A federal high court in Abuja has ordered the interim forfeiture of $49,700 allegedly recovered from Nura Ali, a former resident electoral commissioner (REC) of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Ali was REC for Sokoto state during the 2023 general election.

Emeka Nwite, the presiding judge, gave the order on Monday after Osuobeni Akponimisingha, counsel to the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), moved an ex-parte motion for the temporary forfeiture of the money.

The Federal Republic of Nigeria is the applicant, while Ali was the sole respondent in the motion ex-parte marked FHC/ABJ/CS/1846/2024.

The motion, dated December 20 and filed on December 24, was jointly submitted by the ICPC and the Department of State Service (DSS).

The motion sought an order of the court temporarily forfeiting $49,700.00, “recovered from one Dr. Nura Ali during a search operation by the federal government of Nigeria as property suspected to be proceeds of unlawful activities”.

The motion also requested an order directing the applicant, through the ICPC and the DSS, to jointly conduct a thorough preliminary investigation into Ali’s alleged unlawful activities concerning the movable property and submit a report to the court within 90 days.

It also sought an order directing the applicant to deposit the $49,700.00 in an escrow account with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and to publish a notice in a national newspaper inviting persons, whether human, juristic, or artificial, with an interest in the money to show cause why it should not be permanently forfeited to the federal government.

The applicant stated that the victims of the alleged crime were the federal government of Nigeria and taxpayers, including judges across the country.

“The alleged movable property of $49,700.00 was bribe money received by Dr. Nura Ali when he was the Independent National Electoral Commission’s Resident Electoral Commissioner for Sokoto state,” the motion reads.

“The alleged movable property is not the legitimate earning of Dr. Ali as INEC’s Resident Electoral Commissioner.

“The alleged movable property is suspected to be proceeds of crime.”

The applicant argued that INEC does not pay its staff salaries in US dollars, noting that the purpose of the application was to preserve the property from dissipation.

The applicant added that interested persons, including the alleged owner, would have the opportunity to provide a legitimate explanation for the property.

“Where cogent and verifiable explanations exist as to how the property was acquired, devoid of crime, the alleged owner or any other person with a proprietary interest in the property will be allowed unrestricted possession of the property,” the application stated.

E.O. Akponimisingha, who appeared for the applicant, told the court that the motion ex-parte sought four orders.

He prayed the court to grant the application in the interest of justice.

He said a search was conducted at Ali’s residence in Kano, where $49,700 was retrieved.

He alleged that Ali had disclosed in an extra-judicial statement to the DSS that $150,000 was gifted to him by the former governor of Sokoto, Aminu Tambuwal, and Aliyu Wamakko, a serving senator.

The lawyer stated that Ali had written a letter to the DSS seeking the return of the money.

An affidavit supporting the motion ex-parte, deposed to by Iliya Markus, a litigation officer with the ICPC, said the secret service acted on intelligence reports about alleged bribes received by Ali from stakeholders, including politicians, during his tenure as INEC REC in Sokoto.

He confirmed that the residence was searched pursuant to a warrant, during which $49,700 was recovered.

“A copy of the search warrant is hereby attached and marked as Exhibit DSS 1,” he said.

The affidavit stated that Ali failed to report the alleged $49,700 gift to law enforcement, as required by law, and that he had previously written letters requesting the return of the money.

“Copies of the said letters are hereby attached and marked as Exhibits DSS 3 and 4, respectively,” the affidavit reads.

Markus noted that the investigation is ongoing, necessitating the 90-day application.

Nwite deemed the application meritorious and consequently granted the prayers.

The judge adjourned the matter until January 30 for a compliance report on the publication in the media and until March 31 for a further hearing.

[TheCable]

People’s journey in life differs for fundamental reasons. First, every individual has specific God-given responsibilities to fulfill in the land of the living, and for that reason, they are imbued with fitting characteristics with which they would navigate the jungle of life where they exist. Second, humans have a body of history of which they are usually unaware but become players in the sustenance or resistance of the same history. For illustration, people come to life from a family with a special history, and ahead of them is a permanent mandate to make their mark in building or destroying such history so that people who would come from them would not face unwarranted complications that can endanger them.

Such is the complexity of the human world in which everyone would shape their own life. Professor Badejo falls within the category of individuals who boldly face the reality of their world and decide henceforth that rather than be mere observers in the unraveling of their existence, and they would become an active determinant that shapes, write, and inscribe their names on the sand of time. The activity of struggling to acquire education during the youthful time is mostly undertaken by courageous individuals, not because it was actually a hard thing to enroll for academic work but because on the shoulders of every schoolgoer is the responsibility to channel their energies to change the tides of their people and become a compass of their collective aspirations. In essence, it was not enough to attend school as everyone would want; you needed to make something critical out of it.

Badejo’s acquisition of political and legal education was the foundation of his intellectual evolution, becoming the basis of his cognitive development while simultaneously exposing him to the rubrics and universal ideals of the human world. The sage became conscious of his responsibility to operationalize his initiatives that would transform society, and that was the turning point of his sagacious disposition to everything.

The first indicator of his awareness lies in his decision to become a teacher. It is not an exaggeration to argue that teachers are the shapers of human society, literally because they are given the responsibility to develop the collective cognition of their environment to trigger the minds of their students to become useful and helpful. This professor became a teacher, and his quality intellect during that exercise can be measured by the number of people he has nurtured. Many people today are a testament to his exemplary teaching qualities and how his skillful delivery of educational insights has become a constant source of energy renewal. But this does not tell the whole of his story.

Unbeknownst to many, Badejo started his early work as a productive researcher. He has been able to gather important data that are used in a number of educational departments, and I cannot emphasize enough how this has inspired some level of changes in the human world. No wonder that his intellectual significance stretches further to the conflict management arena. It was during his time as a learner of law that he added this feather to his cap.

When you examine the aggressiveness of his intellectual production, especially one that can be accessed in his writing and publications, one cannot but concede that he remains an outstanding individual in whatever he does. I have the honor to inform the public that no one can overemphasize Badejo’s contributions to decoloniality and decolonization. I need to remind you that this intellectual engagement is a dedication to the course of cognitive remodeling and freedom away from the shackles of ideological contraption that Africans have found themselves in for ages.

Badejo thus understands that the first duty towards the reclamation of lost African values is to re-engineer their cognition, which has become a trans-generational victim of self-defeatist teachings that have altogether weakened their ability to progress in whatever form. In one beautiful piece of work, this talented professor emphasizes how deeply ingrained the contamination of African knowledge content has spread across different domains of their existence. For example, political ideologies that are projected in Africa have no particular co-referentiality with their social and cultural systems, and it is important that when such contradictions occur, it would be very difficult for the attainment of progress. Therefore, it is just a logical decision that such irreconcilable political ideologies be dumped entirely, and where that is impossible, perhaps because people are deeply immersed in it, it should be radically recalibrated to accommodate the things that are peculiar to the people. This is a testament to his extraordinary intelligence.

No wonder, in his work, “Situating Democracy…,” Badejo explains the rubrics of the term, revealing that democracy is only “beautiful” when it reflects the nuances of a people. He insists that democratic governments could be dangerous to themselves and the people over which they govern on the occasion that they do not contain and internalize ideals in the local community. If a people collectively decide that this is the form of democratic policy and governance that they wanted, it would be an affront to their human rights to negate their position if they are not self-destructive or immolative. After all, the fundamental definition of democracy is that it comes from the people, and it is meant for them, too. In that case, one cannot but situate democracy within the context of a society so that they can achieve greatness and accomplish their desires as and when due. Although such debates and topics are controversial, one cannot accept that the message in them is golden. I can confidently say this because I am aware that this intellectual has used every available opportunity he grabs to educate people about the affairs of their society and how they can become models and an icon of transformation that the world would look up to. Of course, he has always acknowledged that people’s desire for change and progress is universal, and for that reason, there should be some universal traits to a democratic system. The fact remains, however, that he prioritizes the safety of the people over whom democracy would be used, and this remains a valid argument.

Meanwhile, Badejo has never compromised his callings, serving as the conscience and the consciousness of the masses, for he understands the basic reasons for the perpetual decline of Nigeria’s political and economic value. Badejo has never failed to educate anyone who cares to listen that Nigeria’s democracy’s inability to challenge its contemporaries across the globe is that its custodians are enmeshed in corruption controversies that ordinarily make things difficult to improve in their ordinary national life.

Badejo has educated everyone that corruption thrives in Nigeria because there is a deliberate incarceration of the legal frameworks that would have been the right checks and balances to the system available. He laments the pervasiveness of corruption and how it continually threatens the possibility of genuine transformation in the country.

When Badejo preaches through his work, one cannot particularly conclude who his intended audience is, even when he spells it out. The reason for this is that it is always common that he uses his message in ways that would reveal ideas in his determination to capture everything or everyone that is found wanting in a particular allegation. Africa, for example, has been consistently described in very negative terms, especially in relation to its courtship with corruption, and it is no surprise that Badejo addresses the issue in his works.

Despite his dedication to his professional responsibilities to social and political affairs, Professor Badejo has never failed to contribute to human and community development. He has become so instrumental to the growth of the human world that he is recognized for being relentless in helping people regardless of personal cost. In his capacity as a lawyer, he has offered his skills to save people who are wrongly persecuted and used his capacity to bring light to their world. It is particularly enticing that he has offered many of these services pro bono. Apart from offering professional advice and services to people, Badejo has also been very effective in helping to shed light on international issues for people who cannot afford his services and need them.

There is hardly any aspect of life to which he has not had his tentacle of influence spread. As a matter of fact, he has seen the avoidance of conflicts in many African countries by being a mediator, using his experience and expertise to convince parties of the need to embrace dialogue and inclusivity. His ideas have been able to foster peace in many places where he gets to. A man of peace deserves peace.

PS: This is a preliminary piece to celebrate Badejo’s forthcoming 70^th birthday in March 2025.

December in Nigeria is typically associated with end-of-year festivities: corporate parties, funfairs, family gatherings, concerts, and musical performances. Its celebratory nature has become so prominent that Gen-Zs and Millennials coined the term ‘Detty December’ to capture the excitement.

However, this December has not only been “Detty” but tragically unforgettable for all the wrong reasons. For me, this period is heart-wrenching as the year ends on a grim note with the loss of at least 70 lives—many of them children—due to stampedes during poorly organized food and palliative distribution events.

It is deeply unsettling to know that innocent lives, through no fault of their own, were lost in Ibadan (Southwest), Abuja (North Central), and Okija (Southeast). These tragedies stemmed from the failure to properly plan and manage the distribution of aid. Instead of celebrating the season, affected families are left mourning their loved ones.

As someone who has experienced personal loss, detailed in my book “Beyond Loss and Grief: The Story of Kikaose Ebiye-Onyibe”, I empathize with the grieving families. My book, written after the untimely death of my 18 years-old daughter Kikaose in 2017, serves as a guide to coping with loss. I would like to gift a copy to each family affected by these recent tragedies.

The events leading to this tragic December began in Ibadan, where approximately 35 children died while attempting to claim a N5,000 palliative offered by a faith-based organization. This catastrophe, arising from a stampede attributed to inadequate crowd control, marked the beginning of a sorrowful chain of events on 18 december.

Before the nation could process this tragedy, another incident occurred on same day in Abuja, where 10 people lost their lives during a similar scramble for aid organized by another faith-based group. As Nigerians were still reeling from these events, on 21 december, (barely 3 days after the first two) a third disaster unfolded in Okija, Anambra State, where 22 individuals died while trying to receive food from a philanthropic individual.

These heartbreaking incidents highlight a glaring issue: palliative distribution can—and should—be conducted in ways that do not result in tragedy. Instead, what should have been acts of kindness and goodwill ended in sorrow, tears, and blood—a phrase immortalized in the protest song by Fela Kuti condemning military brutality in the 1990s. It is a cruel irony that these recent tragedies echo the sentiment of that song, even though the events were meant to celebrate humanity and compassion.

The reality is disheartening: this December will be remembered not for its festivities but for the needless loss of lives—70 Nigerians whose potential contributions to the nation were cut short. Among them were children who could have grown into the likes of Albert Einstein, but instead, their lives were prematurely ended in a bid to receive aid.

 Philanthropy is as old as human civilization. 

From ancient Athens to the modern day, acts of kindness have been a cornerstone of society. Interestingly, one of the earliest recorded philanthropists was the Greek philosopher and mathematician Pythagoras, who founded the Pythagorean Society in Croton, Italy, around 530 BC. His organization provided food, shelter, and education to the poor, setting an example of structured and impactful giving. Perhaps, his fame for his mathematical prowess overshadowed his philantropy.

Nigerians have been known to be philantropy as they have always been their brother’s keeper. So, the acts of giving that turned deadly are not the only occasions that the rich has reached out to poor. The Covid-19 pandemic and consequential lockdown and economic meltdown period are typical examples when public spirited Nigerians and organizations showed acts of kindness to the vulnerable by setting up food kitchens to serve the poor. Typically Nigerians even mark their birthdays by opting to share food to the less priviledged in orphanages and public places such as motor parks which are habitats to those living rough.

So, acts of kindness come naturally to most Nigerians. But the snag appear to be the unstructured ways in which the commendable arts of kindness are being displayed resulting in fatalities to the beneficiaries. Remarkably, large corporations such as Dangote Group has been engaging in benevolent activities in Nigeria on grand scales without recording any catastrophe.

This raises an important question: Why can’t Nigeria adopt better-organized methods of distributing palliatives, such as the Dangote Way?

It is perhaps appropriate at this juncture to dwell a bit on philantropy and its effect on society.

The Role of Structured Philanthropy in Preventing Tragedy

Historically, philanthropy has been an integral part of society, especially in aiding the less privileged. Over time, it has also become a way for wealthy individuals and organizations to enhance their public image through the establishment of charitable foundations.

Today, it is not uncommon for ethical investors to prioritize firms or individuals with a demonstrated commitment to societal good. Examples include globally recognized organizations like the Carnegie Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, Ford Foundation, and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, all of which have established themselves as forces for good worldwide.

In Africa, prominent figures have followed suit. Aliko Dangote, the continent’s richest man and founder of Dangote Refinery, established the Dangote Foundation. Similarly, Tony Elumelu, a successful entrepreneur in the banking and energy sectors, launched the Tony Elumelu Foundation that has Africa wide coverage. These foundations adopt structured and impactful philanthropic models inspired by practices in the industrialized world.

Other Nigerian billionaires, such as Chief Mike Adenuga, owner of Globacom, and Femi Otedola, founder of Geregu Power, are also known for their generosity. While their philanthropic contributions run into billions, their efforts are often less structured. Nonetheless, both Adenuga and Otedola are widely celebrated for their exceptional charity, with Adenuga gaining continental recognition due to Globacom’s footprint across Africa. In fact that is why Mike Adenuga is popularly referred to as the spirit of Africa.

This historical overview underscores that philanthropy, as a concept, is as old as civilization itself. It thrives globally because it is structured and draws on lessons from past experiences. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, the lack of organized and professionalized philanthropic efforts often turns acts of goodwill into sources of tragedy rather than joy.

Invariably, the solution lies in adopting proven strategies for planning and execution, as exemplified by organizations like the Dangote Foundation. Recently, the foundation successfully implemented its National Rice Relief Programme, distributing over one million 10kg bags of rice across all 774 local government areas in Nigeria from March to early April 2024. This initiative, valued at N15 billion, was well-organized and garnered widespread praise from Nigerians.

 Comparing this effort to the chaotic and tragic distribution of N5,000 in Ibadan, food sharing in Abuja, and palliatives in Okija highlights the critical role of organization in philanthropy. While Dangote’s large-scale distribution involved meticulous planning and professional execution, the poorly managed events in these other locations led to preventable fatalities.

The success of the Dangote Foundation’s initiative demonstrates that planning and professionalism are non-negotiable in philanthropy. As such, this discourse aims to advocate for legislative action to establish guidelines for philanthropic activities in Nigeria, ensuring that future acts of charity are executed safely and efficiently. It boggles the mind that wedding parties planners/organizers in Nigeria make provision for drivers of the dignitaries by providing vouchers for them to pick up their food to avoid the scramble that could lead to stampede, yet pallitiatves distributors do not deem it to spread their milk of human kindness in any other way than gathering humans together in tight spaces and without taking into account the potential numbers of responders viz-a-viz the items available to give away.

Be that as it may, it is worth noting that stampedes resulting from poorly planned food distribution events are not unique to Nigeria. Similar tragedies have occurred globally:

• Tanzania (2015): A stampede in Dar es Salaam during food distribution led to five deaths.

• South Africa (2013): Two people died in Johannesburg during a stampede at a food center.

• Kenya (2017): A food distribution event in Nairobi resulted in one fatality.

These incidents emphasize the universal need for proper planning and crowd management during such events. By learning from global best practices and enforcing regulations, Nigeria can prevent similar tragedies in the future.

Tragic Lessons from Philanthropy:

The Need for Organized 

Frameworks in Nigeria

Similar to Africa, Asia has also witnessed tragic outcomes during palliative distributions. For instance:

• India (2013): A stampede during a food distribution event in New Delhi resulted in two deaths.

• Pakistan (2014): During Ramadan, a stampede in Karachi claimed two lives.

• Bangladesh (2018): A food distribution event in Dhaka led to one fatality.

In the Middle East, similar incidents have occurred:

• Saudi Arabia (2015): A stampede during the Hajj pilgrimage in Mecca, involving

food and water distribution, resulted in over 2,400 deaths.

• Yemen (2016): A food distribution event in Sana’a left two dead.

Even South America has not been spared:

• Brazil (2013): A stampede during food distribution in Rio de Janeiro led to one

death.

While food distribution stampedes are a global phenomenon, Nigeria’s disproportionate death toll stands out alarmingly. In just three days—December 18 to 21, 2024—three separate stampedes in Ibadan, Okija, and Abuja led to the tragic loss of approximately 70 lives, a stark contrast to the single-digit fatalities seen in other countries.

This glaring disparity points to a lack of organizational planning, risk assessment, and safety measures, rather than poverty alone. For instance, the Dangote Foundation’s National Rice Relief Programme nationwide back in february and Tony Elumelu’s distribution of 1,800 bags of rice in Delta State during the current festive period were conducted safely. Similarly, President Tinubu has distributed palliatives during this festive season and for over 25 years without any loss of life. These examples underscore the importance of meticulous planning and professional execution in avoiding such disasters.

Experts identify common factors leading to stampedes as Overcrowding,Poor crowd control, Insufficient safety measures, and Lack of planning and coordination as well as 

Desperation due to limited resources.

Unfortunately, all these factors were prevalent in the recent Nigerian tragedies. For example, in February 2024, a stampede during rice distribution by the Nigerian Customs Service claimed seven lives after supplies ran out. These incidents highlight the urgent need for better planning and regulations in definitive manner to prevent future tragedies.

Lessons from Global Practices

Globally, permits are often required for events involving large crowds to ensure public safety and order. In the United States, such requirements are rooted in lessons from tragic events like the 1929 St. Valentine’s Day Massacre. Permits serve several purposes:

1. Public Safety: Authorities assess risks and implement measures to prevent accidents.

2. Accountability: Event organizers are held responsible for mishaps.

3. Regulation of Public Spaces: Permits help manage disruptions to normal

activities.

4. Emergency Response: Authorities can prepare for medical, fire, and security needs.

5. Community Input: Residents and businesses are notified and allowed to provide feedback.

6. Legal Framework: Regulations ensure freedom of assembly is exercised responsibly.

Adopting similar frameworks in Nigeria could help prevent the kind of tragedies seen in December 2024. Arising from the above lawmakers must urgently enact laws governing the organization of palliative and food distribution events, mandating professional planning, crowd control measures, and risk assessments.

 A Call to Action

It is unsurprising that the organizers of the recent tragic events in Nigeria did not violate any existing laws, as no regulations currently govern such activities. As such, this lack of oversight highlights the need for urgent legislative intervention to ensure the safety and dignity of future philanthropic efforts.

Therefore, each of Nigeria’s 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory must develop and codify regulations that reflect local dynamics, ensuring that no charity event becomes a source of mourning. As Napoleon Hill wisely said, “Every adversity, every failure, every heartache carries with it the seed of an equal or greater benefit.”

The benefit from these tragic events must be a collective resolve to prevent future occurrences. May 2025 be a year of safety, progress, and lessons learned.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government (2003–2007),sent this piece from Lagos.

To continue with the dialogue on the matter under reference and more: pls visit www.magnum.ng.

Enyimba FC have confirmed the signing of Brown Ideye, former Super Eagles striker. 

The club announced the deal in a post on its X account on Monday.

Ideye, who has been without a club since leaving Kuwait’s Al Yarmouk in 2022, will wear the number 34 jersey at Enyimba.

“We are delighted to officially announce the addition of former Super Eagles Striker, Brown Ideye to our fold,” the tweet reads.

“We are expectant of the experience & professionalism he will add to our game/quest in our remaining games, this season especially under the new gaffer.”

Enyimba had recently parted ways with Yemi Olanrewaju as the club’s head coach after a nine-game winless run.

A more experienced Stanley Eguma immediately replaced the 32-year-old at the helm of the Peoples Elephant affair.

Ideye’s acquisition underscores Enyimba’s intention for the second half of the Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL) season and their continental campaign in the CAF Confederation Cup.

Ideye will return to the NPFL after 17 years. He played for the Ocean Boys in 2006 before leaving for Europe.

The 36-year-old was integral to the Super Eagles squad that won the African Cup of Nations (AFCON) in 2013.

[TheCable]

Letter writing may be a lost art in this digital age, yet there are moments when the weight of reflection demands the intimacy of a letter. So, dear 2024, consider this a heartfelt note from a Nigerian seeking to encapsulate the whirlwind of emotions, events, and transformations that have unfolded over the past twelve months. As I pen down these words, I do so with the awareness that you are not an ordinary year. Your arrival brought hope, but as the days rolled, that hope was replaced with hardship, struggle,  perseverance and lessons. 

In this letter, as tricky as it may be, I will attempt to recount the key events that shaped you – the milestones that defined not only my life but the collective experience of a nation grappling with economic hardship, political uncertainty, and social upheaval. Nigeria stands at a crossroads, and you will be remembered as a year that tested our spirit and resolve. This is not just a recollection of facts but a narrative of survival in a land where, at times, the future seemed uncertain.

You were, indeed harsh, but we, the Nigerian people, have shown remarkable resilience and perseverance. Despite the economic hardships you brought, with inflation, unemployment, and rising living costs affecting all, we have stood strong. Your visitation of economic hardships worsened by 34-40% inflation rate and supply chain disruptions, an embarrassing unemployment rate of 40%, and rising living costs affected both the high and the low. Almost all households felt your pinch. Nigeria’s food inflation rate rose to close to  40% by mid-year, pushing millions into poverty. National Bureau of Statistics reports indicated that over 71 million Nigerians faced food insecurity by the third quarter. The exchange rate rose by over 60%. Yet, amid these challenges, the Nigerian people showed remarkable resilience and perseverance.

To put it into context, essential commodities such as rice, maize, and garri doubled in price within months. The petrol price fluctuated between ₦700 to ₦1200 per litre, severely impacting transportation and logistics. Even sachet water, popularly called ‘pure water’, became a luxury for many, reflecting the depth of economic strain. You made our economic thinkers and planners look clueless. Thank God we, the people, showed understanding with them.

You brought needless political contentions –the Rivers crisis, contentious elections in Edo and Ondo states, the Kano Emir drama, the Old-New-Old national anthem, and “Endbadgovernance”demonstrations. An attempt to reform our tax system highlighted our stubborn ethnic fault lines. You were not short of drama, both relevant and irrelevant. The reinstatement of the old national anthem left citizens divided, as critics viewed it as distracting from pressing governance issues. However, amid these contentions, the Nigerian people stood united, showing remarkable solidarity. Despite the divisive nature of  some of these events, we have remained a united front.

Poverty and hunger became our companions, resulting in three deadly stampedes during palliative distributions in Oyo, Anambra, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), leaving no fewer than 60 people dead. Unemployment among the youth reached over 45%, with many university graduates resorting to menial jobs or leaving the country in search of greener pastures, contributing to the ongoing ‘Japa’ wave.

At the global scene, you delivered historic elections and global unrest. People in more than 60 countries—representing almost 50 per cent of the world’s population—went to the polls during the year. Voters in Mexico and the United Kingdom picked new leaders, while a former U.S. president was invited by voters back to the White House. In Nigeria, voter turnout in local elections dipped to a record low of 28%, reflecting growing disillusionment with governance. This disinterest was amplified by widespread insecurity, with over 1,500 reported cases of abduction and banditry disrupting daily life. Villages in Zamfara, Kaduna, and Borno faced relentless attacks, forcing thousands into internally displaced persons (IDP) camps. “Lakurawa” gained a strong foothold in parts of North-West states. 

Some strange things happened that we did not foresee. Greece extended adoption rights to same-sex couples, and Thailand legalised same-sex marriage, becoming the first country in Southeast Asia to do so. You gave LGBTQ+ rights activists something to celebrate. This felt strange in this part of the world, where same-sex relations remain criminalised, and social acceptance lags far behind. In Nigeria, lawmakers intensified efforts to uphold conservative values, with proposed bills aimed at further restricting LGBTQ+ rights. The disparity in cultural values highlighted the widening gap between regions of the world, reflecting the complex layers of societal evolution.

You saw the world in turmoil, and the Russian vs Ukraine war continued unabated. This war brought about lots of military posturing, leading some to fear nuclear conflict between Russia and NATO. The conflict between Israel, Hamas, and Iran ramped up to greater heights. The Middle East is in commotion, with the war extending to Lebanon and Israel vowing not to stop until it wipes Hamas and Hezbollah out. Iran has shown its willingness to confront Israel, framing itself as the watchdog of the Middle East against Israel’s aggression. 

You also witnessed the collapse of the Assad regime in Syria, raising fears of extremist groups seizing power. Reports from the UN suggested that over 300,000 Syrian refugees fled to neighbouring countries by year-end, adding to the growing refugee crisis.

But amid it all, you allowed some of my compatriots to think and look at things differently, to learn that hard work does not kill and bad governance is for a season. Despite the odds, small businesses grew by 7% in sectors like agriculture and technology, offering a glimmer of hope. Despite the increase in tariffs and persistent collapse of the national grid, there has been a marginal improvement in power output in homes and factories. 

The healthcare sector witnessed significant transformation in the past few months of 2024 because of incisive, superlative reforms and programmes. So far, 53,000 health workers have been re-trained—an impressive number—to deliver integrated, high-quality services. The Maternal and Newborn Mortality Reduction Initiative, which offers free caesarean sections to all eligible Nigerian women meeting the criteria, and the Nigeria Climate Change and Health Vulnerability and Adaptation (V&A) Assessment Report were launched. These initiatives represent a step forward in our healthcare system, offering hope for the future.

Your successor, 2025, is shaping up to be quite the mixed bag — it’s like the year is expecting a baby, but no one knows if it’ll be a bundle of joy or a handful of trouble. Nigeria is trying really hard to stop putting all its eggs in the oil basket. There’s a lot of noise about agriculture, tech, and manufacturing stepping up. With this African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) getting more action, we might see Nigeria flexing as West Africa’s trade big brother. 

But let’s be honest — oil and gas aren’t going anywhere anytime soon. The Dangote Refinery finally kicking into gear might help us cut down on those expensive imported petroleum products. If it plays out right, that could mean fewer trade deficits and more jobs, which we desperately need. But you know how it is with oil — prices are like Lagos traffic, unpredictable and everywhere. Plus, the world’s moving towards greener energy, so we’ve got to figure out how to keep the money flowing long-term.

Now, on the money front, I won’t sugarcoat it. Inflation and the exchange rate will probably keep dancing around, and not in a fun way. The Central Bank will try to keep things under control, but they’ll need serious foreign investment and more non-oil exports to make it work. The tech space is looking exciting, though. With all these young, sharp minds and everyone glued to their phones, Lagos and Abuja are becoming mini–Silicon Valley — fintech, e-commerce, aggrotech, you name it.

Politically, Nigerians are still out here demanding real change. Anti-corruption will stay a hot topic — we’re all tired of the same old stories. There’s also this growing pressure for electoral reforms and better public services. Civil society is getting louder, and I’m here for it. But security? Whew. That’s going to be a big one. Between insurgency in the Northeast, banditry up North, and secessionist noise in the Southeast, the government has its hands full. It will take more than military action — they must dig into why these issues keep popping up.

On top of that, some states are pushing harder for more control over their resources and policies. The whole decentralisation and restructuring debate might heat up. Meanwhile, you can bet politicians are already gearing up for 2027. Alliances will shift — it’s like watching chess, but with higher stakes.

Look, Nigeria has its share of problems—inequality, environmental issues, governance struggles. But the potential? It’s huge. We’ve got the people and the energy, and if we can channel it right, the sky’s the limit.

 Here’s hoping 2025 is more of a blessing than a headache.

As I look ahead to 2025, I do so with cautious optimism. While the road ahead remains uncertain, I am reminded that even in the darkest of times, resilience shines through. So, to everything we have passed through, thank you, 2024, for setting us free. 2025, if you’re reading, please be more liberal to us as a nation and as a people. May our leaders listen more and apply more wisdom. May 2025 usher in real  hope, stability, and progress for Nigeria and the world.

Wishing Nigerians a happy, peaceful, and prosperous new year.

DAP . 

I was at the brink of tears as I stayed glued to the television watching the maiden media chat of our beloved President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed and “Non-armed” Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. I was impressed by the calm disposition of the President with the confidence and brilliance he exuded as he answered a barrage of questions from journalists paraded at the event. Hidden behind this self-assured mien is a seemingly troubled conscience, because he was aware his responses were at variance with the facts on ground. His responses failed to address the undercurrents. Our man just kept applying the typical bravado to give impression of being atop of the situation.

“I am not reducing my cabinet strength” was an emphatical statement. A solid proof of someone well prepared and positioned for the job. It was not the type of the political gimmick employed earlier in the contest for the coveted seat of Emilokan (it’s my turn), rather, the chat was positioned to prove that everything was cut and dry – the task, indeed, was to demonstrate governance skills and stamp that into our subconsciousness. The political craftsman deftly defended his life – suffocating reforms on which he scored himself high. No doubt, some of the reforms were well thought out and the anchormen are adjudged as round pegs in round holes. But Mr. President was far from blowing our minds when he gave his workmen hundred percent score as if everything is working fine. He cleverly downplayed the multiple impact on the already overstretched and happing populace beaten blue and black by the masses – unfriendly policy. It is apposite to argue that the political elite are insulated from the ‘sacrifice to survive’ proselytization of the President as they continue to enjoy perks of office, without batting an eyelid. But the attendant results are emotional pains endured by the defenseless citizens in addition to the economic quagmire, with no immediate remedy. Our President gloated with ease when he disclosed that he saw one of his friends who had five limousine cars and abandoned the exotic rides for Honda series. I am sure as he knows and acknowledged that it was a bad turn of events when he as our leader, cruises around with multi-billion limos with retinue of back – up vehicles and long convoy being maintained with public funds. Could that be said to be leadership by example? Yet, people must bear, people must endure and must sacrifice while those elected by their franchise move around publicly insulting sensibilities with calculated affronts, without recourse to decorum as public officers to demonstrate what they are forcing down the throat of the masses.

To a large extent, the media chat was aimed to further demonstrate that our leaders are special breed created to enjoy the life of a royalty while superintending pauperized subjects confined to misery, in a supposed attempt to clean up the stable.

Just as if to prove the President wrong, video clips of the economic affliction in the country emerged on social media showing about 2 kilometres long queue in front of the “Aso-Villa extension” in Lagos – the Bourdillion House, lined up with poverty – stricken, ‘well-dressed’ beggars angling for food handouts at the President’s home on the eve of Xmas, while our leader was busy lashing out at the organizers of the stampedes in Ibadan, Okija and Abuja, for failing to emplace adequate measures to secure and control the crowd. The Bourdillon clips reflected meticulous straight lines enforced by a retinue of law enforcement officials maintained by the public treasury over the years, and not because of astutely crafted ingenuity or organizational ability of officials, but the manipulation of state craft to massage personal ego.

One needs to ask an honest question from the. President – Are you not embarrassed with the long queues – two kilometres with more of people begging at your gate? Or do you consider it a thing of pride that your home is under siege by able bodied men and women, striped of their dignity by an unjust political-economic system? A country whose prospective productive assets are daily enlisting as scavengers, fraudsters and nuisance to the society?

Hapless and hopeless Nigerians who live their days on earth as “accursed” citizens begging for foods on Xmas eve! I wish to submit sir, that it is not normal. Rather it a national shame of immense magnitude! It is absurd as it is offensive against humanity! Palliatives have never served as remedy for instituted suffering or fertiliser to grow economy. It is rather a depressant with down-scaling implications.

Therefore, when the cabinet foot soldiers were given clean bill of health as performers, it leaves a sour taste in the mouth of an average right-thinking person. And that hangs on our commander’s neck as baggage of verifiable lies and narration of immense contestation. Mr. President, this write-up is not out to contest the validity of your submission but to point out the dark spots on government policies that require deliberate effort to reduce hardship and handouts dependency by “commoners”, on the elites in the society. These are the home truths that can stand your “renewed hope” slogan in good stead. Of course, truth is usually a difficult medicine to swallow. As a team leader, your failure to acknowledge your administration’s shortcomings, is tantamount to grandiose self-adulation. Deliberately sir, I avoided using the word Ministers, aides, and all of that but preferred to encapsulate all as cabinet’s foot soldiers to extend my reach even to the intelligence community and other service sectors, in my critiques. The adoption of foot soldiers seemed suitable for this discourse while some of your portfolio men and women need to be re-assessed. Some are with abysmal scorecards. Sadly, our mediamen at the parley failed in their duty to interrogate issues as diligently as required, and to situate in proper context. Instead, they allowed the window dressing to continue throughout the 60 minutes parley. They missed the privilege thrown at them by the host.

Imagine, how can it be a good day for any sensible official to say he feels good for borrowing to invest in the capital market from the excess production that we have? It has never been that bad as a nation, for a government to celebrate foreign loan to finance a project that should be financed from within? I am in a strait to understand the logic. Though I’m not an economist, elementary arithmetic allows me to know that when developed countries borrow, they often do so from within. I was made to understand that they borrow from their own currency. Though,, I’m not averse to our nation borrowing from the currency they issued. What I am unsettled with is the tendency to go borrow foreign currency to feed. This malevolent practice portends great danger to our economy and is an ominous sign of future crisis. Yes, it can be secretly done, but you don’t gleefully announce such a deal. That runs counter to good sense, if any. If someone is sick and in need of blood infusion, and friends rally round to help, you do well to appreciate them, without eulogizing it as the best day of your life.
Herein is my submission. This administration needs to run an economy in such a way that we can generate capital for ourselves. There are visible steps in this direction. Unfortunately, I think the finance anchorman looks uncoordinated. Even though he is supposed to be the coordinator of the economy, he seems not coordinated, that is by my assessment. I believe if they coordinate well and work with the human and material resources in the country, we should be able to generate wealth from within. This is the defect I observe in this government which they may find difficult to accept. Simply because they feel they are in a vintage position to understand the nuances of the economy policies.

On the average, the shift from Presidential aloof-ment to Nigerians in the last one and half year to friendly chat is a good sign that we are being engaged as joint stakeholders. Mr. President was on track when he confirmed that the fight against corruption is a difficult task. And the refrain from this is the euphoric phrase adapted from the civil war slogan of General Yakubu Gowon- “it is a task that must be done”. In his word: “corruption cannot be totally eradicated, but shall be reduced to barest minimum”. This submission is commendably forthright, as nowhere in the world is corruption wiped out completely. The best in any circumstance is to tame it. Give it to BAT, he brought on board men committed to the anti-corruption war, as the helmsmen of the two anti-graft agencies have shown they are committed to the work but the big question is, is the environment conducive for the battle with economic criminals in all shades and forms? Besides these two aforementioned anti-corruption czars, is there any indication that government leaders at every level including the President himself are genuinely committed to lead the war by unreserved support for the anti- corruption war and personal example? How about the underhand dealings still witnessed at the legislature and other critical institutions of the state?

A genuine anti corruption war should harbor no sacred cow either at the executive, legislature, or the judiciary. Corruption enablers in Nigeria have to be incapacitated and obsolete laws must be obliterated and expunged from our law books. Presidential control of anti-graft agencies constitutes an anomaly. It should be relinquished. The legal profession should be sanitised and sanctions should be served to erring lawyers seen to be circumventing justice for corruption offenders either in public or private sector. The plea bargaining is a major energizer of corruption. It needs to stop. The civil service must be told in unambiguous terms that it’s no longer business as usual.

Capital punishment must be meted in form of “Ghana and China” punitive measures. This will send jitters down the spine of those who consider the anti-corruption war a child’s play.

Energy sector is another area that deserves attention – the incessant collapse of our national grid. I often wonder how my country survives on the epileptic power supply. The generalised comments by the President that the government is cruising fine is not only a mockery of our situation but a grossly dishonest statement. How could that be related to the several industries relocating from Nigeria because of the unbearable high cost of operations while small scale businesses are winding up daily? And yet things are okay and well, says our leader and President. It is in our best interest to speak well of our country but as it were, we are yet to see the green light.

On security, I’m sure no one is interested in chasing shadows or probing any of the security chiefs. What we look forward to is a security architecture that protects lives and properties in the country. A situation where our defense budget has no significant impact on improving our security situation is highly concerning. Our dear President, we deserve and demand for a more honest and transparent governance than what you have given since assumption of office. These should really be our take home from the chat, my sincere apologies, sir.

Lanre Ogundipe
Public Affairs Analyst,
Former President Nigeria and African Union of Journalists writes from Abuja.

Croatian top-flight club, Dinamo Zagreb has announced the appointment of a former Italian international, Fabio Cannavaro as the club’s new coach.

The announcement was disclosed in a statement Sunday on the club’s site.

“Fabio Cannavaro is the new coach of GNK Dinamo’s first team. This decision by the club’s management and the sports director was supported this evening by the club president and the Executive Board during the 15th session of the Executive Committee,” the statement partly read.

Cannavaro, who played as a defender for Juventus and Real Madrid, won the 2006 World Cup with Italy.

Owing to his professional behaviour and leadership skills, Cannava was awarded the Ballon d’Or the same year.

Currently, Dinamo sit in the third position with 29 points in the domestic league HNL, behind table leaders Rijeka and Hajduk Split.

According to the club’s Chief Executive Officer, Zvonimir Manenica, the lack of results in the HNL forced the management to consider Cannavaro’s appointment.

“The club’s management decided that we had to take necessary steps to stop this negative crisis because such poor results in the domestic league haven’t been seen in a long time. We thank Coach Bjelica for everything he has done. He gave his all and achieved great results in the Champions League, but the domestic league is the club’s priority, and unfortunately, the results there were lacking.

“We have the opportunity to take the club to the next level in Europe, but this is only possible by winning the title. We are aware of the risks and responsibilities, and this was not a hasty decision. It was carefully analysed to determine the best course of action without the daily pressures that come with Dinamo’s high ambitions. This is why we waited to make the decision after the match with Varaždin and took our time to decide calmly,” Manenica said, among others.

Cannavaro will join the first team at their gathering on January 3, 2025, when he will also be officially introduced.

The Italian tactician’s first test will come up on January 22 when they visit the Emirates Stadium in London, in their Champions League encounter against Arsenal.

[Punch]

Anthony Ijaola Ayinla Asiwaju was unaware when he delivered his inaugural lecture on December 12, 1984 that it would    change his life forever. More importantly, that with that step, he was transforming our consciousness    of the seemingly inanimate colonial boundaries of Africa into the living things that they are in reality. The lecture had also earned him immediate summons by  the State House, Dodan Barracks, to meet the feared Generals Muhammadu Buhari and his unsmiling Deputy Head of State Tunde Idiagbon. Coincidentally, Nigeria’s borders at the time of the Inaugural were closed. So, for a professor to give a well-advertised lecture about ‘artificial boundaries’ was quite unsettling for the dictatorship. The military regime demanded an advance copy of the lecture which Asiwaju could not produce.

In those days, 40 years ago, as he was being driven by security men to the State House for an uncertain reception, he was unaware that his lecture would lead to the country    taking its borders serious by establishing the Nigerian National Boundary Commission. The Inaugural also internationalised his belief that humanity needs a ‘United Nations of Border Peoples’.    

Asiwaju is a product of fortuitous circumstances. First, he was not meant to go to school. In the agrarian and Catholic society he grew up in Imeko, the culture was educating the first child, while others were retained in the farm to produce food and some income for the family. So, his elder brother was sent to school, while he remained in the farm. However,  his father later moved to the Ado-Odo  Area where he became a migrant farmer with no land of his own. He reasoned that if his younger son were trained as a farmer, what farm  would he inherit? Therefore, he decided that the latter    should also go to school.    So the young Asiwaju at 10, began    school at St Joseph’s Catholic School in 1949, and St Leo’s Teachers College in 1956. He then taught in many schools until 1963 when he got admission into the University of Ibadan.

Ironically, Asiwaju did not want to become an academic. His ambition was to rise to the post of a secondary school principal.    So, despite a scholarship offer, he tried to dodge going    for his    Masters/Ph.D Programme. When finally he    was cornered to do so, he did not    like the suggestion by Professor Jacob Ade Ajayi that he should focus on Nigeria-Benin border rather than just on Nigeria.  The latter offered Asiwaju a car to take him on a trip through the border,    after which he could    decide either to reject or accept the    proposal.    Ajayi’s proposal was a like a divine one as Asiwaju had all the prerequisites for such a novel study. Aside from a strong first degree, he grew up and lived in Imeko, a border town with Benin Republic.    Secondly, his parents were from both sides of the border; his father was from Ketu and his mother from Imeko. Both    towns are situated in the same    geographical, cultural and historical    area.    Their inhabitants are inter-related and speak the same      dialect of Yoruba. In pre-colonial times, both were part of the ancient    kingdom of Ketu with capital in Ketu, in today’s Benin Republic. The Ketu Kingdom was destroyed in the 1880s by Dahomey; Imeko in 1982 and Ketu in 1886.    When the European colonialists took over the old kingdom, they split it into two: Ketu was in French Dahomey (now, Benin) and    Imeko in British Nigeria.    Who better to study the boundary and effects of    French and British colonial systems on the same people, but a ‘son of the soil’ like Asiwaju.    Besides, the research was like Asiwaju  reliving the history of his family and their experiences.

His maternal grandmother, Elizabeth Aduke-Afin, was 15 when she was captured along with many others in Ketu when it fell to the Dahomians in 1886. She was    enslaved from then until February 1894 when King Behanzin was    captured by the French occupation army. Rather than head back to Ketu, she headed towards the more secured areas of Cotonou, Porto Novo (Ajase)    and finally, based on reliable information that her mother and some other relatives were in and around Ado-Odo, she headed for that town. There in about 1896, she reconnected with her mother, Ayoka and other relatives from whom she had been separated for a decade.

So, Asiwaju ended doing his doctorate on the impact of the    French and British administrations    on the same Yoruba people who fall on both sides of the border.    It was the study of the experiences of a single    people under two European powers with different languages, currencies, cultures and colonial styles: one ‘Direct Rule’ and the other ‘Indirect Rule’.  It was a systematic    study of a given problematic across two systems.    Asiwaju went thematic in his study. For instance, he studied the background of the different administrators, including the schools that produced them, their practices, personnel and training within the context of the French being republicans and the British being monarchists.

The monarchical background of the    British  in a sense explains why it appealed to them to use pre-colonial monarchical institutions and, where these did not exist, to create them such as the Warrant Chiefs in Igboland.

After publishing his thesis, Asiwaju discovered that there were no comparative studies; so he embarked on studies    such as the split of the Akan people between French Cote d’Ivoire and English Ghana and,    the Mossi People between French Burkina Faso and English Ghana. He then moved to an African-wide survey. This is the origin of the    book    “Partitioned Africans: Ethnic Relations Across Africa’s International Boundaries, 1884-1984″ which he edited.

  Forty years after his    Inaugural Lecture, I sat across the table from the Emeritus Professor    for his analysis on    the fundamental changes that have taken place. He noted with sadness that Nigeria’s borders are once again closed with government apparently not learning from the past. He said: “ I live on the route (Nigeria-Benin Border); fuel tanks roll out and rice    flows in. It is when    you close the border officially, that it begins to boom. Adam Smith    praised the so-called smugglers as people    who break the law  of the state in order to comply with the law of economics. The trader takes his goods    to where he can  make more profit. Even if you build    walls separating countries, they cannot be more solid    than the Wall of Berlin, even that broke under socio-economic pressure.”

He said his encounter with the military regime, on his inaugural, gave him the impression that    the military listens more: “They admit that they don’t know, and in their heart of hearts, they know they don’t know.    If they think an issue is not abrasive, they listen.”

By the time Muhammadu Buhari ran for a second presidential term in 2019, it seemed clear that the judicial process in many parts of the country had been actively co-opted in the intimidation of civic opponents of the government, both real and imagined. The case of Steven Kefas was a defining moment in that process.

Steven was a compelling activist and amplifier of the crisis of human security in Southern Kaduna under former governor, Nasir el-Rufai. For this, el-Rufai arranged the abduction of Steven from his residence in Rivers State on 8 May 2019. From there they bundled him into interminable detention in Kaduna on the imagined crime of criminally defaming Cafra Caino, an acolyte of the governor who was also Chair of the Kajuru Local Government Council.

For this invented crime, el-Rufai had Steven charged before a Magistrate in Kaduna who refused him bail even when the crime was clearly a misdemeanor. Steven renewed his application for bail before the Federal High Court in Kaduna where the presiding judge, Peter Mallong, incredulously ruled that his suit was “an abuse of court process” because the Magistrate had previously refused bail. Turning judicial precedent on its head, Peter Mallong held that the decision of the Magistrate was binding on the Federal High Court.

Gloria Ballason, who argued Steven’s case, was also my lawyer when el-Rufai sought to also abduct me in circumstances that would have been not dis-similar to what he did to Steven. On the eve of the presidential election in 2019, el-Rufai went public with claims of a massacre of scores of Fulanis in Kajuru, a community against whom he appeared to have an implacable beef. The following morning, I publicly rebutted his claims. The security services were pointedly unable to support his claim.

After the 2019 elections, el-Rufai instructed my prosecution before the Magistrates Court in Kaduna on fanciful charges of incitement and injurious falsehood. The case did not even have a charge number. The magistrate called up the case on two successive occasions and, when I did not show up, decided the time was ripe to issue a warrant for my abduction. Contrary to my entitlements under the Nigerian constitution, even bothered to bring the charges to my attention. It seemed as if the entire objective from the beginning was to set me up for abduction.

Informed off-record about the case by sympathetic law enforcement agents subsequently, Gloria Ballason first issued filings objecting to how the court had chosen to proceed. Thereafter, she instituted proceedings before Peter Mallong’s Federal High Court in Kaduna against el-Rufai and the police arising out of these facts alleging breach of my constitutional rights.

One year after the case was instituted, in October 2020, Peter Mallong issued his decision. He claimed that the affidavit in support of my court processes sworn to by a litigation clerk in the law firm of my lawyers, was incompetent because the deponent was someone other than me. It was as if he had never heard of the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules which allowed for what the litigation clerk did. As a result, Peter Mallong said, my case was incompetent and his court lacked jurisdiction over it. After holding that he lacked jurisdiction, however, Peter Mallong went on to “dismiss” my case.

The judgment was manifestly crooked on the face of the record. A judge can only dismiss a case that they have had the opportunity to consider but a judge cannot consider a case over which s/he lacks jurisdiction. So, a judge who rules that he or she lacks jurisdiction cannot thereafter decide to dismiss the same case. That is exactly what Peter Mallong did. Having accomplished such crookedness, he then went on to award punitive costs against me.

It was this kind of casuistic and crooked jurisprudence that emboldened el-Rufai and his ilk to routinise the persecution of Nigerian citizens by abduction under cover of law. I was lucky. Steven Kefas was not. Gloria Ballason’s tenacity and an international campaign eventually enabled to Steven to make bail after 162 days in pre-trial detention in Kaduna prison.

According to Steven, while he suffered prolonged pre-trial detention for an imaginary crime framed against him for being a government critic, he witnessed kidnappers caught in the act being released  without charges. Steven’s explanation is that: “What the oppressive elites do in Nigeria is that they will hire rogue lawyers to help them draft all manner of petitions to get critics and ‘enemies of the government’ abducted and locked up….”

This appears to be the perfect description for what is happening in an ongoing case involving the prosecution of Precious Eze, Olawale Olurotimi, Rowland Olonishuwa and Seun Odunlami before the Federal High Court in Lagos. The accused are all bloggers who run different platforms as citizen journalists or aggregators.

On 19 September, 2024, Country Hill, a law firm acting on behalf of Guarantee Trust Holding Company (GTCO) and its CEO, Segun Agbaje, wrote a petition in which they complained against the accused for what they called “acts of cyberbullying, criminal extortions (sic) and conducts (sic) likely to cause a breach of public peace” arising reportedly from material published on their blogs about Guarantee Trust Bank (GTBank). Importantly, the complaint omitted any mention of the sums that any of the suspects allegedly extorted or sought to. Subsequent investigation by the police showed clearly that upon the material being brought to their attention by intermediaries, the suspects had voluntarily pulled down the publications complained of.

Acting on this petition, nevertheless, the police promptly arrested and detained Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi, both of whom have been held in pre-trial custody since then. By the date you read this, each of them would have been in pre-trial custody for over 91 days. That is more than double the maximum duration of 42 days of pre-trial custody allowed by the Administration of Criminal Justice Act.

It took the police just four days to conclude investigation. Michael Abu, the Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP) who led the investigation into GTBank’s petition, wrote in his report of 23 September 2024 with reference to Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi that “these types of people be used as scapegoat” and recommended that they be “charged  to court for the offence (sic) of conspiracy, cyberbullying, attempt to extort money through fraudulent means and conduct likely to cause the breach of peace.”

On 14 October, the police re-arraigned them. Ten days later, the amended charges filed against them included six counts of cyberbullying and two each of conspiracy and extortion. To prosecute them, GTBank secured the “fiat” of the Inspector General of Police to instruct a high-powered team of ten lawyers, including three Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs). This is a classic example of “oppressive elites” capturing the criminal process for destructive purposes against poor citizens.

Until now, the people who orchestrate these kinds of travesties and their judicial and legal co-travelers have enjoyed earthly impunity. Judges like Peter Mallong made this possible. The one lesson, however, of the Dele Farotimi case is that citizens now have the wherewithal to make these kinds of perversion of the legal and criminal process costly for those who orchestrate them.

In this case of Precious Eze and Olawale Olurotimi, that should be even moreso, given that the travesty is procured at the instance of a commercial and corporate actor. We are both citizens and customers. In this dual capacity we have the muscle to resist the determined conspiracy of politicians and corporates who seek to muzzle and destroy an informed and responsible civics. It is not too late for GTBank to retrace its steps.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.