Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar says the federal government should not allow the north-east region to slide back into terrorism and extreme violence.

In a post on his X Page on Sunday, Abubakar condemned the multiple suicide attacks on Saturday at various locations, including a wedding reception and a burial ceremony in Gwoza town, Borno state.

Seven people were reported killed and over 16 injured after two suspected suicide bombers attacked some wedding guests at Marrarraban Gwoza on Saturday.

The former vice-president said the upsurge in terrorist attacks was due to the government’s “lacklustre posture” to hold firmly on the frontlines.

“It is a sad development that the ugly incidents of terrorism are resurfacing and, indeed, metastasising in the North-East,” he wrote.

“The reported attack by suicide bombers at a wedding reception, funeral procession, and a hospital on Saturday stands condemned.

“It is unfortunate that much of the pushback that had been achieved against the Boko Haram terror sect is being cancelled, owing mainly to the government’s lacklustre posture to hold firmly on the frontline.

“It is thus important to call on the federal authorities to wake up to their responsibility and to make sure that the North-East does not slide back into a theatre of terrorism and extreme violence.

“My condolences go to the families of victims of these attacks, and it is my prayer that God grants a peaceful repose to the souls of the departed.”

In March 2024, two people were injured after an improvised explosive device (IED), strapped to a suspected suicide bomber, detonated near a mosque in Biu LGA of Borno state.

[TheCable]

Yemen, a West Asian country  in the Arabian Peninsula, reported one million cases of cholera in March 2018. The world shook. At that time, Yemen was in civil war, leading to the Stockholm Agreement between feuding parties. The cholera outbreak in Yemen was linked to conflict, lack of access to clean water, extreme poverty, and the collapse of the health system. An unholy marriage of a conflict and an infectious disease outbreak can render people and health systems powerless and defenseless. Compared to Yemen, Nigeria was recovering from COVID-19 in 2021 when it experienced cholera outbreaks in 29 out of 36 states, affecting 111,062 people. Key drivers of the 2021 cholera outbreak in Nigeria were flooding, poor health facilities, lack of access to clean water, reduced hygiene, and poverty, some of which are persistent challenges in Nigeria’s development equation.

As of 2023, Nigeria has reported over 60,000 suspected cholera cases, resulting in several hundred deaths. The outbreak has affected multiple states, with the North bearing the highest burden. By mid-2024, Nigeria is still grappling with cholera outbreaks. While Nigeria is not in a civil war like Yemen and is not experiencing flooding in 29 states, the country is dealing with cholera outbreaks of alarming proportions. Following a dynamic risk assessment, the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) has activated its emergency center as the death toll from the recent cholera outbreak, prevalent in 31 states, reached 53 nationwide. The situation is urgent and requires immediate attention.

Cholera is a severe diarrheal disease caused by the bacterium Vibrio cholerae, which can lead to dehydration and death if not promptly treated. Nigeria has faced recurring cholera outbreaks, often exacerbated by conflicts, displacement, and natural disasters. A multitude of factors contributes to the persistence and severity of these outbreaks.

Firstly, conflict and displacement exacerbate the issue. Ongoing conflicts, particularly in the Northeast region, have displaced millions. Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps often lack proper sanitation facilities and clean water, creating ideal conditions for cholera to spread. Secondly, the rainy season (usually from May to October) frequently leads to flooding, contaminating water sources and increasing the risk of cholera. Flood-prone areas and communities living along riverbanks are particularly vulnerable. Thirdly, while urban areas might have better healthcare infrastructure, rural communities often lack healthcare, clean water, and sanitation infrastructure. This disparity increases the disease’s impact in less accessible regions. Fourthly, Nigeria’s healthcare system faces significant challenges, including limited resources, inadequate infrastructure, and shortages of medical supplies and personnel. During outbreaks, these weaknesses hinder effective response and treatment.

The current cholera outbreak situation approaches emergency dimensions because the infection is spreading during an economically and socially challenging time for the nation. Hard times and infectious diseases are a devastating combination, making people more susceptible to infections. The poorest and most deprived are the most vulnerable. The challenge of hunger, malnutrition, lack of access to potable water, inability to pay for essential food items, and dearth of healthcare facilities is real in Nigeria. Unfortunately, our governors and federal government officials are engrossed in constructing roads and bridges that only the living can use. Somehow, we are deaf to the cries of poverty and hunger all around us. We only hear the sirens of politicians and the elite . Fighting epidemics like cholera and Lassa fever is not a priority.

NCDC has been outstanding in its work. The agency has consistently demonstrated what a proactive and functional government department can achieve. We are also fortunate to have two ministers of health who have the clarity and determination to tackle the most complex challenges. However, fighting an epidemic requires addressing the social conditions that make people vulnerable. Hunger and poverty are health hazards in themselves.

Current efforts in affected areas are primarily focused on seeking medical solutions rather than a combined approach. If people continue to consume unhygienic food and water, the risk of infections increasing to epidemic proportions and disease strains becoming more resistant is high. A combination of vaccination, access to potable water, food security, improved hygiene, enhanced nutritional value, and extensive public awareness is necessary. We must combat this cholera outbreak as if it were a war. Each of us has a role to play in this fight, from maintaining personal hygiene to advocating for better public health policies.

Some states have been proactive and exemplary. Under former Governor Dave Umahi, Ebonyi maintained a high vaccination rate, and the current Governor, Francis Nwifuru, has elevated vaccination efforts. States like Akwa Ibom, Enugu, Nasarawa, Niger, and Rivers have prioritized the health of their people over petty political considerations. Jigawa State, according to UNICEF and the Federal Ministry of Health, was declared the first open defecation-free state in Nigeria. This is a plus in the fight against cholera. Lagos has been exemplary in public health education . Their efforts are inspiring and demonstrate that change is possible. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) has also intervened significantly by providing cholera vaccines for nine states, in addition to offering free medical services in rural areas.

Vaccination offers immediate protection against cholera, reducing the likelihood of outbreaks and saving lives while also complementing long-term solutions. We must address the root causes of the issue—severe poverty, hunger, and the lack of clean water in 34 of Nigeria’s 36 states. These factors make people more susceptible to outbreaks like cholera. To break this cycle, we need targeted policies and initiatives to protect vulnerable populations while expanding health and social welfare services. It’s not just about treating the symptoms but addressing the underlying issues to prevent future outbreaks. It is also time we ramp up public health education as a crucial strategy for combating cholera. Apart from educating, it empowers people to take preventive measures and change behaviours that lead to a reduction in the spread of epidemics.

Cholera has been a recurring problem in Nigeria for decades, with significant outbreaks recorded throughout the country’s history, often linked to poor sanitation, lack of clean water, and displacement due to conflict or natural disasters. Given its recurrence, Nigeria should have developed better ways to prevent or mitigate its impact. We should have learned numerous lessons from previous outbreaks that would position us well to tackle this epidemic. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. The factors contributing to these outbreaks persist, and little or nothing has been done about them.

We only react when faced with an outbreak. We implement immediate measures, and once the outbreak subsides, we revert to our old ways, neglecting the long-term actions necessary to prevent cholera outbreaks. How can many cities in Nigeria lack clean, safe pipe-borne water for public use?

Clean water is a luxury in Nigeria. The middle class can afford so-called “pure water” or bottled water that is anything but pure, given its sources and the poor hygienic conditions under which some of this “pure water” is produced. The working class and the poor still consume highly contaminated water, and many need to be educated on how to treat this contaminated water. The inevitable outcome is cholera outbreaks.

Many poor Nigerians cannot afford safe water. One liter of bottled water costs about N200. For a family of six, consuming at least three liters per day, the family would spend N3,600 per day and about N108,000 per month on drinking water alone. As of my last check, the minimum wage in this country is still N30,000, excluding the cost of cooking water and other uses. It’s no surprise that there is a persistent and recurring outbreak of waterborne diseases like cholera.

Addressing cholera in Nigeria requires a multifaceted approach that addresses both immediate needs during outbreaks and the underlying causes perpetuating the disease. The government must strengthen healthcare systems to improve outbreak response and treatment capabilities, enhance water and sanitation infrastructure (especially in rural and conflict-affected areas), increase community engagement and education to promote better hygiene practices, and tackle broader socio-economic issues such as hunger, poverty, and widespread illiteracy. We must decisively win the war against cholera once and for all.

In the Nigerian media space, the term "brown envelope" has become synonymous with corruption and unethical practices. It refers to the practice of journalists accepting bribes or "envelopes" filled with money or other incentives in exchange for favourable coverage or silence on certain issues. This culture of corruption has long been a stain on the reputation of the Nigerian media and has contributed to the loss of trust in the institution.

The history of the "brown envelope" culture in Nigeria can be traced back to the 1980s, during a time of political turmoil and economic instability. With limited resources and low salaries, many journalists turned to accept bribes as a means of supplementing their income. Over time, the practice became normalized and even expected in certain circles.

Despite efforts by media organizations and watchdog groups to stamp out this unethical behaviour, the "brown envelope" culture continues to thrive in the Nigerian media landscape. The consequences of this are far-reaching, as it undermines the credibility of the media and undermines its ability to hold those in power accountable.

Indeed, in media ethics, Brown Envelope Journalism (BEJ) is a term used to describe the practice of journalists accepting monetary or other incentives in exchange for favourable news coverage or the suppression of negative information. The phenomenon undermines journalistic integrity and the independence of the media, leading to biased reporting influenced by external interests. The practice is not limited to one country, rather it is observed in other African countries, namely Nigeria, Tanzania, and in Ghana where it is called soli and in Cameroon where it is known as gombo. The practice is also reported in Gulf countries such as Kuwait.

BEJ is often justified by journalists due to low salaries and inadequate compensation for work-related expenses. Brown Envelope Syndrome (BES) has remained a controversial issue in any debate centred on the Nigerian press, media professionalism, and media ethics. It is one of the major setbacks of media growth in Nigeria. BES is a system whereby journalists collect money or other material gifts from news sources, company executives, or event organizers to cover such events and probably give it the wildest publicity as the case may be.

In fact, this symbolizes the rot that has plagued the Nigerian media industry since the early 1980s to date. This paper therefore builds from an empirical study by the same authors, as well as literature materials to argue that media professionalism and the enforcement of the various ethical codes that preach professionalism are the practical ways to ensure ethical conduct and behaviour amongst journalists and other categories of media practitioners, especially in Nigeria where these are missing. This, according to the paper, is the missing link in the quest to rid the media industry in Nigeria from the monster called BES.

Brown envelope journalism is an unethical practice where journalists accept bribes or financial incentives, often concealed in envelopes to publish favourable stories or manipulate the news in favour of specific individuals, organizations, or businesses. The term “brown envelope” is used to represent the secretive nature of these bribes, as the money is typically handed over discreetly in a sealed envelope.

During Nigeria’s era of military rule, spanning from the early 1960s to the late 1990s, brown envelope journalism was prevalent. With the government under military control, the media encountered extensive restrictions and censorship. As a result, journalists and media outlets became susceptible to corruption, accepting bribes or inducements in the form of “brown envelopes” to favourably report on government officials and suppress dissenting voices. This compromised the integrity of the media and hindered the public’s access to unbiased information.

Thus, poor remuneration is a major contributing factor to brown envelope journalism. When journalists are not fairly compensated for their work and experience financial difficulties, they become susceptible to corruption and may accept bribes concealed in “brown envelopes.” This unethical practice compromises their journalistic integrity and impartiality.

When media outlets rely on financial support from the government, corporations, or other influential entities, journalists may encounter pressure to produce biased reporting or withhold crucial information in exchange for financial incentives. This compromises the integrity and objectivity of journalism, as reporters may prioritize the interests of those providing financial support over presenting truthful and unbiased information.

Media organizations heavily reliant on advertising revenue for financial support, journalists, and media outlets may experience pressure from advertisers to create content that favors their interests. Advertisers might use the threat of withdrawing financial backing to influence media organizations to produce favourable or biased content that aligns with their products, services, or agendas.

The lack of robust professional associations can contribute to brown envelope journalism. These associations play a vital role in maintaining ethical standards, offering guidance, and providing support to journalists. When these associations are weak or non-existent, journalists may face challenges in resisting pressures to participate in unethical practices.

This brown envelopes syndrome has also become norms among the media practitioners in the state of cradle of journalism, Abeokuta, the Ogun state capital, where the practice of 'O'sin be, O'bene' which means that You are not there, you can't benefit, with this syndrome, people now leave their place of work to appear or attend to guests invited for briefing or to account for his/her stewardship in some years back, all in the name of 'Brown Envelopes' everyone will be eargering to get their dough/monetary rebate at the end of the briefing by the guests or other political personalities, including Governor, Senators, Reps, Ministers and others, people will now storm the briefing venue, so as to have their share in the money given to them.

To eradicate unethical practices from the journalism profession, it is crucial for both private and government-owned media houses to prioritize providing journalists with fair and regular compensation. This step will create a conducive work environment, making journalists less vulnerable to engaging in unethical behaviour and allowing them to uphold the integrity of their profession.

Encouraging media independence is vital. Media outlets must aim for financial autonomy to avoid undue influence from external sources. Diversifying revenue sources can help decrease reliance on advertising revenue and other potentially compromising sources. This approach safeguards the integrity and impartiality of journalism.

To deter individuals from engaging in brown envelope journalism, it is pivotal to enforce stringent laws against bribery and corruption. Both journalists and those offering bribes must be held accountable for their actions. Legal enforcement serves as a strong deterrent, discouraging unethical practices and upholding the integrity of journalism.

Recognizing and appreciating ethical reporting serves as a potent weapon against brown envelope journalism. Publicly honouring journalists and media organizations that uphold strong ethical standards reinforces the significance of truthful and unbiased reporting.

Through awards, accolades, and recognition, ethical journalism becomes a source of positive motivation for reporters and media outlets. Providing stable employment contracts and job security can reduce the vulnerability of journalists to bribery and unethical practices stemming from the fear of losing their jobs.

Òrúnbon, an opinion writer, poet, journalist, and public affairs analyst, writes in from Federal Housing Estate, Olomore, Abeokuta, Ogun State.

On Thursday, July 4, 2024, the United Kingdom will hold elections for the 650 parliamentary seats in the House of Commons. It is one of the more than 80 countries where elections are being held this year, in a list that includes some of the world’s biggest democracies. Barring any major shock, the Labour Party, led by Sir Keir Starmer, is expected to grab a majority of the seats, making it the first Labour government in 14 years.

Nearly all the polls have placed the Tories behind the Labour Party. Research and data analytics firm YouGov, in its latest poll results, predicts the Tories are likely to slump to the lowest number of seats since the party was formed. The polls place Labour ahead of the Tories with an over 200-seat majority. Alternatives like the Liberal Democrats, led by Sir Ed Davey and Nigel Farage’s Reform Party, are also expected to benefit from the Tories setback.

The UK is currently where Nigeria was in 2015, when it was anything but the ruling party. While I don’t particularly agree with all the propositions by Labour, I think it is in the nature of humans to seek change, and this is why the election is already a fait accompli. In any case, the Tories misfortune was long foretold—14 years of chaos, which reached its height with the folly of Boris Johnson and the ineptitude of Liz Truss. Without attempting to exonerate Sunak for the near total chaos, it appears that by the time he took charge in October 2022, the die had long been cast, and there was only so much he could do to change the situation.

Since the austerity of 2010, Brexit, COVID-19, and the Russia-Ukraine crisis, it has been a long and hard 14 years of Tory leadership. In retrospect, I believe that leaving the European Union (EU) and losing access to the EU single market, which previously allowed the UK free movement of goods and services with other EU countries, has been at the centre of the chaos. The situation was also not helped by the COVID-19 pandemic, which struck around the same time, and a war in Ukraine, which led to sky-high inflation and an unprecedented cost of living crisis. In response, the Bank of England has had to raise interest rates, which has impacted the cost of borrowing and mortgages.

Despite these social, political, and economic challenges, the pre-election campaigns have managed to stand out, demonstrating what is possible and offering an important lesson for emerging democracies like Nigeria. Since the day the Prime Minister announced the date for the election, campaigns by the political parties have been dominated by real issues and big ideas on the economy, the cost-of-living crisis, the National Health Service (NHS), immigration, climate action, and deepening public trust. They have managed to offer a clear roadmap on how they intend to address these issues if they are elected.

Even in situations where the proposals are considered outlandish or simply unrealistic, the parties still attempt to explain their thinking and continue to engage the public with their proposals. This practice is quite different from what you would see in Nigeria, where campaigns are never about real issues or big ideas; they are always about simple considerations like religion and ethnicity. Where they are charitable enough, they make it about slogans and rhetoric, but never substance or the issues that matter.

Apart from running a completely issue-based campaign, the leaders of the political parties have also been accountable by staying engaged in public debates and engagements to sell their ideas. This is unlike Nigeria, where people could win elections without attending a single debate or media engagement. In the last 4 weeks, Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer have featured in the ITV debate, the battle for number 10, a Sky News leaders special held in Grimsby, and a BBC question time leaders special at the University of York. If you have watched any of the public engagements, you would probably agree that they are unabashed and unsparing. I sometimes feel some sympathy for the political leaders when they are grilled like school boys, but this is the beauty of democracy and the power of democracy in action. I think this also highlights the frontline role of the media in setting agendas and shaping conversation.

Another important lesson for Nigeria is how campaign manifestos are fully costed and funded. The political parties provide a detailed cost implication of their proposals and highlight where the money would come from. They explain how the government intends to raise revenue for their ambitious plans, either through new borrowings or by raising taxes. This is different from the situation in Nigeria, where political parties present manifestos that are bland and scant on details. They also fail to provide the cost and funding for their plans, this should no longer be acceptable. Political parties must back their proposals with costs and funding details.

Whatever the outcome of the UK elections, it is certain that the elections have enriched public discourse and strengthened British democracy. Emerging democracies like Nigeria can adapt some of the key learnings from this election. Nigerian leaders must not only watch; they must also take along the positives from the UK election, especially those of accountability, big ideas, and empirical proposals.

Awogbenle, a development and public policy professional, writes from the UK. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

In the month since May 23, 2024, when –during hours reserved by nature entirely for meetings of witches and wizards– he began sitting as Kingmaker for the Emirate of Kano, Abdullahi Liman, a senior judge of Nigeria’s Federal High Court, has handed down at least five rulings. Defying settled Supreme Court jurisprudence, he has asserted federal jurisdiction to decide for the people of Kano who their Emir should be; proceeded unperturbed even after being shown that the subject matter of his proposed decision-making had entered the docket of the Court of Appeal; and ordered the government of Kano State not to implement state law which he is incapable of invalidating.

The scandal about the course that Abdullahi Liman has chosen in his self-designated role as Kano’s federally-appointed Kingmaker is not in what he has done, however. It lies in what he has failed to do. The most significant thing, in this case, is the near certainty that there was no lawful case on the docket when the judge purported to remotely issue a night-time order on May 23, 2024, requiring the parties to “maintain status quo ante the passage and assent of the bill into law.” A more serious judicial scandal would be difficult to invent. It is, therefore, important to consider the facts that show that what has occurred in the court of Abdullahi Liman is judicial misconduct of the most spectacular kind.

Abdullahi Liman has been a lawyer for four decades and a judge for nearly a quarter of a century. Born February 11, 1959, he became a lawyer in 1984 and was in private legal practice in his home state, Nasarawa, and neighbouring Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, until he was appointed a judge at 42 on July 27, 2000. He is presently the fourth senior-most judge of the Federal High Court. The week preceding his assumption of office as Kano’s sole Kingmaker, the National Judicial Council recommended Abdullahi Liman at the head of a list of 22 judges for elevation to the Court of Appeal. Whatever anyone may say of his work, judicial inexperience is not a charge that can be sustained against him.

The evidence of judicial malpractice in this case is compelling. Let’s begin from the beginning. On Thursday, June 20, 2024, Abdullahi Liman delivered a 22-page ruling precluding the substantive dispute before any opportunity to consider it. The ruling, which purports to nullify “every step taken” by the Kano State government under the Kano State Emirate Council (Repeal) Law assented to by the Governor on May 23, 2024, began as follows: “This Court on the 23^rd of May, 2024, made an order via virtual proceedings, which was enrolled on the same date.” Notably, the judge failed to say when the case was filed. His anger and the entire basis of his orders, as Abdullahi Liman claimed in his ruling, was that the Government of Kano “defiantly went ahead to implement the law that is sought to be struck down.”

It is standard practice for judges in Nigeria to begin their judgments and rulings by clearly reciting details of when the case was filed that they are called upon to decide. As Kano’s Kingmaker, Abdullahi Liman cannot be bothered with such routines. For context, a claimant who wishes to file a case will usually take the relevant papers to the court registry. There, registry staff will assess the necessary fees, which the person filing the case must pay. Upon payment, a Remita electronic payment record is generated as proof of payment and of the amount paid, together with a timestamp of when the payment occurred.

The working hours of Court registries in Nigeria are well known. On May 23, 2024, the Governor of Kano State assented to the law at 5:10 pm or 17:10 hours. At that time of day, the registry of the Federal High Court in Kano had long closed for the week. So, no case could have been filed thereafter on that day to challenge the law. The only other possibility was that the filing happened before the Governor indicated his assent. If so, that filing could not have provided any basis for Abdullahi Liman’s peregrinations later that night in a judicial coven.

The only basis on which he could have issued the orders that he did on May 23, therefore, must be that the case was filed after the Governor’s assent. As a matter of law, that is impossible in the absence of a record of a prior decision by the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court extending the opening hours of the registry. As a practical matter, the staff of the Federal High Court in Kano do not have any record of any such filing. Off record, some people close to the bench suggest unconvincingly that a Remita record for the filing exists at the Federal High Court Registry in Lagos. If so, no one has found it. Lagos and Kano are not in different time zones and the rules governing office hours for the Federal High Court in Lagos are presumably not different from those applicable in Kano.

Three weeks after his first order, on June 13, Abdullahi Liman finally ruled to claim jurisdiction over Kano’s Emirate tussle. In doing so, he considered the Supreme Court’s 1988 decision concerning the deposition of the Emir of Muri but dismissed it as “distinguishable with the facts of the instant case and, therefore, inapplicable.” He failed to say how or why.

One week later, when he ruled to nullify everything done by the Kano State Government since his implausible order of May 23, Abdullahi Liman clarified the basis of the case as concerning “traditional and cultural rights which are vested rights and which are penumbral to …fundamental rights.” He alone could understand this verbiage because the fundamental rights guaranteed by Nigeria’s constitution do not include any “traditional and cultural” or “penumbral” rights, whatever those may mean.

There is no human right in Nigeria to be a Kingmaker or a King. At best, a claim for such could be made by way of judicial review, not as a fundamental rights claim. But to concede that would be to admit that Abdullahi Liman lacked jurisdiction over the matter. That was not his brief.

The scandal in this case goes beyond the fact that there is no filing record to foreground or precede the order of May 23, 2024, around which Abdullahi Liman affects judicial hyperventilation; or his invention of enforcement for rights that don’t exist in Nigeria’s constitution. According to his claim, the hearing that preceded his order of  May 23 was remote or virtual. He also says he “enrolled” the order on the same day.

It is indeed the case that the Rules of Court in Nigeria were adapted in the aftermath of COVID-19 to allow for remote proceedings in certain cases. However, there has to be a valid case filed to begin with. It is also not clear from where Abdullahi Liman procured for himself the power to extend remote hearings to include remote enrolment of court orders.

Reminded that his order of May 23 was not served on the Government of Kano State until May 27, four days later, Abdullahi Liman cited a 2002 decision of the Court of Appeal saying that “anyone who is served with or becomes aware of a valid order of court should ensure that he obeys it in full.” The underlining here is his not mine.

Disregarding the word “valid”, however, he proceeded to claim on 20 June that the question was whether the Government of Kano State knew of the order before May 27. For proof, he said his order was everywhere on social media. This was rank duplicity from a man who, only the previous week, on 14 June, refused to credit evidence that the Court of Appeal had entered an appeal against his assertion of jurisdiction, preferring instead to hurtle with malice aforethought towards a pre-determined outcome. Once he had procured that on 20 June, he adjourned the case indefinitely.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

According to the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigeria’s headline inflation rate stood at 33.95% in May 2024, the highest level recorded in 28 years. However, there is a glimmer of hope as the month-on-month inflation rate has decelerated since March 2024. The Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Dr Yemi Cardoso, attributed this decline to the effectiveness of the Bank’s monetary policy measures; which includes an increase in the benchmark interest rate. The World Bank, however, has expressed skepticism about the hike in the baseline interest rate; if it will tame inflation. The private sector also raised concerns that it would lead to a hike in business costs in an already hostile environment.

One of the significant factors contributing to the deceleration of inflation is the drop in the exchange rate from nearly N2000 to about N1500. Also, the country is gradually feeling the impact of the reduction in diesel costs, thanks to the production and sales of diesel by the Dangote refinery. Diesel cost is a significant expense for businesses due to inadequate power supply by the government.   The decline in the purchasing power of individuals and the increase in the benchmark interest rate by the Central Bank of Nigeria (which is aimed at slowing demand, has reduced household consumption. Consequently, businesses are cautious about passing on costs to consumers, with some reducing their prices of goods and services to maintain sales.

When the new minimum wage is finalized and implemented, the CBN may need to raise the benchmark interest rate further to minimize the demand-pull inflation it could cause. It should be noted that the benchmark interest rate has its downsides, as it increases government domestic borrowing costs. Therefore, it should be a carefully considered process, especially in a country like Nigeria with very high debt servicing costs to revenue ratio

It is important to note that the impact of the new electricity charges is gradually coming to bear on the prices of goods and services. For example, many hotels have increased their bills, citing the new electricity tariff. Additionally, the recent depreciation in the naira in the last few days, signals that the battle against inflation may not yet be won. The government should ensure further decline is not experienced.

Nigeria’s inflationary woes cannot be solved through the central bank's monetary policies alone if Nigeria aims to achieve sustainable long-term results. The country needs to increase its revenue and improve its trade balance by aggressively diversifying the economy. Agriculture, solid minerals, and tourism are some sectors that have not been fully harnessed. Nigeria should boost its oil and gas production, get its refineries functioning, and deal with its insecurity woes as soon as possible. The role of the political will of those at the helm of affairs cannot be over-emphasised

An improved balance of trade will result in a stronger and more stable naira; thereby reducing inflationary pressures.  An increase in Agricultural activities will also result in a drop in food inflation. The prices of diesel and premium motor spirit will drop significantly, If the local refineries are operational, and crude oil is supplied to them domestically. This has a far-reaching effect on the price of goods and services.

While the headline inflation rate in May 2024 is concerning, the month-on-month decline since March 2024 provides some encouragement. In order to tame inflation in the long term, a comprehensive approach is required. This includes further monetary policy adjustments, economic diversification, ramping up oil production, and addressing insecurity. The political will of people at the helm of affairs is a critical success factor.

 Kenechukwu Aguolu   FCA, PMP, CBAP

Abuja, Nigeria

Last Sunday on my X (formerly Twitter) page, I opened a discourse on the animousity that public officials have developed to private citizens visiting their offices coming in with their phones. Today, I believe the topic deserves a broader treatment as I am very much concerned about the rate at which public officials now bar citizens visiting their offices from bringing in their mobile telephone devices. In a rapidly evolving digital age, mobile phones have become indispensable tools for communication, information access and even personal security. Yet, an alarming trend is emerging in some public offices: the barring of citizens from entering offices with their mobile phones.

This practice not only undermines transparency and accountability but also diminishes the very essence of public service. Public offices are, by definition, institutions meant to serve the populace. Their primary function is to facilitate the needs of the citizens they represent. By denying entry to individuals with mobile phones, these offices create an environment of opacity and mistrust. Mobile phones are not merely devices for personal use, they are also tools that enable citizens to document their interactions, ensuring that their rights are protected and that public servants are held accountable for their actions.

Barring of mobile phones can be perceived as a deliberate attempt to shield public officials from scrutiny. Eni ti ko ba se ohun itufu, ko gbodo maa kiye si ehinkule. The depth of wisdom promoted by this Yoruba saying is best rendered literally by saying that he who has not engaged in illicit practices need not be watching over his shoulders. Of what use is it when you shield your official activities from public glare while claiming to be representing the public? This practice can foster an environment where misconduct or negligence goes unchecked, as citizens are deprived of the means to gather evidence or report abuses in real time. Transparency is the cornerstone of a healthy democracy and good governance, and any measure that diminishes it should be viewed with suspicion and contempt. Mobile phones are critical for the efficiency of day-to-day activities of most citizens and this is why many of us have become reliant on our phones. Citizens visiting public offices often rely on their phones for various purposes, such as accessing important documents, receiving updates, or even making payments.
By prohibiting mobile phones, public offices are not only inconveniencing citizens but also hindering the very processes they are meant to facilitate. Consider the elderly or those with disabilities who depend on mobile technology for assistance. Forcing them to leave their phones behind exacerbates their challenges, making the simple act of accessing public services an ordeal. This practice is not only inconsiderate but also discriminatory, as it disproportionately affects those who are most vulnerable. To protect citizens’ rights, mobile phones have become sine qua non and this cannot give way to any shoddy excuse as may be sought to be advanced by corrupt officials of government. It is the realization of this need for transparency and protection of human rights that made the draughtsman of the Administration of Criminal Justice (Amendment) Law, 2021 to amend the principal law to include the rights of suspects to be recorded on video while being interrogated and volunteering confessional statement.

Rights have become recognized as rights after being made subject of consistent abuses, which have led to loss of lives and property. Only God knows how many citizens have been wantonly murdered extra-judicially in police custody as a result of police highhandedness and blood-thirstiness. Such officials that enjoy violation of rights will never support citizens having access to their offices while accompanied by their mobile phones. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has made it a standard practice over the years that no mobile phones shall be allowed in their premises and members of the public are made to deposit their phones in a receptacle at the gate to the premises. Even public offices where civil transactions are supposed to be carried out have also adopted this practice of preventing private citizens coming for meetings from accessing the offices with their mobile phones in their possession.

The efficacy of mobile phones in holding public officers to accountability can be seen in the number of police officers whose criminal activities have been exposed by private citizens who document their extortionist or murderous activities on our roads. Police authorities have been proactive in dealing with such officials and thanks to the Inspector General of Police who has consistently maintained that no police officer has the right to inspect the contents of the phones of a private citizen. On the other hand, mobile phones have also assisted in exposing highhandedness of citizens against diligent and responsible public officials. The commendably professional restraint exercised by the police officer assaulted by Seun Kuti the other day would have gone unnoticed if not for mobile phones. A number of cases of private citizens’ assault on police officers have been exposed by the prying eyes of street ‘journalists’. The public would probably have turned the case around against such victim police officers due to the general animosity that people have against police officers. Cases of police officers being used and abused as domestic servants and handbag carriers have been assisted by mobile phones of citizens who courageously document them and by which the rights of such officers are being protected and their dignity elevated.
Again, the government daily denounces corruption in public offices while regrettably and correspondingly encouraging the barring of access to phones while visiting public officials. This is huge contradictions in objectives and approaches. In today’s world, personal safety is closely linked to the ability to communicate. Mobile phones are lifelines in emergencies, providing quick access to help when needed. Public offices, often crowded and sometimes bureaucratic, can be daunting places for many. The reassurance that comes from having a mobile phone at hand cannot be overstated. Moreover, the policy of barring mobile phones raises questions about the security within these public offices. If the presence of mobile phones is seen as a threat, it suggests a deeper issue with the security measures in place. Rather than penalizing citizens, public offices should focus on improving their internal security protocols to ensure a safe environment for all.
The campaign for the adoption of civil approach to policing has been of international recognition and our police or public offices need not be unduly militarized for them to be effective. From a legal perspective, the barring of mobile phones can infringe on citizens’ rights. The right to information and the right to report are fundamental in a democratic society. Any attempt to curtail these rights must be critically examined and challenged. Ethically, public servants have a duty to facilitate access to services and ensure that their conduct is beyond reproach. The saying, “Caesar’s wife must be above suspicion,” is an old proverb that places premium on high standards of behaviour that are naturally associated with public offices and are expected from those in authority. This is also extended to close associates of public officers as Caesar was said to have divorced Pompeia upon mere allegation of engaging in a wrongful act. Banning mobile phones runs counter to these principles, reflecting a troubling disregard for accountability and service. Holding public officers to higher etiquette of public performance is a norm in all civilized climes and he who has nothing to hide, has nothing to fear from public scrutiny.

The best of our efforts as public officials is the one done in the privacy of our offices without the fear of public assessment. A public officer should rather hold himself to public scrutiny without the prompting of the law. He who has so much to hide, has very little right to be in public space. The attitude of public servants barring members of the public from entering their offices with mobile phones is a disservice to democracy and an affront to the principles of transparency, efficiency, and personal safety.
It reflects a troubling trend towards opacity and control, undermining the trust that citizens place in their public institutions. Except we are deceiving ourselves, the essence largely is to foster corruption but nothing else. Mr. President needs to quickly intervene as the situation is fast degenerating. We may not even need the President to make an Executive Order on this as every head of a public office or parastatal ought to promote transparency in his place of assignment and among his subordinates. Nothing stops a Minister, Directors General of government parastatals etc. from making a directive that no member of the public should be prevented from having his phones on him while accessing public offices or public service under him. Local government chairmen, cabinet members at all levels and even bureaucrats at virtually all levels now relish in this unholy practice of veiling their offices from public exposure.
The claim of national security or national interest by some officers is just a phony excuse designed to prevent them from being held accountable and transparent. Public offices must embrace the digital age and recognize the essential role that mobile phones play in modern society. Instead of barring these devices, public servants should work towards creating environments that are open, secure, and accommodating to all. Only then can they truly fulfill their mandate of serving the public and upholding the values of a democratic and civilized society. our public offices must really work for the public and this is when the occupiers can answer the name ‘public officers’ within the provisions of the Constitution which has put in place a Code of Conduct for Public Officers.
There is no way a public officer can demonstrate his openness, transparency and accountability other than to make his activities behind the closed doors of his office a ready host of public appreciation and assessment at all times. The slender margin of trust and appreciation that private citizens have in public officers can then only become robust when an officer rightly discharges his duty. It is only a public servant without a sense of personal integrity that fears his dark privacy above his legitimate public concerns and for so long as the public, both local and foreign, nurses distrust in our orientation and system, for so long it will be difficult to attract the necessary confidence eminently required to attain greater development.

If public exposure of a government document will compromise national security, a public officer should not be careless in displaying same on his table while playing host to members of the public in the discharge of his duties. The government should do everything necessary to make our public officers more accountable, responsible and transparent. One of such things to be done is to prevent them from creating a veil against public assessment of the citizens they are meant to serve and protect. No officer should be afraid of a mobile phone if he is not engaged in illicit activities.

It is with deep regret and sorrow that we announce the passing of Mr. Uche Nwokedi, SAN, who peacefully departed from this world on the 28th of June, 2024, in London.

Mr. Uche Nwokedi, SAN was an alumnus of St. Gregory's College, Mayfield College, and the University of Lagos, where he successfully obtained his Bachelor's Degree in Law - LLB(HONS).

His professional journey commenced as a Legal Counsel at Ashland Oil (Nigeria) Company from October 1984 to October 1985. Subsequently, he joined the esteemed law firm of Chief Rotimi Williams’ Chambers as an Associate Counsel for a period extending from January 1986 to October 1991 serving for a period of 4 years and 10 months. In October 1991, Mr. Nwokedi SAN founded the legal practice of Uche Nwokedi & Co, Legal Practitioners, where he served as the Principal Counsel until his recent passing.

Mr. Uche Nwokedi, SAN, was widely recognized as a preeminent commercial lawyer, renowned for his expertise in commercial litigation and international commercial arbitration. His advocacy skills earned him the reputation of being a 'calm and extremely persuasive advocate' as acknowledged in the Legal 500, Euromoney’s Guide to the World’s leading Energy and Natural Resources Lawyers (Legal 500). Additionally, he was the Editor-In-Chief and Publisher of Nigerian Oil and Gas Cases, a comprehensive compilation of oil and gas case laws in Nigeria.

Beyond his legal illustriousness, Mr. Nwokedi, SAN, was a passionate enthusiast in the field of entertainment. Noteworthy among his endeavors was the acclaimed musical production, Kakadu the Musical, which garnered critical acclaim on its tours in Nigeria, Davos Switzerland, and South Africa. Through his youth development foundation, The Playhouse Initiative, Mr. Nwokedi SAN mentored young talents through music and drama, fostering meaningful communication and development. The Playhouse Initiative has presented various successful musicals in Nigeria, such as Jesus Christ Superstar, Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Dreamcoat, under license from the Really Useful Group, and other enthralling productions including recitals and choral concerts.

Mr. Nwokedi, SAN, was the creative force behind the renowned M-Net Africa Magic legal TV drama series, "E.V.E: Audi Alteram Partem", which garnered accolades and nominations. He contributed insightful opinions on socio-political matters to several national dailies in Nigeria. With a keen interest in sports and sports development, he held the prestigious title of a third-degree Black Belt in Shotokan Karate and served as the President of the Karate Federation of Nigeria from 2001 to 2005.

Noteworthy among his literary works is "A Shred of Fear", Mr. Nwokedi's poignant memoir that encapsulates a child's experiences during the Biafran War. Written in evocative prose, the narrative strikes a delicate balance between heartwarming and tragic, depicting the challenges faced during the war and the subsequent struggles for reconciliation.

Mr. Uche Nwokedi leaves behind his loving wife and three children.
In this time of profound grief, we offer our deepest condolences to his family and loved ones, and we pray for the solace and eternal peace of Uche Nwokedi, SAN and our departed colleagues. Amen.

Further details regarding the funeral arrangements will be communicated promptly upon receiving information from his family.

Signed:

Mr. Olumide Sofowora, SAN
Secretary