The collapse of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) structure into the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Delta State could either strengthen or destabilize the APC, depending on how well old and new members integrate.

Interestingly, most of the original APC members in Delta were themselves former PDP members. So, the latest defectors are simply following a path previously taken by their predecessors.

In essence, the APC in Delta today is largely made up of former PDP members — from leadership to grassroots.

Make no mistake about it,there is nothing wrong in defection, per se.

After all the president of the United States of America, USA, Donald J Trump did not commence his political career as a member of the Republican party. Rather he registered as a Republican party member only in 1987, and later became a member of the lndependent party -the New York state affiliate of the Reform party in 1999. He was a Democrat in 2001 , and a Republican again  in 2009 and he became unaffiliated in 2011 before finally returning  to the Republican party in 2012.

Similarly, Robert F Kennedy Jnr defected from the Democratic party in the course of his presidential race in 2024 to contest as an lndependent party cancidate. He is currently the Health and Human Services secretary in President Trump’s administration after he colapsed his campaign into Trump’s   Republican party campaign platform .

So, there is no big deal about defection in a democracy.

What should concern APC leaders in Abuja is whether the internal rivalries that fractured the PDP — and triggered the current wave of defections — might resurface and destabilize the APC if not properly managed.

The emerging APC, both in Delta and nationally, increasingly resembles the PDP of old — merely repackaged under a different banner.

Delta State, often described as a microcosm of Nigeria due to its diverse ethnic makeup, frequently reflects broader national trends.

Thus, the mass defection happening in the state that prides herself as the “Big Heart state” could signal the beginning of an even wider migration of politicians across the country, at a scale Nigeria has never witnessed before.

To ensure a smooth merger of the old and new party members, the APC State Chairman, Elder Omeni Sobotie, has directed all local government chairmen to collect registration booklets to formally enroll the new members, completing their transition into the party.

However, tensions from the 2023 elections, when the APC’s Ovie Omo-Agege contested against the PDP’s Sheriff Oborevwori, still linger. Although overt hostilities may be muted, old rivalries could resurface if not carefully managed — possibly requiring intervention from the party’s leadership in Abuja.

Among the old APC loyalists, who are politically weaker compared to the PDP’s dominance in Delta’s executive, legislative, and judicial branches, there may be a tendency to look down on the newcomers, branding them derisively as the “Taiwan APC.”

In local Nigerian parlance, especially among motor spare parts traders, “Taiwan” is used to describe imitation or inferior products — a reference to Taiwan’s early reputation for cheap manufacturing.

The use of “Taiwan” as a political insult gained prominence during the 2023 presidential elections, reportedly popularized by Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s presidential candidate. Obi, who dramatically disrupted Nigeria’s political landscape, especially the PDP’s strongholds, allegedly dismissed Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa — Atiku Abubakar’s running mate — as a “Taiwan Igbo.”

By that, Obi implied that Okowa, being from the Ika-speaking region of Delta State (the Igbo-speaking area of Delta North), was not an authentic Igbo, but rather an imitation — a symbolic slight against the PDP’s choice of running mate.

It appears that, because they originate from west of the Niger River, Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa and the people of Delta North are not seen by many eastern Igbos as authentic members of the Igbo ethnic group. Consequently, they are often perceived as “fake” or “Taiwan” Igbos — a term used locally to imply imitation.

Drawing a parallel from this sentiment, the recent influx of PDP defectors into the APC in Delta State could risk being seen in a similar light — as “Taiwan APC” — if tensions between old and new members are not properly managed.

To avoid such damaging divisions, the APC must ensure seamless integration. Fortunately, the party has significant experience managing mergers, dating back to 2013 when it successfully united the ACN, CPC, ANPP, and a faction of the PDP into the current APC platform. Given this track record, it should not be difficult for the party’s national leadership, particularly Chairman Dr. Abdulahi Umar Ganduje, to create a task force to manage the blending process — similar to how businesses handle mergers and acquisitions (M&A).

Events unfolding in Nigeria’s political arena suggest that President Tinubu’s 2027 re-election campaign will be anything but business as usual.

While the PDP is attempting to replicate Tinubu’s 2013 strategy — merging opposition forces into a special-purpose political vehicle to oust the ruling party — it is ironically being weakened by an aggressive takeover orchestrated by the APC.

Tinubu, much like a masterful Samurai or a Sumotori (Sumo wrestler), has disarmed and destabilized his opposition two years before the next election cycle.

It’s worth recalling that President Muhammadu Buhari himself once credited Tinubu for his eventual success in the 2015 presidential election, after three failed attempts. Tinubu’s depth in political strategy has always been a major force in Nigerian politics.

To draw a clearer parallel, in the corporate world, a hostile takeover occurs when a stronger company seizes control of a weaker, underperforming firm — usually without the consent of its management — by directly appealing to shareholders.

Hostile takeovers are characterized by unsolicited bids, bypassing management, and fierce resistance from the target company’s leadership.

Some typical tactics used in hostile takeovers include:

•               Tender Offers: Public offers to buy shares directly from shareholders, usually at a premium.

•               Proxy Fights: Efforts to install new management by winning shareholder votes.

•               Bear Hugs: Aggressive offers that pressure the target company’s board into acceptance.

There are also classic defenses against hostile takeovers:

•               Poison Pills: Strategies that make the takeover financially painful for the bidder.

•               White Knights: Seeking a more friendly acquirer.

•               Golden Parachutes: Offering lucrative severance packages to executives to deter acquisition.

Applying these concepts to politics, the 2013 creation of the APC was similar to a business merger — parties voluntarily combined for mutual benefit.

In contrast, today’s scenario resembles a hostile political takeover: the ruling APC is absorbing members from weakened opposition parties like the PDP, without formal mergers — often without the defectors’ original leadership’s blessing.

Critics argue that this mass migration signals the alarming drift toward a one-party state, raising concerns about “state capture.”

However, I view it differently: it is part of the natural evolution of Nigeria’s democratic experiment — much like refining gold through fire.

If Nigeria never explores different governance models, how will we know whether multi-party democracy truly suits us? One-party systems have both strengths and weaknesses, just like multi-party ones.

As the saying goes, “the proof of the pudding is in the eating.” Perhaps it’s time we stop relying solely on imported democratic templates and start developing a homegrown system that fits Nigeria’s unique cultural and social realities.

While the defection of the entire PDP political structure in Delta State to the APC last Monday made a major impact on Nigerian politics, the PDP’s decline has been a long time coming. It began in 2010, after President Umaru Yar’adua’s death, only two years into his term. Vice President Goodluck Jonathan took over and eventually ran for office himself, a move seen by many as a betrayal of earlier agreements. His election sparked a revolt within the PDP, led by Atiku Abubakar, Senate President Bukola Saraki, and a handful of  governors who later defected to the APC.

In a sense, history is repeating itself in 2025, with Ifeanyi Okowa — the PDP’s 2023 vice-presidential candidate — moving over to the APC, much like Atiku did before the 2015 elections. Similarly, Peter Obi, PDP’s vice-presidential candidate in 2019, defected to the Labour Party (LP) to pursue his own presidential ambition in 2023.

As Atiku plans to create a coalition to challenge President Tinubu, similar to what he helped orchestrate in 2013 against Jonathan, he must recognize that Tinubu is a much savvier political operator than Jonathan was. Tinubu appears proactive, unveiling new strategies to maintain his grip on power.

To second guess him, I

its unlikely that he has exhausted his political options yet.

Despite the economic hardships — with inflation, currency fluctuations, and economic strain — there are signs of improvement: the Dangote Refinery promises an end to fuel scarcity, inflation is moderating, foreign reserves have grown, and initiatives like NELFUND are expanding access to education by democratizing university education in the manner the sage Obafemi Awolowo offered the western region free education and put the yoruba nation ahead of all other states in terms of education.

These positive developments may be enough to sustain voter support for Tinubu and the APC into 2027.

Historically, inflation alone doesn’t determine electoral outcomes in Nigeria. Major political shifts usually stem from larger causes or organized movements. For instance, the opposition to Jonathan’s re-election was driven by perceptions of broken agreements on power rotation. Similarly, in 2023, the “Obidient” movement, fueled by discontent from the Southeast, weakened PDP’s chances, helping Tinubu emerge victorious.

Although there are signs of dissatisfaction in the North — particularly a sense of neglect despite the region delivering 62% of Tinubu’s 2023 votes — Tinubu’s political instincts may help him navigate this better than Jonathan did. His strategy seems focused on consolidating control over the southern states: Yoruba regions, the South-South, and the Southeast.

While critics point to Governor Sanwo-Olu’s inability to secure Lagos votes for Tinubu in 2023, other governors like Ademola Adeleke delivered Osun a PDP state to Atiku. Thus, having key governors on your side still matters. Now with former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, and political heavyweight James Ibori (leader of the Niger Delta region)aligned with President Tinubu, Delta State — and the wider Niger Delta — could swing towards APC in 2027.

In the South-South, other states could follow. Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Akwa Ibom’s current leadership could help flip that state too. Cross River is already under APC control. Enugu Governor Peter Mbah is cozying up to APC, hinting at a possible defection. President Tinubu’s visit and praises for him recently further suggest warming ties.

In Anambra, Governor Chukwuma Soludo (APGA) may also align with Tinubu, especially since he won’t face re-election stress after winning a second term. Similarly, Abia’s LP Governor Alex Otti, who has a strained relationship with Peter Obi and whose party is weak nationally, could also be swayed to the APC side, despite official denials.

Rivers State’s political crisis, led by the Wike-Fubara feud, could ultimately benefit Tinubu, especially now that most of Rivers’ National Assembly members have pledged support for his re-election. This political realignment across the South mirrors the 2013-2015 period, when northern politicians defected massively from PDP to APC to oust Jonathan.

Meanwhile, Imo and Ebonyi are already firmly APC, while Oyo and Osun are technically PDP but acted independently during the last election. It’s feasible that Osun, surrounded by APC states, could eventually flip too.

Overall, Tinubu appears to be managing the political chessboard masterfully. Despite ongoing challenges, he stands a strong chance of winning re-election in 2027. The forces gathering against him seem unlikely to match his political acumen or organizational strength. Unlike Jonathan, Tinubu is proving to be a far more formidable opponent.

Therefore, it’s unlikely that President Tinubu can be unseated in the same way the opposition toppled former President Jonathan in 2015. A Ugandan proverb offers some insight:

“It is survival, not bravery, that makes a man climb a thorny tree.”

The current attempt by certain politicians to form a coalition against the ruling government is a desperate bid to wrest the presidency from Tinubu in 2027.

Former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe once posed a poignant question:

“How do you convince future generations that education is the key to success when poor graduates and wealthy criminals surround us?”

Applying this logic, how can members of the PDP and other opposition parties be persuaded to stay loyal when their parties—particularly the PDP and Labour Party, which placed second and third respectively in 2023—are in disarray?

Realistically, who would willingly stay aboard a sinking ship?

It’s fair to say Nigeria may be drifting toward a one-party system—but whether this is by design or a natural evolution is debatable. Claims that President Tinubu and the APC are orchestrating a “state capture” seem misplaced. The internal crises ravaging the PDP and LP are largely self-inflicted. Their inability to manage internal divisions has triggered an exodus, as politicians naturally seek safer ground.

While Tinubu is focused on strengthening his base in the South, where he faced challenges during the last election, he hasn’t neglected his northern supporters either. Vice President Kashim Shettima, a Kanuri from the Northeast and former governor of Borno State, still commands significant influence in the region. Moreover, Tinubu’s cabinet includes a substantial number of former governors and influential northern politicians who can help consolidate his support there.

Having secured 62% of his 2023 votes from the North, Tinubu is likely to intensify his outreach as the 2027 election approaches. He may also be counting on the positive results of his economic reforms—such as declining inflation, stabilizing forex rates, and infrastructure achievements—to sway public opinion and strengthen his position.

The mass defection of the PDP’s structure into the APC in Delta State could either stabilize or destabilize the APC locally, depending on how old and new members integrate.

Essentially, the APC is executing a hostile political takeover, similar to corporate mergers and acquisitions in business. Unlike 2013–2015, when opposition parties voluntarily merged to challenge PDP dominance, today’s defections are driven more by survival instincts than strategic planning. The politicians leaving the PDP are responding to the party’s collapse, preferring to jump ship rather than go down with it—an exodus vividly demonstrated by the mass movement from PDP to APC in Delta State.

As it stands, Nigeria appears headed toward a one-party system—another phase in its political evolution. Whether the APC will dominate for 16 years or eventually implode, (as did PDP after 16 years) leading to the emergence of new parties, remains to be seen. Political evolution in Nigeria is dynamic, unpredictable, and often mirrors natural survival patterns.

Yet, a pressing question remains: if the APC becomes the overwhelmingly dominant party, what credible alternatives exist?

Ironically, many of those trying to build a new coalition against Tinubu are themselves remnants of the fractured PDP—the very party from which people are fleeing into much like butterflies flocking to nectar, the APC.

Ultimately, if Tinubu secures a second term and exits office in 2031, the critical issue will be:

Will Nigeria’s next generation of leaders emerge ready to prioritize the nation’s interests and elevate Nigeria globally?

Or will they simply repeat the same cycles?

Is anyone out there preparing true successors who will place Nigeria first?

The emergence of “Ponzi Scheme” in the annals of investment’s Lexicon albeit a globally notorious phenomenon, was not a recent development. Its historical antecedent was set in motion with the celebrated Charles Ponzi scheme which came to the fore in the 1920s. Perhaps, it may not be trite to assert that the scheme slipped quietly into the financial eco-system without any inkling on the part of its preys that the strategic initiatives of Charles Ponzi were disguised by investments jiggery-pokery.  
 
Be that as it may, from the available financial memoir, it has been enunciated with profound lucidity that the progenitor of the scheme was an Italian business man, named Charles Ponzi. Indeed, Ponzi’s escapades, as well as his atrocious moves on the investment landscape were huge and monstrous. As at the last count, investors in the Ponzi’s Scheme lost about $15 million.

He was not just the grandmaster of the art, but also an octopus per excellence in the game. Thus his posture and sobriquet as the grandfather of Ponzi schemes has remained incontrovertible by any one till date.
 
Additionally, it was classically chronicled that in the 1920s, his notoriety and craftiness in misrepresentation of facts on financial re-engineering, dovetailed into scamming investors via a scheme that they were investing in international mail coupons. In luring his clients, he made irresistible and mouth watering promises to the numerous preys masquerading as investors.

Put starkly, a 50 per cent return on their investments after few months was considered then and even now as not only mouth watering, but irresistible to his gullible cohorts or better still, investing audience. Thus, some investors with a knack for innoxiousness took the plunge. The victims might have relied most heavily on their insatiability instincts as well as their inexpertness which culminated in their capitulation to the roguery and the patent sleaze of Charles Ponzi.  
 
For the avoidance of doubt, it could be stated that Charles Ponzi was never keen in turning around the financial fortunes of his clients or even at home with investments wizardry that could bolster their profits. Pathetically, he was not involved in any productive venture or rendering any financial service to the public.

Despite this investment oddity, he was perfidious enough by basically using the funds from new entrants or investors to pay opaque “returns” to earlier investors. After some time, he reneged on his promises, defaulted and investors lost their wealth spectacularly.
 
Ever since, most schemes that emerged were now dubbed “Ponzi.” Suffice it to say that the schemes have been growing in leaps and bounds. It has come in several names, shapes, coloration and even added some flavour to investment activities globally.
 
To underpin this fact, one of the greatest Ponzi schemes in history happened recently. It involved the celebrated Bernie Madoff, an American fraudster and Wall Street financier who defrauded “the largest, possibly most devastating Ponzi scheme in history, defrauding thousands of investors of about $64.8 billion.” He was later prosecuted and sentenced to 150 years imprisonment where he died in 2021 at the age of 82.
 
At this juncture, can we pause and ruminate on this poser: Are the average Nigerian investors ring-fenced from the vicissitudes of Ponzi? Your guess is as good as mine. In Nigeria, the metamorphosis of the schemes are legion, but they include but not limited to: Umana-Umanah, Forum, Deception or Advance fee Fraud otherwise called 419, Yahoo Yahoo or G boys, Yahoo Plus or even multiplication. Some financial analysts had opined recently, that it was advancing into the remit of the real estate sector of our economy. 

After a thorough and detached analysis of the scheme, the following factors may have galvanized the interests of its patrons in our own economic milieu. Firstly, there is lack of due diligence on the part of investors. Most of the Nigerian investors who usually get their fingers burnt via Ponzi schemes fail to do proper due diligence in their investment activities. The legal maxim of “Caveat Emptor” (Buyers beware) holds sway here. Most investors who fall victims of the Ponzi scheme do not ask pertinent questions such as: what is the track record of the company promoting the scheme? What is their business model?

Are they into manufacturing or playing in the service sector? Who are the key members of the Board? Are there key Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN’s,) Securities and Exchange Commission’s ( SEC’s,), approvals or licences for the scheme? What is the purpose for which funds are being raised? Is it a debt or equity instrument? Is there a cap or ceiling on the money being raised? What is the return on the investment (ROI)? Is 20 per cent per month (ROI) or 240% per annum under an inclement economic climate like ours realistic? Is the company rated by any of the reputable rating agencies such as Fitch, Moddy or even our own Augusto? Once these and other posers cannot be satisfactorily answered, then, there is a red flag and it is incumbent on the investor to be circumspect.

Secondly, greed and high risk taking tendencies among some folks cannot be wished away. This has become obvious considering that Nigerians have high proclivity for greed and gambling. The “get rich quick syndrome” is innate in some of them. This acts as impetus that motivates their propensity to invest in Ponzi schemes like Umana-Umana , MMM, etc. 

Closely related to this is the emotional instincts coupled with religious practices of some Nigerians. In this connection, the “it is not my portion syndrome, I reject it” or blatant self-denial, or extreme optimism or gambling” come into play. These are some of the emotive or religious stimulants that some Nigerians who are members of some faith-based organisations rely on in order to carry on with such investments. Their faiths sometimes act as catalysts that lure them into such investments.

Despite the fact that others before them have got their fingers burnt, there is this spirit that sometimes pushes them to believe that they will not suffer the same fate like their predecessors.

Ignorance or lack of knowledge about the scheme may be a contributory factor to the growth of Ponzi in Nigeria. It has been observed that many Nigerian investors lack the capacity and capability to interrogate the key performance indicators (KPI) of a company in which they want to invest.

Some of them cannot even analyse the audited financial statements of the companies of their choice. Despite the fact that there are some financial advisers that can assist the investors at moderate costs, the investors will not contact them to render such professional services.

Endorsement of the Ponzi product or service has crept into our business life to the extent that it is increasingly becoming a powerful marketing tool these days.

The social media is an effective platform being employed by their users. When the endorser (i.e. the promoter or sponsor) of a new product or service is a star artist or a renowned religious personality (with a massive followership) in the Nigerian society, it goes without saying that it may act as a weapon of mass mobilisation of support for the product or service in question. This singular factor might have shaped the investment decisions of investors in the Ponzi scheme.

Furthermore, the impact of the social media might have aided the growth of Ponzi scheme in Nigeria. The fact that whenever you switch on your handset or computer, the advertisements of such a product or service prop up sometimes makes the investments more attractive and appealing.

Meanwhile, some investors who fall victim of the scheme are attracted by the fact that they read or saw the advertisements online. However, they are oblivious of the fact that reading or viewing something online doesn’t make it authentic, or confer genuineness on the product or service.
This article was first published in The Guardian on February 8 and 10, 2023. Dr Adaramewa, a Lawyer and an ex-banker wrote from Lagos.

Perhaps paying lackadaisical attention to regulatory pronouncements may be another factor. Some Nigerian investors pay little or no attention to their regulatory environment. For instance, both the CBN and SEC have been warning investors on the dangers of patronising Ponzi schemes in Nigeria. While some yielded the warnings, a large proportion of the victims did not. In the process, it was alleged by some analysts that a whooping sum of over N200billion was lost to MBA FX alone recently. 

In conclusion, therefore, the Nigerian investing public needs to be circumspect whenever a new scheme emerges. As a rational investor, the cliché should be: “shine your eyes” or better still buyers beware (caveat emptor). This is imperative, given the fact that any fund lost by any investor in the scheme may not be easy to recover. After all, such financial dealing may be tantamount to an illegality in the first place, or akin to an investment misadventure wherein both the investors and the Ponzi scheme operators are considered suspects who may have violated some sections of the extant laws of the land.
This article was first published in The Guardian on February 8 and 10, 2023. Dr Adaramewa, a Lawyer and an ex-banker wrote in from Lagos.

More than two decades after the Nigerian Communications Act (NCA) of 2003 transformed Nigeria’s telecommunications landscape, key stakeholders have called for an urgent review of the legislation to address growing gaps and adapt to rapidly evolving digital realities.

Critical stakeholders at a high-profile colloquium organised by the House of Representatives Committee on Communications, in Lagos, on Tuesday, stressed the need to reassess the 22-year-old law to ensure it remains fit for purpose in an era defined by 5G, artificial intelligence, cybersecurity threats, and growing digital inequality.

The executive vice chairman of the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), Dr. Aminu Maida, said the Nigerian Communications Act of 2003 was visionary for its time, but the realities of 2025 demand a re-examination of its provisions. “We must update the legal framework to anticipate future opportunities and address today’s complex challenges,” Maida averred.

While acknowledging the Act’s role in liberalising the telecom sector, spurring growth, and catalysing digital transformation, Maida pointed out that it now struggles to accommodate present-day technological disruptions and economic shifts. He cited the sector’s impressive gains: from fewer than 300,000 mobile subscribers in 2001 to over 150 million today, and a 13.94 percent contribution to the GDP as of Q3 2024. Yet, he said, these achievements are being undermined by rising operational costs, inflation, rural connectivity gaps, and emerging cybersecurity threats.

“This colloquium must serve as a launchpad for bold reform. We need a legal and regulatory framework that not only protects consumers and fosters competition but also ensures Nigeria’s leadership in the global digital economy. Urban centres enjoy robust connectivity, while rural communities still face limited access. Operators are strained by infrastructure deficits, and consumers are demanding more affordable and reliable services. The current legal framework cannot adequately respond to these new realities,” he noted.

Echoing these concerns, the chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Communications, Rt. Hon. Peter Akpatason, emphasised the imperative for the Act to evolve alongside global digital trends. “The 2003 Act brought us this far, but now we must envision a more dynamic and responsive regulatory environment. This means confronting digital exclusion, strengthening cybersecurity, and encouraging innovation and investment in cutting-edge technologies,” Akpatason said.

The colloquium, themed “The Nigerian Communications Act 2003, 22 Years After: Reassessing the Nigerian Communications Act, Challenges, Opportunities, and Future Directions for a Digital Nigeria,” brought together regulators, industry operators, consumer advocates, academics, and lawmakers to evaluate the legislation’s strengths and gaps.

Key concerns highlighted at the event included widening digital divide between urban and rural Nigeria; Cybersecurity vulnerabilities in an increasingly digital society; Outdated regulatory tools that cannot accommodate technologies like blockchain, AI, and quantum computing; Investment disincentives due to regulatory rigidity and high infrastructure costs and Limited access to telecommunications services for underserved communities.

The speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Abbas Tajudeen, in his keynote message, described the colloquium as a timely step aligned with the 10th House’s legislative agenda. “This is an opportunity to reform and refocus the communications sector,” he said, stressing the role of digital infrastructure in economic growth and social inclusion.

Quoting international benchmarks, the speaker’s message delivered by the deputy chief Whip, Hon. Ibrahim Isiaka, cited World Bank and OECD studies which show strong correlations between broadband penetration and GDP growth. He noted that while digital financial services—such as Opay, Moniepoint, and Kuda—have integrated underserved populations into the economy, digital fear and cybercrime still limit broader adoption. “Cyber fraud, phishing, identity theft—these are eroding trust and impeding progress,” he warned.

The speaker also outlined several legislative efforts aimed at tackling these issues, including the Cybercrime Act (2015), Nigeria Data Protection Act (2023), and pending bills like the National Digital Economy and E-Governance Bill. He confirmed the National Assembly’s intent to amend the Nigerian Communications Act as part of its ongoing digital transformation agenda.

As deliberations continue, expectations remain high that the colloquium will produce a framework that not only reflects today’s digital realities but also anticipates future demands in Nigeria’s pursuit of a more inclusive and globally competitive communications sector.

Stakeholders therefore called for a comprehensive revision of the Act that would foster innovation through public-private partnerships, research and development initiatives, and incentives for digital entrepreneurship.

 [Leadership]

The Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio, has urged the Police Service Commission (PSC) board to initiate reforms like technology and professionalism in policing, saying it has the backing of the National Assembly.

Akpabio, who was represented by the Deputy Senate President, Senator Barau Jibrin, during the Police Service Commission Board Induction/Strategic Management session in Ikot Ekpene, Akwa Ibom State, said the National Assembly was ready to give the necessary legislative backing for the review of outdated laws.

While calling for the introduction of a reward system for outstanding police officers, Akpabio said Nigeria must begin to institutionalise merit, discipline and integrity over mediocrity, favouritism and impunity, adding that reforms in the police require courage that would disrupt the status quo.

He urged the PSC to adopt policies that would make the police protectors instead of predators, and deliver justice instead of judgment, and advocated the adaptation of community policing models that emphasise empathy, conflict resolution and neighbourhood engagement like Japan and Finland.

[DailyTrust]

“A sentiment asserts its claim by its force, persistence and universality.” – Joseph Conrad

My younger readers might find this piece of interest in their attempts at understanding what democracy means. If democracy is a sentiment, it can assert itself by the force of practice and persistence that can be felt from its universality and common utility in the greater family of mankind. Democracy’s common attributes transcend historical boundaries and cultural peculiarities while encompassing universal approaches to the enablement of individuals in a representative system of government.

To my mind, democracy is not just a “one man, one vote” system, or a “government of the people, by the people, for the people” only. It is not even the freedom to elect your representatives. It is a combination of all these, plus more. It means a system of governance that caters best to the majority of the people of a country, conducted through consensus of opinion and by the will of the people.

It means a representative system in which the majority can have its way but also the minority can have its say on any issue of public interest or significance. It means a system where class distinctions do not make or guide the government but where the entire state structure is attuned to the needs of the generality of the people and not to any particular class or segment of the society.

It means a system of government that includes everyone and no one is left out or left behind. It means a system where there is no ruling class but a class of people elected from among the people themselves from all backgrounds representing all shades of opinion. It means having a military, a police force, security services and other agencies of the state that are composed of men and women of various backgrounds and from no particular class but are accountable to the people only.

It means having services and amenities available to each and every member of the society regardless of age, sex, status, wealth, religion or ethnic background. It means equal opportunity for everyone in having a reasonable standard of living. It means not being unemployed for life or living in abject poverty while others get rich and prosperous. It means having a government that protects the rich, the not-so-rich and the poor in the enjoyment of their possessions and fortunes no matter how much or how meagre.

It means living in a decent and clean environment. It means having a house or a home for your family. It means not going hungry at night and jobless in the day time. It means having access to good education for your children and a prospect of good life for yourself. It means living in safety and reasonable comfort and not being afraid or fearful most of your life. It means safety and security for you and your family and for your property no matter how much or how little.

It means the freedom to hold an opinion and express it on any matter that you deem is of importance or of interest to you. It means the right to assemble and intermingle with your fellow men and women, and exchange felicitous moments together without let or hindrance. It means going to wherever you want to go without anyone stopping you or placing obstacles in your path.

It means doing whatever you want to do so long as this is not injurious to your fellow citizens or to your country and the state. It means going to bed peacefully at night and waking up the next morning safely. It means owning your property and disposing of it the way you wish and deem fit. It means inheriting and bequeathing property from and to your near ones or benefactors and beneficiaries. It means the freedom to pursue happiness and enjoy whatever that attracts your interests legitimately and judiciously.

It means practicing your religion without any interference or hindrance from the state, the authorities or anyone. It means living in a healthy environment and having access to good healthcare for you and your family. It means practicing your profession or pursuing your calling in life without being supervised or dictated to, by the state or the authorities.

It means getting married, having children and raising them in accordance with your traditions, customs, beliefs and conventions so long as these are not in contravention of nationally or globally accepted practices and norms.  It means availing yourself of whatever gives you happiness, pleasure and comfort, without having to seek approval or acceptance from anybody as long as your pursuits are not injurious to the collective well-being of the community or the state or against commonly approved morality and conventions.

It means having an opportunity to freely and consciously contribute to the development and progress of your community by expressing your opinion on how it should be governed and by whom. It means having the latitude to accept or reject whatever is put forward as a policy or a programme for your community or in the arrangement of the affairs of your country.

It means having the freedom under the law to say “yes” and “no” to any decision or policy to be rolled out by those that you have put in the position of power, to administer the laws and conduct the affairs of your government. It means having the right to make informed choices without being dictated to by the state, the government or your elected leaders under any circumstances. It means having the freedom to think and proclaim your thoughts aloud in the open without being deemed a violator of the law.

It means reading whatever you wish to know or to write whatever you wish to express freely so long as it is not inimical to the peace and security of others. It means having the same rights and equal status before the law as the richest, the mightiest and the most powerful persons in the land, and not suffer any distinctions or discriminations in the dispensation of justice on account of your position or status.

It means doing whatever you think is right and proper and good to you, your community and your country, without necessarily causing harm and discomfort to others around you. It means knowing how to live in peace and letting others also to live the way they want. It means having the right to enjoy the fruits of citizenship to the fullest without any diminution of your rights and privileges unless they infringe on the safety of the state and the rights of other citizens.

It means being just yourself, how you want to live and expire in this world in freedom and dignity and not in perpetual want or fear. It means having the same opportunity and right as others in your society to contribute to the development, progress, peace and security of your community and your country as a duly recognised bona fide citizen.

Last but not least, democracy in the Nigerian context means the translation of the provisions of chapters two and four of the 1999 Constitution into practice for your benefit and your dignified existence. Ultimately, democracy means appreciating the fact that “All political truths are based on the principles that man was born free and that social and political rights are crucial to all human progress”, as rightly asserted by Mr John Buchan!

The North-Central All Progressives Congress, APC, Forum has rejected calls for President Bola Tinubu to drop Vice President Kashim Shettima as his running mate in the 2027 election.

The position of the North-Central APC Forum was made known in a statement released by its Chairman, Alhaji Saleh Zazzaga, in Abuja on Wednesday.

The APC Forum’s position followed agitation by some North-Central stakeholders, under the aegis of North-Central Renaissance Movement, who are calling on Tinubu to drop Shettima as his running mate for the 2027 election.

The Movement asked Tinubu to pick a running mate from the North-Central as a condition for the zone to support his reelection.

According to the Movement, the North-Central zone should produce Nigeria’s Vice President in 2027.

However, rejecting the calls for Shettima’s replacement as Vice President, the North-Central APC Forum declared that its earlier endorsement of Tinubu for the 2027 election extended to the Vice President.

According to the statement signed by Zazzaga, a member of the APC campaign council for the 2023 election, North-Central APC stakeholders are satisfied with Shettima, and are not involved in the calls for his replacement ahead of the next election.

“The North-Central All Progressives Congress (APC) Forum rejects calls on President Bola Tinubu to drop Vice President Kashim Shettima as his running mate in 2027.

“The calls are not coming from stakeholders of the APC in the North-Central. We disassociate ourselves from the calls and we hereby emphasize that our endorsement of President Bola Tinubu for the 2027 election extends the Vice President, Kashim Shettima.

“For emphasis, we hereby again endorse President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima for the 2027 election.

“We urge Mr President not to pay any attention to the antics of individuals and groups who are trying to derail his administration, which has recorded so much achievements towards repositioning Nigeria on the part of progress and sustainable growth.

“We are satisfied with the role being played by Vice President Kashim Shettima in President Bola Tinubu’s administration, and we also commend the harmonious working relationship between the President and the Vice President, which is being envied by those in the opposition, who are now trying to sow seeds of discord in the APC government.

“The North-Central APC Forum stands on the Tinubu/Shettima ticket with which our party emerged victorious in the 2023 election,” the statement said.

The APC Forum, which had earlier promised to deliver six million votes for Tinubu in 2027, insisted on its determination to achieve the feat, as the people of the North-Central are happy with the President’s administration.

“We also restate that the six million votes we promised Mr President are intact. We are happy with the position of Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the ministerial portfolios and other appointments given to the North-Central, as well as infrastructural projects in the zone.

“However, if there are other opportunities, including infrastructural projects, that can come to the zone, we will also appreciate them,” the statement added.

The APC Forum noted that, currently, in addition to the high profile position of SGF, occupied by Senator George Akume from Benue State, the North-Central zone is holding key ministerial portfolios, as well as some other important appointments in the Federal Government.

The statement identified key ministries headed by ministers from the North-Central to include: Ministry of Justice, headed by the Attorney General of the Federation, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, from Kwara; Ministry of Information and National Orientation, headed by Mohammed Idris from Niger State; Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, headed by Prof. Nentawe Goshwe Yilwatda from Plateau; Ministry of Women Affairs, headed by Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim from Nasarawa; Ministry of Special Duties, Intergovernmental Affairs, headed by Zephaniah Bitrus Jisalo, from the Federal Capital Territory, and Ministry of Water Resources and Sanitation, headed by Prof Joseph Utsev from Benue.

It would be recalled that in December 2024, the North-Central All APC Forum endorsed President Bola Tinubu for a second term in office.

The Forum declared that it decided to endorse Tinubu for a second term because his administration has extended several opportunities to the North-Central zone since he assumed office as President in 2023.

“The Forum equally evaluated the programmes and initiatives of the Federal Government and it is evident that, since the current democratic dispensation in Nigeria, no other President has given the North-Central as many opportunities as much as President Bola Tinubu.

“No other President has brought as many infrastructural projects to the North-Central as the President Tinubu administration.

“After assessing the state of the nation, the North-Central APC Forum is of the view that President Bola Tinubu has done well to earn a second term in office.

“An assessment of President Bola Tinubu’s policies also shows that he is taking the country in the right direction and deserves the support of all Nigerians to get the country there.

“The economic policies introduced by President Tinubu are already making the expected impact, with the recent strengthening of the Naira in the foreign exchange market, improvement in volume of oil production, and rise in foreign reserves, among others.

“President Tinubu’s policies in the petroleum sector have already eliminated scarcity, and we believe that, with time, Nigerians will witness reduction in the cost of petroleum products, which would reverse inflation in the county.

“The APC North-Central Forum believes President Bola Tinubu deserves a second term to midwife these reforms which are already bearing fruit, and we call on all Nigerians to support his administration to improve the situation in the country.

“After extensive considerations, North-Central APC Forum has given the President a passmark on insecurity, appointments, infrastructure, economy and other areas. We stand firmly behind President Bola Tinubu as his bold leadership has brought significant progress to our region, and we believe he is the right person to continue leading Nigeria towards greater prosperity.

“We urge all Nigerians to rally behind the President and support him for a second term, to enable his administration to deepen the gains of his reform policies.

“Just as we worked for his election in 2023, the North-Central APC Forum assures President Tinubu and all his supporters that we will again work for his reelection in 2027,” the North-Central APC Forum said in a statement released to announce the endorsement of President Tinubu for the 2027 election.

[DailyPost]

A team of Nigerian civil servants has clinched the N5 million grand prize at the 5th Federal Public Service Innovation Competition with a groundbreaking carpooling app designed to ease transportation challenges among public workers.

The winning team, Team Carpooling, developed a ride sharing solution that allows civil servants to either pay colleagues who own cars for rides or rotate the use of personal vehicles among a group of car owners without financial transactions.

The innovation, tailored to address daily commuting struggles, was hailed as a practical, scalable solution to reduce transport costs and improve productivity.

Team leader Nusrah Wali said the app offers both financial and non-financial models, noting that the idea was born out of real hardship faced by workers.

“This will not only ease the burden of transportation but also foster collaboration and convenience among civil servants,” she said.

She described the initiative as perfectly aligned with the ongoing Federal Civil Service Strategy and Implementation Plan 2021–2025 (FCSSIP25), which prioritizes innovation as a core pillar.

“This is more than an app; it’s a symbol of the new direction we’re heading, a service that is smarter, more citizen-focused, and solution-driven,” Walson-Jack said during the award ceremony held in Abuja.

The Head of Service noted that this year’s competition saw over 155 entries, with 132 ideas pitched and 66 teams emerging after rigorous virtual training and mentorship. Judges included international experts from MIT (USA), San Francisco, Canada, and Nigeria.

Other winners received N3 million and N2 million as first and second runners-up, while ten finalists were awarded N200,000 each.

Walson-Jack also unveiled several digital tools now available to civil servants, including: SERVICE-WISE GPT – an AI assistant for real-time support on public service processes; FCS Online Academy – an e-learning platform offering professional development and the Civil Service Newsletters – internal publications promoting welfare, reforms, and innovation.

She called on private sector players and development partners to support the scaling of such innovations, emphasizing the need for a collaborative ecosystem that drives national development through technology and ideas.

Walson-Jack noted that the Federal Public Service Innovation Competition, launched in 2020, has grown into a flagship initiative for transforming public service delivery in Nigeria.

[TheNation]

Abia State Governor, Alex Otti, has said he is unbothered by what he described as the “noise” from opposition party members in the state.

Otti made the remark on Tuesday while receiving a delegation led by the member representing Bende North State Constituency, Nnamdi Ibekwe, who recently dumped the Peoples Democratic Party to join the ruling Labour Party in the state.

According to the governor, many of those in the opposition who claim they are coming to contest elections are not serious contenders.

He said their motives are to seek recognition, negotiate political benefits, or project themselves for the future.

“We are not bothered about the oppositions and their noise. There are different reasons why people show up (for elections).

“Sometimes, they just want recognition—that their names showed up for the primaries—knowing fully well that they will not win the election.

“Some of them also come for negotiations, and then of course, some others also show up for projections. They look at themselves and say, ‘If I start the noise in 2025, maybe by 2040 they will know that I have been in the race and they will call me and recognise me,’ so they are projecting themselves”, Otti stated.

He noted that his focus remains on the mandate given to him by the people, and his response to opposition criticism is to deliver tangible results across the state.

“People are making noise, but I respond with work. We are very committed to the job that our people asked us to do. We are doing just that. For us, governance is about stewardship and leadership. And that is what is keeping us here,” he said.

Speaking further, Otti congratulated Ibekwe on his decision to join the LP, stressing that it was a voluntary move made without pressure.

He reiterated that his administration does not prioritise political affiliations in governance, but is focused on delivering good governance to all Abians.

He added that the party is inclusive and welcoming, noting that Ibekwe has become a ranking member of the party.

He also announced that an official reception would be organised in his honour.

Earlier, Ibekwe said he was attracted to the Labour Party because of Otti’s achievements, which he described as unprecedented.

“This is the best time for Abia people”, he said, while praising the governor’s visionary leadership and assured him of his full support and that of his supporters toward the governor’s 2027 re-election bid.

Ibekwe was accompanied by key stakeholders from Bende North State Constituency, including the Commissioner for Agriculture, Dr. Cliff Agbaeze; Labour Party stalwart, Chief Uwakwe Maduka; former Commissioner for Boundary Matters, Mr. Mascot Obike; and the Abia State APC spokesperson, Mr. Okey Ezeala, among others.

[Punch]

Cardinals aged 80 and above are ineligible to vote in a papal conclave. Of the 135 cardinals originally eligible for the 2025 conclave, 15 are 79 years old—some just weeks away from the age limit. However, with Cardinal Antonio Cañizares of Spain stepping aside due to health reasons, the total number of electors now stands at 134.

The age restriction for electors was introduced by Pope Paul VI in the 1970s and reaffirmed by Pope John Paul II in the 1996 apostolic constitution Universi Dominici Gregis.

Among those participating, the five oldest cardinals eligible to vote hail from Spain, Guinea, Poland, Pakistan and England, according to Catholic News Agency.

Here’s a closer look at these senior members of the 2025 conclave:

Cardinal Carlos Osoro Sierra – Spain

Born: May 16, 1945

Cardinal Osoro Sierra, the retired archbishop of Madrid, is known for his pastoral style and dedication to Catholic education. Previously archbishop of Valencia and Oviedo, he was appointed to Madrid by Pope Francis in 2014 and created a cardinal in 2016. His episcopal motto, “Per Christum et cum ipso et in ipso,” translates to “Through him and with him and in him.”

Cardinal Robert Sarah – Guinea

Born: June 15, 1945

A prominent figure in the Vatican, Cardinal Sarah has served under three popes in key curial roles, including prefect of the Congregation for Divine Worship. He became an archbishop at age 34 and strongly advocated for traditional liturgy. Fluent in French, Italian, and English, Sarah also participated in the 2013 conclave and is seen by some as a potential candidate for the papacy.

Cardinal Stanisław Ryłko – Poland

Born: July 4, 1945

Cardinal Ryłko, a long-serving Vatican official, was a close collaborator of Pope John Paul II and led the Pontifical Council for the Laity. Ordained by Cardinal Karol Wojtyła before he became pope, Ryłko was made a cardinal in 2007 by Pope Benedict XVI. He played a role in shaping lay ministry initiatives and is fluent in Polish, Italian, English, and German.

Cardinal Joseph Coutts – Pakistan

Born: July 21, 1945

A trailblazer for the Catholic Church in Pakistan, Cardinal Coutts served as archbishop of Karachi and is only the second cardinal from his country. He has been deeply engaged in interfaith dialogue and was present at the 2019 signing of the Document on Human Fraternity in Abu Dhabi. He speaks multiple languages, including English, Urdu, Italian, and Punjabi.

Cardinal Timothy Radcliffe – England

Born: August 22, 1945

A respected theologian and former master of the Dominican Order, Cardinal Radcliffe has had a global impact as a preacher and retreat leader. He previously taught theology at Oxford and was recently asked by Pope Francis to lead spiritual meditations for the Synod on Synodality. His episcopal motto, “Vos Autem Dixi Amicos,” means “I have called you friends” (John 15:15).

[Vanguard]