The Senate last Thursday passed the tax reform bills for second reading amid tension despite a one hour close-door session to calm frayed nerves so that the federal lawmakers csn have a smooth debate on the general principles of the fiscal legislations.

The proposed landmark bills are the Nigeria Tax Bill; the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill; the Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill and the Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill.

Leader of the Senate, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele, read the lead debate when the close session ended.

According to him, the set of four legislative proposals will increase Value Added Tax (VAT) distributable to the subnational governments to 55% while reducing the federal government’s share to 10%.

Bamidele said the new legislative regimes also proposed zero VAT on exports and essential consumptions by the masses and grant of input VAT credit on assets and services in addition to goods consumed by businesses to lower the cost of production

He  reeled out far-reaching proposals contained in the Tax Reform Bills, which, according to him, aims at simplifying the tax landscape, reducing the burden on small business and streamlining how taxes are collected.

When the floor was yielded to Senators who wanted to contribute, the Chairman, Senate Committee on Finance, Senator Sani Musa, urged his colleagues to give the bills chance to pass through normal legislative process while those who have dissenting voices should do so constructively.

Similarly, the Senator representing Bayelsa West, Seriake Dickson, commended the executive for coming up with the landmark tax reform bills.

He said the fiscal legislation would entrench fiscal federalism in Nigeria if passed into  law.

The former Bayelsa state governor noted that Nigerians were paying tax and the government at various levels have been using it to execute developmental projects since the colonial era.

He said the situation changed when oil was discovered and the sub regional government started relying on the federal government for federal allocation.

He noted that some stakeholders objected to the bill because there was no proper consultation.

According to Dickson, “The position of the Nigerian Governors Forum is legitimate. The executive should carry out more enlightenment on the bills. As a federalist, which I’ve been all my adult life, I see these bills as a move towards entrenching fiscal federalism in Nigeria, which I fully support.

“I use this opportunity to call on all my colleagues to agree that these bills, all four of them, should be passed for second reading to enable our committee and the experts and the general public engage in accordance with our rules. The tax reform bills when passed to law, will entrench fiscal federalism in Nigeria”.

President of the Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio, who presided over the plenary thereafter invited former Senate Leader,  Senator Ali Ndume (Borno South), to make his remarks on the bills.

Rather than contributing to the debate on the general principles of the bills, Ndume said the timing for the bills introduction was wrong and advised that they should be withdrawn for proper consultation in order to get the buy-in of the critical stakeholders who are opposed to it.

He urged the Senate to consider the sensitivities of the moment, by adopting a more strategic approach to avoid backlash.

Ndume then advocated that the bills be temporarily withdrawn to allow for more consultation with state governors, the National Economic Council (NEC), and traditional rulers.

He emphasised that the reforms would be more effective if they had the buy-in of the critical stakeholders, suggesting that swift passage could occur after such consultations.

Ndume said, “Let it be on record that my problem with the bills is the timing. Number two is the issue of derivation. The issue of derivation made the reform contagious, contaminated, and contradictory in some cases. This is because the constitution has to be amended in order for some of these proposals to be effective. I’m glad we are doing a constitutional review. So even if it means reviewing the constitution.

“I agree that we should not throw away the baby with the bathwater. I would have preferred we remove the baby and throw away the water first. And that is to go with what the governors and NEC proposed. The bills should be withdrawn and re presented to the National Assembly again after getting the buy-in of the governors and NEC and even our traditional rulers.

“Let’s be honest with ourselves. If we sit down here, work on these bills, assuming as it is now, there may be a backlash. This is because the governors have not come out publicly to change their position, the traditional rulers have not sat down publicly to change their position. NEC have not sat down to change their position.

“As for me. I looked at the bill which contains so many good things, but these two things, derivation and VAT. Even though you say it will be addressed at the public session, it’s not something that many of us will agree to.

“You started by saying, we are going to negotiate, which is good, and it’s coming from you. Why don’t we negotiate first before we come out to take a position?

“The people through the governors and the traditional rulers say the bills should be withdrawn, make some necessary amendments and  then bring it back and we can pass it in 24 hours. That is my position.”

Ndume’s position was instantly countered by the Senate Chief Whip, Senator Tahir Monguno, who disagreed with the position of Ndume.

He said the views of the stakeholders who are opposed to the bills could be taken at the public hearing after the legislation had passed second reading.

Monguno, who took over from Ndume as both the Chief Whip and Vice Chairman, Senate Committee on Appropriation, following his removal, said in the course of public hearing, the governors and traditional rulers are free to ventilate their opinions.

He said Ndume’s position was strange to legislative process but could only pass for a mere academic exercise.

Monguno, former Chairman of Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters, expressed serious concerns that Ndume, who was  minority leader in the House of Reps, a leader in the Senate, and immediate Chief Whip of the Senate with all the cognate experiences of lawmaking,  came up with such arguments.

His words, “I disagree with you (Ndume), that this bill should be withdrawn first and consultation should be held with the Nigerian Governors Forum and traditional rulers.

“We have a procedure which is clearly and umambiguously stated in our rulebook for the process of lawmaking. The Constitution, in a very clear and unambiguous manner, gave us the power to regulate our proceedings.

“Section 60 of the 1999 Constitution as amended, gave us power to make these rules for ourselves in order to guide our proceedings. The process of lawmaking is very clear and unambiguous as per this book. That after the second reading of a bill, it will be transmitted to the Committee for Public Hearing.

“In the course of the public hearing, Nigerians from all walks of life, all groups, will come and aggregate, including the governors and traditional rulers. They are free to come and ventilate their opinion.”

“With due respect, what Senator Ndume has suggested is alien to the process of legislation exercise and therefore is fairly academic and should not be considered.

President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, then put the question as to whether the senators would want the bills passed or not  and the lawmakers overwhelmingly voted in support.

Akpabio thereafter mandated the  committee on Finance,  to organise Public hearing on the bill for inputs from those against the bills like the Governors’s forum, National Economic Council (NEC), Northern Elders’ Forum (NEF), etc and report back within six weeks.

Ndume’s antagonist tendencies towards the bills had however started a day earlier when his position and that of the Senator representing Bauchi Central, Abdul Ningi, threw the Senate into a rowdy session.

The development happened following the decision of the Red Chamber’s leadership to admit the Federal Government’s team driving the tax reform bills, to address the Senators.

Trouble started when the Leader of the Senate, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele announced that there were visitors who would be coming to the chamber to brief the Senate on the proposed tax reform bills.

Bamidele at the session, presided over by Deputy Senate President, Senator Jibrin Barau, invoked Order 12 (1) to suspend the Senate Rules, seeking permission for their guests to enter the chamber and address them.

The visitors included the Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Mr. Zacch Adedeji; Director General of the Budget Office, Tanimu Yakubu, and the Chairman, Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, Mr. Taiwo Oyedele.

Ningi, the Bauchi Central Senator, raised a point of order, drawing the attention of the presiding officer to an error in the decision to admit the guests into the chamber because they were not captured among the categories of people recognized in the rule book.

Ningi cited Order 12 of the Senate rule book to read out the categories of people who should be admitted into the chamber, and argued that the listed visitors were not in such categories.

However, Bamidele clarified that he actually sought the suspension of the order 12 to admit the people.

Barau noted Ningi’s point of order but said the essence of inviting the visitors was to educate Nigerians through the Senate about the controversial tax reform bills to avoid confusion among the citizenry.

Bamidele’s motion to welcome the guests was seconded by the Minority Leader, Senator Abba Moro, and the Sergeant-at-arms led them into the chamber.

Just as the guests were taking their seats,  Ndume objected strongly, to the decision through a point of order.

He noted that the Tax Reform Bill was not on the Order Paper and that the Senate rules prohibit discussions on matters not listed on the order paper without proper procedural adjustments.

“This is a very important matter, and we must follow the rules,” Ndume stated, warning that circumventing protocol undermines legislative integrity.

He urged the Senate to ensure proper representation of Nigerians’ interests, stressing the bill’s significance in the face of public concerns.

Ndume insisted that the matter was too important to be manipulated and the Senate should not in any way play around the Tax Reform Bills as Nigerians have spoken.

His words,  “This is a very important matter. We should not in any way try to use the position of the Senate to treat it anyhow because the Order Paper is clear. I have no problem about having them come to explain whatsoever but we must follow known procedures. That is if today that has to be taken, then there must a supplementary Order Paper that will reflect this. It is not a matter that you will just come and tell us after we are doing business of the day that some visitors are coming to address us”. 

Ndume, who was intermittently interrupted by Barau, who accused him of hanging on to rhetoric to marshal his point, said, “Mr President, you can have your way, but I will have my say. You can use your gavel and I will use my voice.”

The ranking Senator further said, “The Tax Reform Bill is very sensitive, our people have been dominated by this matter. When you say, it is a matter of urgent national importance, yes, but even those matters normally referred to another legislative day if there are so inconvenient.

“Please I beg you in the name of God this matter if very important to not only us, but Nigerians that we represent and we swear by Bible and Holy Quran that we will represent the interest of the people. Nigerians have spoken, the Governors, the National Economic Council”.

Despite Ndume’s objections, Barau defended the decision, and insisted that the Senate acted within the rules, and dismissed the argument as an unnecessary rhetoric.

His remarks ignited tensions, causing the session to become chaotic.

Ndume then came up with another point of order claiming that Barau used unparliamentary words against him which should be withdrawn.

Barau eventually restored order by saying his use of the word, ‘rhetoric’ was not meant to ridicule Ndume but referring to his arguments which had been taking care with the suspension of the rule book with a motion.

He insisted that whatever the Senate was doing was within its rules, adding that the “Chamber has no time for rhetoric.”

Barau said, “You have made your point now we are not here for rhetoric. We are here for facts “ At this point the Chamber went rowdy while the Deputy Senate President tried to restore order.

Ndume was eventually ruled out of order and the visitors were allowed into the hallowed Chamber to speak on the proposed Tax Reform Bills.

The team told the Senators that tax reform bills are four different legislations that seek to bring everything about taxation and administration of tax in Nigeria under four different pieces of legislation.

They explained that the bills contain all major taxes imposed on individuals and companies and that it is just like a compendium of taxes charged in Nigeria.

Keen watchers of developments over the landmark tax reform bills are however of the opinion that the trouble which was managed at the Senate plenary might get out of hand at the public hearing with the current opposition to the bills, especially on the issue of VAT derivation by some groups and opinion leaders from the northern part of the country.

[Thisday]

Fenerbahce coach Jose Mourinho has said he believes he doesn’t get enough credit for his team’s winning run from the local media, begging that he wants to “work in peace.”

Mourinho’s side is second in the Turkish Super Lig and have won five consecutive games, including Monday’s 3-1 home triumph over Gaziantep.

Fenerbahce are second in the table, three points adrift of leaders Galatasaray.

“But they [local media] still kill me,” Mourinho said in a postgame news conference. “Give me a little bit of credit.

“Don’t try to do to me what was done to Giovanni van Bronckhorst [at Besiktas]. I don’t know any coach that in three, four, five months can make miracles, can change things. For me he [Van Bronckhorst] was doing a great job.”

Besiktas parted company with Van Bronckhorst on Saturday after his team had taken just one win in six games.

Mourinho, who took over Fenerbahce in the summer six months after leaving Roma, said of Besiktas: “The results lately were not the best but you have this culture and this is a culture that goes against stability.

“Clubs and players to evolve, they need stability also in their coaches, in their coaches’ philosophy. So give me a bit of a break, let me work in peace but if it’s not in peace, there is no problem, I still enjoy it.”

ESPN reports that Fenerbahce have scored more goals than any other team in the Super Lig and given away the fewest.

When asked how his team has managed to go on a positive run despite the congested calendar, which also included an international break in November, he said: “That calendar is for every team that is in Europe. It’s when you have to use the squad. If you always play with the same players they will burn out.

“You have to trust the squad. You have to give an opportunity for fresh people to play. I have a wonderful bench, full of options. With benches like this, a coach is a happy coach; and a coach doesn’t have any fear of accumulation of matches in the calendar.”

[Leadership]

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, has reacted to the public outrage surrounding their failure to reveal the owner of the forfeited 753 duplexes and other apartments in Lokogoma District, Abuja.

On Monday, the agency announced the record-breaking recovery and claimed it belonged to a former government official. https://dailypost.ng/2024/12/02/efcc-announces-biggest-asset-recovery-as-govt-official-forfeits-estate-with-753-duplexes/

The refusal to name the politician led to fierce criticisms from Nigerians.

However, in a statement signed by its spokesman, Dele Oyewale, on Tuesday, EFCC gave reasons for the non-disclosure.

“It is important to note that the substantive criminal investigation on the matter still continues.

“It will be unprofessional of the EFCC to go to town by mentioning names of individuals whose identities were not directly linked to any title document of the properties.

“The EFCC is unwavering in its no-sacred-cow approach to every matter and together we will make Nigeria greater,” the statement read in part.

[DailyPost]

The furore raised by Dr Abati’s commentary has unfortunately, but not unsurprisingly, led to the usual ethnic finger pointing, with very few commentators making any effort to go beyond the emotionalism that beclouded the issue.  What T.O.S Benson was reported to have said is a common accusation or stereotype against the Igbos.

I am, of course, assuming that he did not deliberately present ‘alternative facts’ or  misspoke  and that Dr Abati did not mishear. Based on these assumptions, I would argue that Dr Abati did not really say anything new to warrant some of the personal attacks he received and some of the counter-ethnic insults by his defenders. 

Though some commentators have variously claimed that T.O.S Benson’s in-laws actually gifted him a parcel of land contrary to his purported claim, or that he probably harboured some malice, those refutations, on their own, are insufficient to douse the lingering perception that the Igbos do not sell land to foreigners. In the same vein, even a validation of that story would still not be sufficient to conclude that it is a general practice among the Igbos.

One needs a study which would show the number of applications for land allotment from non-Igbos in Igboland and the number that were denied based on the applicant’s ethnicity or ‘otherness’ before one can generalise one way or the other. Such a study, to the best of my knowledge, does not exist. The only pieces of evidence we have in this conversations seem to be isolated examples, hearsays and anecdotal evidence which belong to the realm of grapevine talks.   

The truth is that there is in every culture and even subcultures, elements of fear of the foreigner, especially when their population is substantial enough to affect a town’s demography or when such migrants constitute what Amy Chua, the Chinese-American Professor of Law at Yale University, would call “market dominant minorities”. These are a set of migrants who would move into an area and within a short time try to exert disproportionate influence in the local political economy. If some “migrants” are tolerated or spared profiling, it is often because their number and influence in the area are not seen as threats. Have we not all heard of landlords who would not rent to Ijebus, Igbos, Hausas or Muslims? 

If I were in a place where T.O.S Benson was said to have made the remark, I would have asked him why he wanted to go to his wife’s state and village to build a house for her and her daughter. This is different from a son-in-law offering to build a family home for his in-laws if he has the means or feels that his parents-in-laws deserve better than what they have. In most patriarchal societies, once a woman is married, she changes her maiden name to that of her husband, and becomes part of her husband’s family and community. This means that in most Igbo communities, a request by T.O.S Benson to buy land to build a house for his wife and daughter would be seen as an anomaly and would be viewed with utmost suspicion, including on whether it was a ploy to cunningly divorce their daughter. 

 I noticed the same anomaly in 2022 when Betty Anyanwu-Akeredolu, wife of the then governor of Ondo State, Rotimi Akeredolu (now late),  who, with the support of her husband, wanted to contest for a senatorial seat in the 2023 elections in her parents’ Imo East Senatorial district rather than in her husband’s senatorial district in Ondo State. In most parts of Igboland, once a woman is married and changed her surname to that of her husband’s, she has become virtually a visitor in her father’s home and community – unless she is divorced. 

As we interrogate stereotypes we should also interrogate glorious attributions. These are ego-massaging statements that have been repeated so often that they are now taken as self-evident truths. For instance, during the said night of tributes for Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, Senate President Akpabio repeated one of such glorious attributions about Igbos: they are very entrepreneurial or ‘mercantile’; if you go to any place and do not see an Igboman, pack your things and go home because “there is nothing there”, and wherever the Igbos go, they build homes and help to “develop” the place.

The main problem with the above glorious attributions is that they are often framed in a manner that wrongly suggests that other ethnic groups are less industrious than the Igbos. While it is true that the Igbos are very visible in commerce and are literally to be found in every nook and crevice of this country (and even outside the country), the narrations are often denuded of the historical and cultural explanations for  these tendencies.  The truth is that with one of the highest population densities in West Africa, many in traditional Igbo society could not survive on farming and therefore took to a number of non-farming vocations such as trading, which naturally took them to other parts of the country. For instance while  Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was born in 1904 in Zungeru, in the present day Niger State,  most of his contemporaries   in the struggle for independence were born in their ethnic homelands. With time, commerce and living in other parts of the country became part of the Igbos’ ‘achievement-oriented’ culture. This was reinforced by a certain belief that an Igbo person who lives ‘abroad’ (outside the town or community), would be accorded higher respect than the person who lives within the community. Following from this, the Igbos tend to have two homes – one tied to their ancestral communities, and the other tied to where they earn their livelihood. However, since this is not a shared norm among other ethnic groups, we cannot conclude that being visible or dominant in commerce or in living outside one’s ethnic homeland makes the Igbos superior or more industrious than others. In cultural studies, no culture is superior to others, hence we do not talk of hierarchy of cultures but of cultural relativity- each culture serves its members, and there are always elements that are appealing and others that repel in every culture. 

The above explains Senator Akpabio’s quip that while the Igbos who come to his state build homes and houses, members of other ethnic groups generally do not. Unlike the Igbos, the traditional Yoruba and many people from the North, with their abundant fertile land, had no need to take to commerce in the same magnitude as the Igbos did and still do, and therefore were less inclined to move outside their enclaves to look for economic opportunities. In addition to land surplus, the Yoruba had very early contact with the Europeans: Lagos was a Crown colony as early as March 1862, meaning that it was governed directly by the government of England at the time. Partly because of this, by 1872, Lagos had already become a cosmopolitan trading centre with a population of over 60,000 as it attracted all and sundry looking for greener pastures, including a number of the freed slaves from America, Caribbean and Britain who were settled in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Many of these were professionals who assimilated into the Yoruba culture of the 18th and 19th centuries and in turn influenced the cultures of the Yoruba not just in Lagos but also in the contiguous areas. Since people are influenced and socialised into the vocation of their forebears, this again partly explains the dominance of the Yoruba in the professions. Similarly, the people from the North, which has abundant fertile land, became dominant in agriculture, and therefore were on average less likely to settle outside their enclaves in the North. 

Another glorious attribution that is worth interrogating is that the Yoruba are the most accommodating of all the ethnic groups in the country. I do not know the metrics used for measuring this. If it is because you have more non- Yoruba living in Lagos and its environs, then this cannot be a valid metric because all major cities, including the state capitals, pull people towards them because of the enhanced opportunities they offer. In fact, in almost all the state capitals in this country, non-indigenes outnumber the indigenes without this being an issue. In fact, if the Yoruba are called the most hospitable because they “allow” people to live in Yorubaland, what do we call the original indigenes of Abuja and the indigenes of all the state capitals in the country?  

It is important to emphasize that just as talents are not evenly distributed in any federation, there is also ‘ethnic socialisation’’ by people who operate from the other side of the moral divide. For instance when we mention drug dealing, credit card fraud, ‘Yahoo Yahoo’, religious fundamentalism, prostitution abroad or militancy, accusing fingers would be pointing in different ethnic directions. This means that despite what the Internet Warriors would want us to believe, no ethnic group should pretend to occupy the moral high-ground or feel better or worse than others.

Seven, while living in Europe I saw myself as an Africanist, and used my publishing firm and my writings to challenge theories or innuendos that maligned Africa or ruled out development and democratic possibilities for the continent. However, as I get older, I tell people that I am no longer an Africanist but a humanist. This is because with age and experience one realises that every race, ethnic group, community and even kindred, is an embodiment of the good, the bad and the really horrible.  As the American writer and historian, James Tuslow Adams, would put it:  “There is so much good in the worst of us, and so much bad in the best of us, that it ill behoves any of us to find fault with the rest of us.”

*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.

…Set to unveil documentary book titled ‘Adventures of a Guerrilla Journalist’

A former lawmaker representing Ekiti Central Senatorial District and versatile journalist, Babafemi Ojudu, has revealed how he drank his urine to survive in prison, under the military regime of late General Sani Abacha.

Ojudu, former Presidential Adviser on Political Affairs under Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, made the revelation in Ado-Ekiti, during a media interaction with journalists, on his new documentary book titled ‘Adventures of a Guerrilla Journalist’.

The book, which captured his struggles for the success and sustainability of democracy under the military regime, gave a detailed account of how he was arrested 15 times between 1993 and 1997, as an investigative reporter, and other life-threatening experiences he encountered.

“There was a time I drank my urine when I was dying. I had gonorrhea and no medication was given to me. I read a book about someone who says urine cures illnesses and maybe because I had faith in it, I could not feel the illness again the following day after drinking it,” he said.

He said the book is also dedicated to the unwavering commitment and sacrifice of some well-meaning Nigerians “who valiantly fought and discharged their duties with conscientious diligence during the prolonged military rule in Nigeria.”

The one-time senator, representing Ekiti Central in the National Assembly, said the highest obligation any journalist owed his country and people, was to seek the truth, write the truth and report the truth at all times without any coloration or consideration for any mundane factors.

He said he did not believe some of the current moves, being canvassed by Nigerians, especially the issue of constitutional amendment, as the real solutions to the nation’s crisis.

He said: “The real solutions to our myriads of problems are far from what are being suggested. For instance, constitutional review, being suggested is not one of such solutions to Nigeria’s problem, it is simply all about us.

“In the course of performing your duties as a good journalist, tendencies are that you will be waylaid, harassed, intimidated, threatened and so on, and even excommunicated to exile, like I experienced many times. But those were not enough to draw me back, I remained resolute. Without a vibrant press, it will be difficult for a nation to get things right.

“Do not be dissuaded because that was never me. I saw death face to face, but all that did not discourage me from fogging ahead in performing my avowed duties to the nation.”

Ojudu said the book is to pay homage to those who died in the struggle for their commitment to a liberated society, independent press, democratic ethos and the pursuit of good governance.

While calling on Nigerians to grab their copies at nearby bookshops in Lagos, Ibadan and Ekiti, he said the book will also be officially unveiled on December 18, 2024.

[Vanguard]

Senate President Godswill Akpabio, says he will replace chairpersons of the standing committees of the upper chamber who are not performing their duties effectively.

Akpabio spoke during the plenary on Tuesday while responding to the complaints by Abdul Ningi, senator representing Bauchi central, about the failure of the senate committee on finance to carry out its oversight function on revenue-generating agencies.

Akpabio said the leadership of the senate will change if committee chairpersons are not doing their work effectively.

“If for any reason some committees are finding it too difficult to oversee their agencies, we will change the composition of the committees so that those who have the capacity and the capabilities can take over and do the job for the benefit of democracy in this country,” Akpabio said.

The senate president ordered the standing committee chairpersons to submit reports on their oversight activities by January 2025.

“I would like a report from almost all the committees to be submitted by January 31st of the activities so far so that we will know where they have difficulties,” he said.

Akpabio also expressed disappointment over the disregard by the heads of ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs) for the invitations of the national assembly.

“The powers are there, and the constitution backs us. I do not see where any MDAs or any agency will refuse to comply with the invitation or demands from any committee of the senate or the national assembly as a whole,” he said.

“Where you overlook it as a committee, that is where they get away with it, and then it now becomes a norm. So, please let us take it seriously.”

Aliyu Wadada, senator representing Nasarawa west, said as chairman of the committee on public accounts, he issued several invitations to the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) on the remittance of petroleum tax.

He noted that the two agencies failed to provide a convincing explanation.

“The committee had written both NNPC and the Federal Inland Revenue Service. The Federal Inland Revenue Service responded with documents that have been tipexed and handwritten and acclaimed to be from JP Morgan,” Wadada said.

“This is extremely unacceptable, and all efforts for the need to be done have not been achieved.”

[TheCable]

Nigeria and South Africa have a prolific history together. Nigeria was in the vanguard of the campaign against apartheid and spearheaded the adoption of the pivotal 1989 UN Declaration on Apartheid and its deleterious corollaries in the country.

Both countries formally established diplomatic relations in February 1994, and this year makes it 30 years since the bilateral nuptials.

In 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC), a flagship instrument of constructive and strategic engagement between both countries, was forged. It is 25 years of this compact today.

Nigeria and South Africa have maintained robust relations with about 34 agreements and memoranda of understanding currently between both countries — the two largest economies in Africa.

These relations have witnessed even more fecundity with President Bola Tinubu leading the way for broader and stronger African partnerships. President Tinubu has always emphasised collaboration and inclusiveness as critical ingredients to achieving global food security, addressing collective challenges, and driving innovation across a chain of interests for a more stable and prosperous Africa and the world.

In a show of good fellowship, on May 29, 2023, President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa attended the inauguration of President Tinubu. President Tinubu returned the visit during the inauguration of President Ramaphosa for a second term in office in June 2024. This is not only symbolic for cooperation but also for solidarity and comradeship.

The 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission meeting began on November 28 in Cape Town, with senior officials, followed by the ministerial session on December 2, and the presidential session on December 3. The meeting between the two leaders is taking place at the Presidential Office, Tuynhuys, Cape Town.

The areas of cooperation between Nigeria and South Africa are broad and encompass economic, technical, scientific, social spheres, as well as tourism. South Africa is one of Nigeria’s major trading partners, with Nigeria accounting for about 64 percent of the total trade of the Southern African nation with West Africa.

At the meeting, President Tinubu made resounding remarks and recounted the role of Nigeria in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa.

“My enthusiasm for this event is born of the storied and proud history of the Nigeria – South Africa relationship, which has been strong since the end of apartheid and the the birth of true democracy in this great country.

“Nigeria’s contributions to that epic struggle represent noble and outstanding moments in our foreign policy and in the evolution of our role as a leading nation on this continent. We did what we had to do because it was just and because you are our brothers and sisters who deserved freedom and justice, not the discrimination and suppression to which that terrible, unjust and oppressive system subjected this excellent people.

“Nigerians from all walks of life mobilised in unison with the illustrious people of this country out of a firm conviction that apartheid was an evil to be swept away not something that should be countenanced and legitimised through inaction or half measures.

“It was for us a historic responsibility that we discharged with pride and determination. As was expected, our efforts put Nigeria on a collision course with some powerful countries. Nigeria is proud to have shared the burdens of her brothers in South Africa during such critical times.

“This is the essence of the brotherhood we seek for this continent; to stay side by side, shoulder to shoulder for liberation, nondiscrimination and for democratic good governance in support of the best and legitimate aspirations of the people. Just as we stood with you, we shall always bear in remembrance how South Africa was with us at critical moments of our struggle against military rule,” the President said.

The President also emphasised the indubitability of cooperation, stating thus: “We must ensure that the spirit of collaboration and cooperation between our two leading countries in Africa will intensify and deepen under our leadership of our respective nations. This is not a matter of choice but of a destiny that includes a historical responsibility that we owe the African people.”

While highlighting the many memoranda of understanding signed between Nigeria and South Africa, President Tinubu sounded a note of caution, saying: “Let us not count our successes by the number of MoUs and agreements signed. They will be mere papers until we implement them. This is the job of our senior officials and I must implore them to redouble their efforts in this regard.”

The President did not fail to address the concerns in the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa. He said persistent irritants in the relations between both countries must be dealt with appropriately.

President Tinubu also relayed Nigeria’s interest to join South Africa and the African Union in the G20 “so as to strengthen the African voice in the group and globally”.

“As South Africa assumes the presidency of the G20, we urge that the position be leveraged for the development of our continent.

“This high-level strategic partnership between South Africa must become a model of leadership and shared vision that will inspire and take our people into a brighter and greater future of prosperity and development, an Africa That We Want,” the President said.

In his remarks, President Ramaphosa underlined the strong bond between Nigeria and South Africa, called for the strengthening of relations.

“We are two countries united in purpose and vision. We will remain forever grateful to Nigeria for its leading role in the international campaign to end apartheid in South Africa.

“As we mark 30 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations, we see a bright future for our relationship. Our strong bonds of friendship provide a firm foundation for more meaningful economic cooperation. Nigeria is host to a number of South African companies.

“South Africa has always been open for Nigerian business, reflected in a number of investments and operations established in this country. But there is much more we need to do. We need to remove the remaining constraints to greater investment, just as we need to address some of the challenges that companies have experience.

“We are encouraged by the actions being undertaken under your leadership to further strengthen and foster a business environment in Nigeria that offers assurances to investors, including from South Africa. Our government continues with its efforts to improve the ease of doing business in South Africa,” President Ramaphosa said.

The strengthening of relations between Nigeria, South Africa, and other African nations betokens stability, peace, and prosperity for Africa. It is a new order of friendship, collaboration, and progress.

Fredrick Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Engagement

As Nigeria and South Africa hold the 11th session of Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission, in Cape Town, on Tue Dec 3, 2024 it is trite to establish the contours of their relationship and to thank President Tinubu for keeping faith with Africa’s other big brother.

The radar on Nigeria again shifts to South Africa witnessing three weeks of unprecedented shuttle political and economic diplomacy.

President Bola Tinubu’s co-chairmanship of the 11th Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) alongside President Cyril Ramaphosa marks a significant diplomatic step towards fostering stronger bilateral ties.

This meeting, which coincides with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, underscores the importance of high-level engagements between Africa’s two largest economies.

As Nigeria and South Africa convene the 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town on Tuesday, December 3, 2024, it is imperative to reflect on the historical and evolving contours of their relationship. This milestone session, coinciding with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, serves as a testament to the resilience, ambition, and shared vision of Africa’s two largest economies. It is also a fitting moment to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his unwavering commitment to fostering robust ties with Africa’s other “big brother,” South Africa.

In the wake of three weeks of intense shuttle diplomacy spanning political and economic arenas, Nigeria’s radar is again fixed on South Africa. These engagements underscore a mutual recognition of their intertwined destinies in shaping Africa’s future.

As leaders, policymakers, and stakeholders converge in Cape Town, the air will be laden with both expectation and nostalgia—a poignant reminder of a partnership that has endured triumphs, challenges, and moments of historic significance.

One cannot but recall May 1990, when Nelson Mandela, few months after his release from Robben Island, embarked on a state visit to Lagos. That moment, etched in the annals of African solidarity, rekindled the bond between Nigeria and South Africa, catalyzing a renewed era of collaboration. It was a symbolic bridge, uniting the aspirations of two nations whose struggles and victories have defined the narrative of Africa’s journey toward liberation and unity.

This week, Cape Town becomes the stage for another chapter in this storied relationship. With the BNC serving as a platform for dialogue and cooperation, the two nations are poised to reaffirm their roles as co-architects of a continent driven by shared prosperity, peace, and purpose. Their ability to navigate the currents of history while embracing the opportunities of the future demonstrates that this partnership is, indeed, coming of age.

Established in 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa BNC is a structured platform aimed at enhancing cooperation across political, economic, and social sectors. Over the years, the commission has evolved into a key mechanism for dialogue, addressing shared challenges, and fostering sustainable development.

This year’s session, encompassing eight working groups, highlights both nations’ commitment to addressing mutual priorities: These key priorities include political consultations (ensuring stability in regional and global contexts), consular and migration Issues (addressing concerns such as xenophobia and facilitating smoother relations), banking and finance (exploring avenues for economic integration), defence and security (trackling transnational crimes and terrorism), as well as manufacturing and trade (including strengthening intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, AfCFTA). Also covered are mines and energy (leveraging natural resources for mutual benefit, social sector development (promoting education, healthcare, and culture), and trade and Investment (expanding business opportunities for both nations).

The philosophical underpinnings for the BNC embodies principles of Pan-Africanism, Ubuntu, and liberal institutionalism, emphasizing unity, collective progress, and institutionalized cooperation. As Nelson Mandela aptly stated, “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” This captures the essence of overcoming historical frictions to achieve a united African future.

President Tinubu’s leadership in this context is pivotal, reflecting Nigeria’s strategic role in Africa’s socio-economic and political landscape.

A discussion of the ongoing efforts would be incomplete without referencing philosophical concepts that accentuate its significance.

Rooted in the works of W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius Nyerere, Pan-Africanism emphasizes the solidarity of African nations to combat external domination and promote socio-economic progress. The BNC reflects this ideal by uniting Nigeria and South Africa as pillars of African development. As Kwame Nkrumah once said, “The forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences that keep us apart.”. This quote underscores the importance of Nigeria and South Africa overcoming historical challenges, such as xenophobia, to focus on collective progress.

The BNC’s deliberations and MoUs can be seen as an extension of this principle. According to Aristotle, “The good of the people must be the great aim of government.” The Southern African philosophy of Ubuntu, often translated as “I am because we are,” aligns with the spirit of the BNC. It emphasizes interconnectedness, mutual respect, and the collective good. Ubuntu offers a philosophical lens through which Nigeria and South Africa can navigate shared challenges and opportunities. As Desmond Tutu once reflected: “We can only be human together: hence, the essence of collaborative efforts in fostering a united African front.

Beyond these, the Dependency Theory, associated with scholars like Andre Gunder Frank, critiques the global economic system’s perpetuation of underdevelopment in the Global South. By strengthening intra-African trade and reducing reliance on foreign powers, Nigeria and South Africa can challenge these structures through platforms like the BNC. Joseph Stiglitz’s words that “Development is about transforming the lives of people, not just transforming economies,” aligns with the BNC’s goals of translating economic growth into meaningful societal impacts.

The pragmatic effort to address specific issues in trade, security, and development stresses the responsibility of both leaders to focus on concrete outcomes over rhetoric. More importantly, it refects the basic principles of African Renaissance. Championed by scholars like Cheikh Anta Diop and Thabo Mbeki, the African Renaissance envisions a continent reclaiming its rightful place in global affairs through unity, cultural revival, and economic development. The BNC is a practical manifestation of this vision. Certainly, Tinubu and Ramaphosa are evoking the shared identity and destiny of Nigerians and South Africans in fostering an African Renaissance. The BNC serves as a practical example of liberal institutionalism, fostering dialogue and collaboration in a structured manner. As Martin Luther King Jr once stated, “We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.” This underscores the imperative for sustained collaboration through institutions like the BNC.

Constructivism suggests that international relations are shaped by ideas, identities, and shared values rather than mere material factors. Therefore, the symbolic 25th anniversary of the BNC is a reflection of the shared identity and history of Nigeria and South Africa. According to John Maynard Keynes, “The ideas of men, their dreams and visions, are much more powerful than material forces.” The role of shared visions in shaping Nigeria-South Africa relations cannot be over-emphasized.

Shared History

The history of Nigeria-South Africa relationship runs through the period of Anti-Apartheid Solidarity of 1960 – 1965, through Post-Apartheid Engagement that started in 1999. Nigeria was a leading supporter of South Africa’s liberation movement. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria committed substantial financial and diplomatic resources to the anti-apartheid struggle, offering refuge and education to South African exiles like Thabo Mbeki.The Bi-National Commission, established in 1999, institutionalized bilateral cooperation. However, relations have faced challenges, including xenophobic attacks in South Africa and trade imbalances.

The current nature of the two countries’ economic relations shows that Nigeria’s oil exports and South Africa’s industrial expertise complement each other. Opportunities under AfCFTA and energy collaboration highlight the untapped potential of this relationship. Looking ahead, it is rather easy to see that with strong historical ties and shared visions, Nigeria and South Africa are well-positioned to lead Africa’s socio-economic transformation.

From Anti-Apartheid Solidarity to Economic Collaboration

The Nigeria-South Africa relationship is a tale of resilience, solidarity, and transformation, deeply rooted in shared historical, political, and economic narratives. As Africa’s largest economies, the two nations have carved distinct yet intertwined paths that highlight their roles as both leaders and collaborators in shaping the continent’s destiny. From Nigeria’s pivotal support during South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle to their evolving economic partnership, this relationship embodies the essence of African unity. Yet, it has not been without its challenges, marked by moments of friction and unresolved tensions.

The forthcoming 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town provides a fitting occasion to reflect on this storied partnership. With the backdrop of the 25th anniversary of the BNC, it is an opportune moment to examine how the two nations have evolved from their shared fight for justice to becoming co-architects of Africa’s economic and political renaissance.

The roots of the Nigeria-South Africa partnership lie in the era of apartheid, where Nigeria emerged as one of the most steadfast allies of the African National Congress (ANC) and other liberation movements in South Africa and Nigeria’s key contributions cover:

• Diplomatic Advocacy: Nigeria was a vocal opponent of apartheid on global platforms such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth, pushing for sanctions and isolating South Africa’s apartheid regime diplomatically.
• Financial and Material Aid: Under initiatives such as the “Mandela Tax,” successive Nigerian governments provided significant financial and logistical support to the ANC. Over the decades, Nigeria is estimated to have spent over $61 billion in its efforts to dismantle apartheid.
• Educational and Cultural Solidarity: Nigeria welcomed South African exiles and offered scholarships to ANC members, including figures like Thabo Mbeki, who studied and lived in Nigeria during apartheid. Nigerian universities served as sanctuaries for intellectual and political development for many South African activists.
• Civil Society Advocacy: Nigerian artists, intellectuals, and activists utilized literature, music, and advocacy to raise global awareness of the atrocities of apartheid and rally international solidarity.

Nigeria-South Africa relations in the post-apartheid era reflects collaboration, along with some measure of frictions. With apartheid dismantled in 1994 and Nelson Mandela’s election as South Africa’s first democratic president, the dynamic between the two nations transitioned from solidarity to collaboration. However, this new era was also punctuated by moments of tension.

Collaborative Achievements

• Institutional Frameworks: The establishment of the Bi-National Commission in 1999 formalized a structured approach to bilateral engagement.
• African Leadership: Both nations played pivotal roles in initiatives such as the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), advancing the African Renaissance.
• Economic Ties: South African corporations such as MTN, Shoprite, and Multichoice became prominent players in Nigeria’s economic landscape, fostering trade and investment.
Sources of Tension
• Xenophobia: Recurrent xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa have strained relations, spotlighting socio-economic grievances and perceptions of competition.
• Diplomatic Disputes: Occasional policy disagreements, such as South Africa’s visa denial to Nigerian officials during Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, have highlighted gaps in mutual understanding.
• Trade Imbalance: While South African businesses thrive in Nigeria, Nigerian firms face significant barriers in South Africa, fueling perceptions of unequal benefits.

Pragmatic mutual exploration of trade and economic potentials has since taken over. As Africa’s two largest economies, Nigeria and South Africa are uniquely positioned to lead the continent’s economic transformation.

Current Dynamics

• Trade Composition: Nigeria primarily exports crude oil and natural gas to South Africa, while South Africa exports machinery, manufactured goods, and processed foods.
• Investment Landscape: South African firms dominate in sectors like telecommunications (MTN), retail (Shoprite), and media (Multichoice).
Opportunities for Growth
• Intra-African Trade: The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents opportunities for deeper trade integration, particularly in technology and industrial goods.
• Energy Partnerships: Nigeria’s energy surplus and South Africa’s demand create possibilities for collaboration in oil, gas, and renewables.
• Shared Regional Leadership: Joint infrastructural and developmental initiatives can drive economic growth across Africa.

A Vision for the Future

Despite historical and contemporary challenges, the Nigeria-South Africa partnership remains a cornerstone of African diplomacy. The 25th anniversary of the Bi-National Commission serves as an opportunity to recalibrate their relationship and unlock its potential for mutual and continental benefits.

As Thabo Mbeki poignantly remarked:

“We share a common destiny as Africans. Only through unity and cooperation can we rise above our challenges and achieve greatness.”

This sentiment captures the essence of Nigeria-South Africa relations—a partnership poised to redefine Africa’s trajectory toward peace, prosperity, and global relevance.

Dare is special adviser to the president (media and public communications).

Matthew Kukah, bishop of Sokoto Diocese, says the tax reform bills proposed by President Bola Tinubu will end “financial recklessness” among the elites. 

Kukah spoke on Tuesday when he featured on Morning Brief, a Channels Television’s programme.

He expressed support for the bills, adding that he is educating himself on the provisions of proposed legislations.

“I am excited about the issue of tax reform bills because, first, I know nothing about it, but I have started educating myself,” he said.

“It is important to get this thoroughly dysfunctional country working again through any form of reform at all.

“So I am excited because hopefully, we can take the time to listen to the conversation about how to avoid and end this financial recklessness, and the irony of Nigerians living by the seaside and washing their faces with saliva.

“The reforms should end the narrative of Nigerians living in a country that is so richly endowed but are spectators to the rascality and irresponsibility of the elites who continue to mismanage our resources.

“So, I’m hopeful that this is the beginning of a very long journey of fiscal management and efficiency that can lead to the growth and development of the kind of country that we envision.”

Kukah said Nigerians need is effective communication about the ongoing reforms, as the citizens are battling high-level poverty.

“What I can say is that this government must respond urgently to the issues of the day. They are issues of massive impoverishment in Nigeria. You can see the frustration on the faces of people, husbands, wives and children,” he said.

“I am convinced that this government has lofty ideas, but there is a total absence of a constructive strategy of engagement.

“This government needs communication strategies. The Nigerian government needs to convince Nigerians that there is light at the end of the tunnel, and encourage them to be a little patient.

“I see the conversation around local government autonomy, tax reform bills and others. But the government has to communicate with the people.

“So when people call themselves government spokespersons, it is not about insulting people, or thinking others can’t have different views.

“But their job is how the ideas of the government are communicated. We need to have an idea of the government reforms.”

[TheCable]