backed by its structures and party constitution to continue giving the nation a great example of what a genuine political party should be in a democracy, adding that the recent decision to constitute two new committees is an example.

 The road to 2027: A bleak outlook?

The PDP’s internal crises, if left unresolved, pose a significant threat to the party’s chances of displacing the APC in the 2027 general elections. The party’s inability to present a united front has already cost it dearly in the 2023 elections, and the lingering divisions could further erode public confidence in the PDP as a viable alternative to the ruling party.

Moreover, the defections and legal battles have weakened the party’s structure at both the national and state levels, making it difficult to mount an effective campaign in 2027. The APC, despite its own challenges, appears to be more stable and better organized, giving it a potential advantage as the next election cycle approaches.

As the PDP faces this existential crisis, the words of one of its founding members, Jerry Gana, ring true: “The PDP must rise above its internal contradictions and return to the ideals that made it great. Otherwise, it risks becoming a footnote in Nigeria’s political history.”