U.S. Cardinal Robert Prevost has been elected pope, the first time an American will lead the Roman Catholic Church. He chose the name Pope Leo XIV.

The 69-year-old new pope appeared at the balcony in St. Peter's Basilica and said Peace be with all of you!"

He said he wanted his message of peace to "enter your hearts, reach your families and all people, wherever they are."

He thanked his fellow cardinals for selecting him, and spoke in Italian, Spanish and Latin. Having spent years working in Peru, he thanked his former diocese in the South American country, "where a loyal people has shared its faith and has given a lot," he said.

He also spoke warmly of Pope Francis and concluded by leading the crowd in prayer.

[NPR]

Farooq Kperogi, a US-based Nigerian professor of journalism, has criticised the economic policies of the Bola Tinubu administration.

Speaking in an interview with Rudolf Okonkwo on 90MinutesAfrica, Kperogi warned that the president’s economic reforms are pushing Nigerians deeper into hardship.

Since taking office on May 29, 2023, Tinubu has removed fuel subsidies and floated the naira — two major policies his administration has defended as necessary for long-term economic stability.

But Kperogi said the decisions have combined to trigger a “hyper-inflationary conflagration,” driving the prices of basic goods and services beyond the reach of most citizens.

“There is nowhere on earth where the gutting of subsidies and the devaluation of the national currency simultaneously has ever led to prosperity,” Kperogi said. 

“What it has always led to is the hollowing out of the middle class, mass pauperization and of course the enrichment of the already rich. 

“When you add that to other optics of governance of concentrating power within a certain class of people that are connected to the president by virtue of location and ethnicity then it gets even particularly worse.”

He also criticised the government’s alleged use of the Cybercrime Act to clamp down on dissent, calling it “undemocratic” and “unnecessary”.

“In most places in the world that at least claim to be democratic, libel is a civil case. That means you don’t go to jail for it. You only pay a fine,” he said.

“The Cybercrime Law that was passed, interestingly by Goodluck Jonathan, is actually an unnecessary repetition because Nigeria already has libel laws. They just needed to amend it to include publications on social media. 

“Arresting someone for libel is against the ethos of democracy. Part of the Cybercrime Law says insulting the president is a crime. 

“In fact, Omoyele Sowore was accused of insulting the president during a media interview. That’s an anomaly in a democracy.”

[TheCable]

White smoke billowed from the chimney of the Sistine Chapel on Wednesday, signalling the election of a new pope by the cardinals.

The historic moment followed days of closed-door deliberations at the Vatican, where 133 cardinal-electors gathered in a conclave to elect the next leader of the Roman Catholic Church.

The name and identity of the new pope remain under wraps but will be announced when he appears at the central balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica to deliver his first public blessing.

“White smoke! The 133 Cardinal electors gathered in the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel have elected the new Pope. He will appear soon at the central window of St. Peter’s Basilica,” the Vatican News tweeted.

This important event follows the passing of Pope Francis on Easter Monday, April 21, 2025, at the age of 88.

He died at his residence in the Vatican’s Casa Santa Marta after a prolonged illness. His funeral mass was held on Saturday, April 26, in St. Peter’s Square.

Following the service, Pope Francis was laid to rest in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, honoring his personal wish to be buried outside the Vatican.

As the world awaits the introduction of the new pope, the faithful gather in St. Peter’s Square, united in anticipation and prayer.

The forthcoming announcement will mark the beginning of a new chapter for the Catholic Church.

[TheCable]

Court affirms Commission’s power to investigate exploitation

Tunji Bello welcomes judgement

Thursday, May 8, 2025: The Abuja Federal High Court today struck out the suit filed by MultiChoice Nigeria Limited seeking to restrain the FCCPC from investigating its recent price increases for DStv and GOtv services, declaring it an abuse of court process.

The court, presided over by Justice James Omotosho, ruled that MultiChoice’s suit was duplicative and improper, given the existence of a similar matter involving the same parties pending before another court. 

Consequently, the Court struck out the application in its entirety.

Recall that Multichoice had defied FCCPC’s invitation in February and proceeded to hike subscription rates barely eight months after similar increase. Instead, the cable service provider filed an application to restrain the Commission from asking questions as to the rationale behind its incessant price increase. 

In his ruling, Justice Omotosho went further to affirm key provisions of the FCCPA 2018 regarding price regulation and the scope of the Commission’s mandate.

The FCCPC’s legal team was led by Prof. Joseph Abugu (SAN), while Mr.  J. Onigbanjo (SAN) led the MultiChoice’s team.

The Court recognized that Section 88 of the FCCPA vests the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria with the authority to regulate the prices of goods and services when necessary. It also affirmed that the President may delegate this authority to any agency, particularly the FCCPC, for enforcement.

The Court further upheld that, under Section 17 of the FCCPA, the FCCPC is empowered to investigate exploitative pricing practices and to submit its findings, data, and recommendations to the President to inform decisions on price regulation.

Additionally, the Court confirmed that once the President declares specific goods or services as subject to price regulation, the FCCPC possesses full enforcement powers to implement such regulations.

In a swift reaction, the Executive Vice Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of the Commission, Mr. Tunji Bello, described the ruling as an affirmation of the rule of law and a significant step towards curbing procedural tactics aimed at obstructing lawful regulatory oversight.

“It sends a clear message that regulatory agencies will not be hindered by procedural roadblocks when exercising their lawful mandate to ensure fairness, transparency, and accountability in the marketplace,” he stated.

According to him, “Nigerian consumers can be assured that the Commission is fully committed to investigating and addressing exploitative pricing and other anti-consumer practices, in line with the provisions of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA) 2018.”

Ondaje Ijagwu

Director, Corporate Affairs

Nigeria’s Federal Executive Council (FEC) presided over by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the other day, approved a new initiative to revise and enforce procurement rules that prioritize Nigerian-made goods and homegrown solutions across all Ministries Departments, and Agencies (MDAs). Under the policy, no MDA shall be allowed to procure foreign goods or services already available locally without a written waiver from the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP).

According to the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, the new policy places Nigeria at the center of all public procurement and business activity, “with a strong emphasis on empowering local industries and reducing dependency on foreign imports.” Idris said that the Attorney General of the Federation has been directed to draft an Executive Order to give full legal effect to the new framework.

Under the initiative, code named “Nigeria First”, the BPP would create a comprehensive compliance mechanism to ensure all government procurements adhere to local content requirements. “A regularly updated database of high-quality Nigerian suppliers will be maintained by the BPP, and used as a reference for all procurement decisions,” Idris said

The “Nigeria First” policy also provides that “where foreign contracts are unavoidable, they must include provisions for technology transfer, local production, or capacity development in Nigeria.” The Minister said: “we continue to import sugar despite the existence of the Nigerian Sugar Council and several local producers. This policy will change that.” 

The new initiative, “Nigeria First”, mimicking Donald Trump’s “America First”, is, obviously, another attempt at an import-substitution industrialization (ISI) strategy. Nigeria, like many other countries in Africa, adopted ISI policies in the 1970s and 1980s to promote indigenous economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign imports.

One notable example of Nigeria’s ISI efforts is the 1972 Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree, which required foreign companies to offer at least 40% of their equity shares to local people. This move was aimed at increasing local ownership and control of industries in key sectors, thereby promoting domestic growth.

Nigeria’s ISI had also involved government interventions via tariffs, quotas, and bans to protect infant industries and encourage local production. Minimizing foreign competition, and containment of the menace of dumping were the other reasons advanced by successive Nigerian governments for the adoption of ISI. 

Although the growth and development of certain sectors of the Nigerian economy could be attributed to the ISI policies, such gains remained unsustainable in the face of local and global paradigm shifts. For example, the establishment of cement plants, textile industries, automobile assembly plants, steel rolling mills, etc. in the 1970s and 1980s during the ‘oil boom’ era was essentially ISI-driven.

However, over the years, policy inconsistency, weak political will, globalization and multilateralism have combined to derail the ISI agenda. The Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) of the late ‘80s, believed to have been imposed by the IMF and the World Bank, compelled economic liberalization, privatization, and commercialization. And Nigeria practically joined the rest of the world as a ‘global village,’ unprepared, as it were. 

Thus, whatever gains Nigeria made from ISI strategy were either substantially lost or totally reversed. The auto assembly and manufacturing plants across all geopolitical zones of the country were left moribund. The steel rolling mills, iron smelting companies, textile mills, refineries, among others, got similarly abandoned.

Apparently egged on by an unceasing petro-dollar inflow, Nigeria, no sooner than it experimented with the ISI strategy, reverted almost fully to high import-dependency. The nation only flirted with the mantra of export-led economic growth for a while.

The country’s affliction with the dreaded ‘Dutch Disease’ and its attendant pervasive taste and preference for foreign goods, left her a dumping ground for all manner of imports. With near-total dependence on crude oil exploration, production and export, virtually all other sectors of the Nigerian economy was abandoned, or received merely superficial attention.

Today, even a few entities that could still be linked to the ISI initiative are being swamped by deep-seated aversion to local entrepreneurship. This, in part, accounts for why the Dangote Refinery had to win a pyrrhic victory against blockades posed by the officialdom to fully commence local refining of petrol (Premium Motor Spirit, PMS). The already entrenched interests in PMS importation are hardly yielding ground.

Again, this explains why, out of the so many licenses issued by the Federal Government for the setting up of (private) refineries in the country, only very few (notably, Dangote) have been able to do so. It can also be safely inferred that the vested interests in PMS importation, directly or indirectly, ensured the continued decrepit state of the state-owned refineries in Nigeria over the years.

The same tendency accounts for why the Ajaokuta Steel Company, the Aladja (Warri) Steel Complex), some aluminum smelting companies, auto assembly plants, some sea ports, etc. are yet moribund till date. The anti-ISI forces apply red tapes and other obstacles to ensure that the nation rather keeps wobbling with import-dependency—with its attendant vulnerabilities.

All these years, despite the mouthing of industrialization and infrastructural development by successive governments, Nigeria has really been experiencing de-industrialization and deteriorating infrastructure. In recent years, not a few multinationals have opted to leave Nigeria on account of decaying infrastructure, unconducive business environment, among other challenges.

Now that the Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led administration is indicating interest to reintroduce ISI, it has a load of the nation’s checkered economic history as a veritable guide. It is not enough to want to flow with the mood of President Donald Trump’s rabid nationalism; nor would it be easy to jettison Nigerians’ entrenched penchant for the consumption of foreign goods.

At the peak of ISI implementation in the ‘70s and ‘80s, certain brands of Peugeot Nigeria cars were the approved official status vehicles of topmost political leaders and public servants. This means leadership by example; no showmanship, no display of ostentatious public life.

As the Attorney General of the Federation hammers out the nitty gritty of the Executive Order on (the new) ISI, he must put clauses that compel political leaders and the officialdom to play by the rules. Some sort of reorientation beyond the MDAs in pursuit of “Nigeria First” would need to be mounted to really curb the entrenched preference for foreign goods among Nigerians.

Success in this regard would translate to reducing the ever huge demand for FX for the importation of items that have several durable local substitutes. The sustained patronage of these local goods and services would lead to the conservation of Nigeria’s scarce FX; as well as the strengthening of the local currency vis-à-vis the dollar. 

This practice, over time, among other planks of the new ISI would effectively and sustainably pull the economy out of the woods. The new ISI package must therefore go beyond the MDAs, but must be championed by the Nigerian leadership—in both their official and private lifestyles. “Nigeria First” should not remain a slogan!

The author, Okeke, a practicing Economist, Business Strategist, Sustainability expert and ex-Chief Economist of Zenith Bank Plc, lives in Lekki, Lagos.                             

It feels so surreal that I am writing Aniefiok’s eulogy. Ani and I were born in the same year –just four months apart; grew up in the same town; attended the same secondary school and university and lived in Lagos at the same time. We were your typical childhood friends, and so I took it for granted that we would grow old together. My heart is heavy and I’m so shattered, pained and disconcerted. The agony, anguish and sorrow are too deep to describe. We had known each other right from childhood, but our friendship actually started in late October 1979 when we bumped into each other at the bookshop of University of Nigeria, Nsukka. ‘’So, you are here’’, we said to each other simultaneously. He had just arrived the campus that day to begin a course of study in Mechanical Engineering, and I had arrived two weeks or so earlier. There and then began a lifelong friendship that brought our two families together.

  Ani is one of the most generous; amiable; affable and good-natured persons I have ever known. He was indeed a visionary who lived a life of purpose and faith. A loving husband and doting father and grandfather, he gave and loved generously; lived with passion and compassion and was driven by an insatiable urge to leave a positive impact and legacy. He was a community leader in the true sense of the word that brought his extended family together and led his community in Akwa Ibom State in warmth, love and peace. Ani was a man of deep faith who contributed generously to build his church in Lagos, Uyo and many other cities in Nigeria – the same church in which his father and father-in-law were elders; the same church in which he met and married his wife of almost 40 years.

His scholarship scheme for unprivileged children and assistance to widows and to the needy reflect the true essence of his munificence. He was a leading figure in the establishment of a beautiful residential estate in Lekki, Lagos, some 18 years ago, and was working on building a fabrication yard and logistics facility for the oil industry in Akwa Ibom. It’s a project he has been working on in the last 17 years. Unfortunately, he passed just when the dream was to be realized. The more I reflect on his life, the more it dawns on me that Ani is indeed a true manifestation Mathew 5:13. ‘’You are the salt of the earth…’’. Wherever he was, his presence was felt in many positive ways.

Ani’s father, a successful businessman, died while Ani was only 25 and just starting out on his first job at Shell Nigeria. As was expected, Ani had to marry early – at just 26 – and from that early age, he took on responsibilities that many of his coevals could only imagine or read about in novels. He catered for his mother; siblings and of course, his young family. I visited him in Port Harcourt from my base in Lagos late 1988 and spent a few days with him and his wife, Helyn. Nsikak, the first child, was then a baby. I observed with admiration how Ani had transitioned effortlessly into the role of a family man with many responsibilities. He took me around PH and to his office at TransAmadi. I noted that he was still his jovial, humorous and witty self. He did not wear the usual grumpy look of a man weighed down by life’s burdens; and throughout the following decades, I can’t remember seeing Ani get angry, indulge in self pity, or wallow in incessant complaints and discontents. He lived a life of contentment, grateful for God’s abundant blessings, acknowledging the inevitability of the many twists and turns of life, but always full of hope and enthusiasm. I won’t forget his jokes, laughter and conviviality.

Ani relocated to Lagos from PH in early 1990s, and we got closer and closer; and even after relocating abroad since 2015, distance wasn't a barrier. Naturally, longstanding close friends have one or two things they learn from, or admire in each other. Even before I got married, I learned from Ani the importance of building a peaceful and happy home and admired his ability to learn new things, seek knowledge, unlearn and relearn. I learned a lot about Nigeria’s secretive oil industry from him. It was the subject matter of our discussions the day before he passed. He was very fond of my columns and read them quite avidly, commending quite faithfully. Ani loved Nigeria and despite its many imperfections, he never denigrated the country as is common in the Diaspora community. Instead, he was obsessed with what he could do to make it a better place.

Now, to Helyn, Nsikak, Udeme and Amanti; and all of the Udott Clan, I know that this is a very painful loss. I pray for God’s mercy and guidance for all of you.

ETIM,a journalist, is the publisher & editor-in-chief of Policy and Politics (www.policyandpolitics.com.ng)

The President of the African Development Bank (AfDB), Akinwunmi Adesina, ruffled presidential feathers on Monday when he said in a speech during the 20^th Anniversary dinner of the financial services company, Chapel Hill Denham, that Nigerians were better off in 1960 than they are today.

The Special Adviser to the President (Information & Strategy), Bayo Onanuga, immediately disagreed, saying that Adesina used a narrow, perhaps one of the most contested metrics, to measure the country’s progress. Both Adesina and Onanuga were right and wrong.

What’s in a measure?

Gross Domestic Product (GDP), the most common measure of the size of an economy, measures the size of goods and services produced by that economy in a given period, usually annually.

For nearly 10 years after Nigeria rebased its economy in 2014 by including swathes of the economy previously excluded from the calculation, mainly IT, telecoms, and music, the country ranked as Africa’s largest economy.

We walked with a swagger and a spring in our steps. Until recently, when the tide turned and Nigeria slipped to number four, behind South Africa, Egypt and Algeria, any argument about the adequacy of GDP as an accurate measure of economic well-being would have been dismissed, especially in official circles.

One-handed economists

Yet, the GDP is accurate in what it measures, irrespective of Onanuga’s discomfort. Of course, economists, never one-handed as Harry Truman famously said, may disagree on the best model. Still, they have yet to find a more precise measure of a country’s total goods and services, a rough guide to economic status, than the GDP.

What Adesina did in his lecture, “Reimagining Nigeria by 2050,” was not only to compare Nigeria’s GDP in 1960 with what it currently is, but also to put that side by side with the performance of South Korea, which was at roughly the same position as Nigeria 65 years ago.

What he didn’t do, by the way, was to re-imagine what Nigeria’s GDP might have been today if he kept his promise as Nigeria’s Agriculture minister between 2011 and 2015, to popularise “cassava bread!”

GDP vs GDP per capita

The GDP per capita of all seven countries Adesina cited in his lecture were African, from Ghana ($2,260) to Botswana ($7,820), compared with Nigeria’s ($1,596). It’s not unusual that whereas Nigeria’s economy is the fourth largest on the continent, its GDP per capita is lower than Ghana’s, for example.

While the GDP measures the total volume of goods and services produced, GDP per capita divides the volume by the population. Regarding manufacturing, a key GDP component, Adesina mentioned Malaysia and Vietnam, which started in the same place as Nigeria, but have left us far behind. These examples are uncomfortable, but true.

The GDP is measured in the currency of the country in question, but converted to US dollars when comparing the value of the goods and services produced between or among nations. That means after the naira devaluation by 250 percent, for example, Nigeria’s GDP ranking was bound to fall.

Low or high?

Are there countries with relatively high GDP per capita and yet a low standard of living? Yes. Equatorial Guinea and Gabon, for example, have relatively high GDPs due to oil wealth and small populations, but score low on most quality of life indicators because of poor governance and weak institutions.

And vice versa, low-GDP countries like Costa Rica and Portugal have a higher standard of living because of strong social programmes, good education and safety measures. Yet of the 20 countries with the highest GDP by the IMF 2025 projections, there is none with rampant poverty. 

Beyond measure

Onanuga was right to contest the use of the GDP, because, to modify Albert Einstein, some things count that cannot be counted by the GDP – things like health, education, equality, governance, trust, and the quality of life. Onanuga listed a few things in his rejoinder, such as road infrastructure, which he said Adesina’s paper had omitted.

It did not. It emphasised GDP as a measure of performance, and we may disagree with the adequacy of this metric. However, the paper also strongly argued that aggressive and well-thought-out investment in infrastructure such as power, health, agriculture, seaports, and airports with a clear and transparent governance structure can guarantee Nigeria a secure future.

Are you better off?

With two years to the next general elections, I understand Onanuga’s concern that a portrayal of Nigeria’s long-gone past as better than its present is politically fraught. Elections have been lost and won on the fundamental question: Are you better off than you were four years ago?

However, Adesina’s views about Nigeria in 1960 will not matter to voters in two years because they will not hold the government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu accountable for the time when Nigeria’s population was around 45 million and each of its three main regions enjoyed relative autonomy. Nor will they hold Tinubu responsible for 2050 because he would not be in office then.

In two years, Nigerians will ask themselves if their lives have improved in the last four years of the Tinubu government. It’s a question that strips economics of its jargon, whether GDP or HDI, and goes straight to bread-and-butter issues.

In the long run…

If President Joe Biden’s claim of a better life for Americans, even though essentially statistically correct, was insufficient to save him, then the Tinubu administration must roll up its sleeves.

GDP or not, Onanuga’s rejoinder will not avert the question of whether Nigerians feel better off. This government’s difficult decisions in the last two years should have been taken decades ago. The consequences of these decisions, however, especially the removal of the petrol subsidy and floating the exchange rate, not to mention the insecurity, have made many worse off.

Of course, Abuja can argue that the hardship is global and that the temporary difficulties will produce a better future. But as economists say, in the long run, we’re all dead.

Living it!

For the government to be rewarded for the courage of its tough decisions, the public, especially voters, does not need to be reminded that they now have more phone lines or road networks as a measure of progress. Many more must be able to live above the current misery of begging to recharge their phones, to pay fare for unsafe roads, or ransom for loved ones.

Nigerians are poorer today, not because comparative GDP figures from 1960 tell them, or because a more robust indicator could have made any difference. They live it.

The currency has been devalued by 250 percent in two years, the value of savings has depleted, the cost of essential services has risen by 113 percent, and the cost of borrowing has increased from 18.5 percent in 2023 to 27.5 percent because of the crowding-out effect.

White cat, black cat

Whatever the indicators, this is the reality Nigerians are living, the story Tinubu was voted to change. Governors are getting more money and should account for it. Still, with more of them defecting to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the party will have much more to answer for what it is doing to lessen the collective misery. Also, the significant issues in the macroeconomy (primarily inflation) and security are squarely on the Federal Government’s plate.

There’s still some time to fix things, but like Deng Xiaoping said about dealing with an emergency, it’s not the colour or description of the economic indicator that matters, as long as the cat of our current misery catches mice.

Nigeria’s battle against corruption has reached a critical junction—one where traditional legal mechanisms have proven woefully inadequate. Despite high-profile arrests, media parades, and countless court appearances, the likes of former Governors Abdulfatah Ahmed, Willie Obiano, Yahaya Bello, Darius Ishaku, and Theodore Orji continue to roam freely, basking in the glow of political privilege while their corruption cases crawl through the judicial system. It is as if the accusations against them are mere whispers, drowned out by the noise of political influence and judicial delays.

Premium Times Nigeria has done a remarkable service by keeping these cases in the public eye, refusing to let these men walk freely as if their hands are clean. Their reporting is a bold reminder that justice delayed is not just justice denied—it is justice mocked. But reminders are not enough. It is time to adopt drastic measures, to treat corruption not just as a legal crime but as a national psychological disorder.

Let us now imagine what this “Mental Forensic Temporal Lock-Up Unit” could mean—not as abstract satire, but as a serious institutional policy born out of desperation, necessity, and deep-rooted national trauma. In a country where the legal system has been captured, and where elite criminals endlessly recycle themselves through legal gymnastics, we must admit a hard truth: standard criminal justice has failed to treat elite corruption as a national mental disorder. These are not isolated cases of theft—they are possible patterns of pathological behavior, performed with detached precision, emotionless entitlement, and a total absence of shame. Therefore, the country must now shift from asking how to punish them to asking how to contain and recondition them.

Reimagining Justice: A Psychological Containment System

The Mental Forensic Temporal Lock-Up Unit is not a conventional prison. It is a hybrid model—a therapeutic, cognitive, and ethical quarantine zone for individuals who have been identified through forensic audits, financial investigations, and sworn testimonies as serial looters of public funds. These individuals would be removed from public space and subjected to a compulsory sequence of psychological evaluations, diagnostic profiling, and behavioral accountability mechanisms. This is not a place of brutality, but of institutional deactivation—where their access to public office, media platforms, and influence is terminated, and their ego dismantled through a controlled therapeutic process.

This is not revenge; it is a moral quarantine, a civic duty to isolate those whose corruption has metastasized into a national disorder. They would not be allowed to enjoy “retirement” in wealth; instead, they would enter civic confinement—a space between freedom and imprisonment, between guilt and rehabilitation.

Psychological Framework: Diagnosing Corruption as a Disorder

The idea that corruption can be viewed through a psychological lens is not far-fetched. I did not evaluate any of these criminal suspects, so I cannot say if any of them have criminal pathology. But in psychological terms, the behavior exhibited by many of these political figures aligns with Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD) and Narcissistic Personality Disorder (NPD). Key characteristics include:

Lack of empathy or remorse for the consequences of their actions.

Inflated sense of entitlement and self-importance.

Pathological lying and manipulation to maintain power and status.

Disregard for the rights of others—evident in their siphoning of public funds meant for community development.

The Mental Forensic Temporal Lock-Up Unit would operate similarly to therapeutic containment used in the treatment of individuals with pathological criminal behavior.

Here, these political figures would be subjected to:

Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) to address distorted thinking patterns that justify corruption.

Moral Reconation Therapy (MRT) to rebuild ethical and moral reasoning.

Group Accountability Sessions where their actions are dissected, analyzed, and criticized in front of peers and civic educators.

The goal is to deconstruct their rationalizations—the false beliefs that stealing public funds is a right of office, that evading justice is a symbol of power, and that corruption is merely part of political life.

Institutional Quarantine: Containing the Enablers

If we can’t jail them in conventional cells, then we must morally isolate them—psychologically, socially, and institutionally. This is not a call for extrajudicial revenge, but for institutional quarantine. And while we focus on the primary offenders, should we also not expand the lock-up model to include their enablers?

Should deeply compromised Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs), corrupt judges, and facilitators of judicial delay not be institutionally quarantined as well?

Their role in perpetuating grand corruption is not peripheral—it is central. If proven to have aided the cycle of looting and obstruction, they too must enter the civic lock-up to be studied, exposed, and documented.

These enablers must be treated with the same clinical scrutiny. These are individuals who knowingly weaponize the law against the public interest. The SANs who turn courtrooms into shelters for looters, the judges who twist constitutional technicalities to stall trials for decades, and the clerks who “lose” critical files—these are not passive actors; they are psychological accomplices in a nationwide economic trauma.

Global Precedents: Real-World Examples of Judicial Accountability

The idea of isolating corrupt officials is not without precedent.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Africa): In the aftermath of apartheid, South Africa instituted a model of accountability that focused not only on punishment but on exposure and societal reckoning.

Operation Clean Hands (Italy): The Italian judiciary took drastic measures to quarantine corrupt officials during the anti-Mafia campaigns of the 1990s, leading to thousands of prosecutions and societal cleansing.

Commission of Inquiry into State Capture (South Africa): Known as the Zondo Commission, it exposed the vast network of corruption involving political figures and corporate entities, leading to public shaming and forced resignations.

Case Studies: The Ex-Governors’ Pathological Corruption and the Need for Forensic Lock-Up

Here, the likes of former Governors Abdulfatah Ahmed of Kwara State, Willie Obiano of Anambra State, Yahaya Bello of Kogi State, Darius Ishaku of Taraba, and Theodore Orji of Abia, whose corruption cases linger through legal manipulation and endless procedural delays, would be prime candidates for the Mental Forensic Temporal Lock-Up. Their trials are emblematic of the rot—an unbroken chain of abuse, arrogance, and systematic theft.

These men are not just symbols of corruption; they are case studies in apparent pathological entitlement. They parade around as if their trials are mere inconveniences—some even plotting political comebacks while court dates are endlessly adjourned. For these individuals, conventional justice has proven impotent, crippled by legal entanglements and political shielding. Therefore, their inclusion in this Lock-Up Unit would serve as the necessary psychological and civic quarantine, where their entitlement is dismantled, their rationalizations are documented, and their behavior becomes a case study for future Nigerian leaders.

A Bold Idea, But a Necessary One: A Psychological Insight from Prof. John Egbeazien Oshodi

Yes, these ideas by Psychologist John Egbeazien Oshodi could be seen as extraordinary, but good God, we have got to do it! If Nigeria is to heal, if Nigeria is to reclaim its dignity, the enablers and beneficiaries of grand corruption must be mentally quarantined—studied, documented, and isolated from public influence. This is not about vengeance; it is about national rehabilitation.

• Gets ultimatum from poly students to provide loan details
• Tags hoarding of disbursement information as criminal

Nigeria Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) has disbursed N54 billion to beneficiaries of the student loan scheme across the country, the Managing Director, Akintunde Sawyerr, has disclosed.

However, the National Association of Polytechnic Students (NAPS) has issued a five-day ultimatum to the NELFUND board to provide a detailed breakdown of fund disbursement.

This, perhaps, moved the MD to tag hoarding information about the loan from the beneficiaries as a crime. Sawyerr, who appeared before the House of Representatives Committee on Students Loans, yesterday, explained that since the scheme commenced the NELFUND had received about N203 billion from the Federal Government through various channels, including the Office of the Accountant General, Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund) and Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), which provided recovered proceeds of crime as directed by President Bola Tinubu.

He clarified that the amount represents disbursements to 303 government-owned institutions and 293,000 students nationwide.
The MD, who expressed dismay over a recent statement by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Related Offences Commission (ICPC), alleging discrepancies in the disbursement of the student loan, said though the anti-graft agency had recanted, its claim did severe damage to the scheme.

He clarified that out of the N54 billion disbursed so far, N30 billion was paid directly to the 303 institutions to cover students’ fees, while N24 billion was disbursed as stipends or pocket money to the student beneficiaries.

The House Committee had summoned the agency to provide explanations on the administration and disbursement of the loan.On the funds so far received, he said NELFUND initially received N10 billion from the Office of the Accountant General as directed by the Minister of Finance and N71 billion from TETFund.

NAPS made the demand in a communiqué yesterday signed by its President, EshiofuneOghayan, and Senate President, Oyewumi Ayomide.
It threatened to mobilise for protests nationwide should NELFUND fail to provide the breakdown of how polytechnics received funds.

The student loan scheme came under intense scrutiny following allegations by the National Orientation Agency (NOA) that some institutions, in collaboration with banks, were making fraudulent deductions from student loan disbursements.

Last week, ICPC said its preliminary probe revealed that while NELFUND released N100 billion as student loans, only N71 billion was accounted for.

SAWYERR pinned the tag yesterday, in Abuja, during an interview with journalists on the third day stakeholders’ engagement session/workshop on NELFUND system automation and loan application processes.

The third day of the engagement was for the provosts and other officials of colleges of education in the country.Speaking on the challenges involved in accessing the loan by the students, Sawyerr noted that “management of higher institutions must realise that they must be proactive in disbursing money to the beneficiaries” once they are paid by NELFUND.

He said, “The issues at hand lie with the management. Students should not wait one week, one month or one year before they are told that they can attend classes. Students must not be charged a naira extra because the commitment on NELFUND is to pay all the institutional charges.” 

[Guardian]