May our birthday not double as our death-day. I make that invocation in respect of my country, Nigeria, even though we are perennially stalked by death in the form of floods, Boko Haram, bandits and sundry agents of death. Annually, on October 1, I insist that the world pauses to take a deep breath and acknowledge that an entity named Nigeria impinges on its consciousness. That’s the least I can ask for.

Wasted Generation

When, in 1984, the Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka wrote off his generation as “wasted”, quite a number of public commentators felt that he was being too harsh on his generation and that there were so many things to celebrate about the first set of high flying post-Independence Nigerian graduates and freshly minted members of the social elite. At that time, the entity called Nigeria was only 24 years old as an independent African nation.

His reasons were quite understandable: “I compare today with dreams and aspirations we had when we all rushed home after studies abroad. We considered ourselves the renaissance people that were going to lift the continent to world standards, competitors anywhere. It hasn’t happened.”

Soyinka’s frustration with how the achievements of his generation had fallen short of their dreams for Nigeria was further underlined as he elucidated: “After a quarter of a century of witnessing and occasionally participating in varied aspects of social struggle in all their shifting tempi, dimensions, pragmatic and sometimes even ideologically oriented goals, I feel at this moment that I can only describe my generation as the wasted generation, frustrated by forces which are readily recognisable, which can be understood and analysed but which nevertheless have succeeded in defying whatever weapons such ‘understanding’ has been able to muster towards their defeats.”

In the inexorable slide of Nigeria’s First Republic into the abyss of military autocracy and internecine war, politicians on all sides of the divide were casting lots as to what the future held for them. Those in government swore that Nigeria had never had it so good, even as the Western Region was in flames; and opposition elements averred that Nigeria had become a synonym for hell on earth. It was left to the Soyinkas of the time to be the conscience of the nation. And what a price they paid!

Sad to say, my own generation feels exactly the same way. In fact, we consider Soyinka’s generation as accomplished. The standards the older generation set for itself were so high and the opportunities available to it so many that when we came along, we could only scramble for what the older generation would have felt was infra dig, in terms of socio-political struggle and intellectual attainment.

Many of us grew up under the tutelage of the Soyinkas whom we adored and whose exploits helped to fire our imagination. Those of us who were student activists dedicated our youth to the struggle believing that we were part of a movement dedicated to helping Nigeria and the African continent to realise their twin destinies as the giant of Africa and the most resource-blessed continent in the world, respectively.

Dreams

At great risk, we spat in the fact of jackboot idiocy in the form of military dictators and their acolytes. We dreamt dreams, hoping that those aspirations would come to fruition sometime in the future to the glory of the fatherland. With hindsight now, those were our years of innocence. We were naive. We truly believed that if you worked for the good of the society and did good things based on good plans, the end result would be goodness and happiness all round.

We were wrong. Even the society on whose behalf we were supposed to be exerting ourselves was not as innocent as we imagined. For many of us, it hurt when we discovered that the society was not as innocent as we had thought.

The military had the yam and the knife; they sliced as they wished. They ate up the years that our generation would have held the reins of power. They stained the polity with their warped definitions of propriety, spreading their poison through a generous democratisation of corruption. Now, the whole society was tainted. The erstwhile “corrective” regime which came to set things right and reform the polity had itself become the problem, forming a coalition with the old political guards and luring new entrants into the politics of sleaze and self-aggrandisement.

The new political order being operated is fashioned after the image and likeness of its regimented inventors. It waddles like a duck, quacks like a duck and looks like a duck. No prize for guessing what it is.

Every four years, we pretend to choose new leaders or renew the tenancy of old ones. It’s a game of self-deceit in which we have all become adept. We demand a bribe from a candidate and then proceed to permit him to rig the ballot in our neck of the woods. Nothing goes for nothing. It’s an unspoken agreement. The politician knows he doesn’t owe the people anything. He had paid his dues during the campaigns.

The idealistic student activist of yore is a bundle of frustration. Viewed with suspicion by the political class and shunned by the younger generation for his “old school ideas”, he is angry that he can’t seem to fit into any grouping and may as well not be in existence as far as any kind of influence was concerned. He is alive but invisible. In a way, he’s relieved that he doesn’t have to live a lie. He can go to bed with a clean conscience. But then, so what!

Because time waits for no one, the principled Turk of yesteryear suddenly finds that he is not immortal. Tick says the clock; what you have to do, do quick! He can’t help noticing that many of the people he had looked up to in the past were fading away and that his own generation was fast racing towards the exit door of both irrelevance and death. He tries not to panic, but he knows that statistically, his generation is on its way out. It is not given to every man to live up to the 90s like the Soyinkas and the Anyaokus. He had better infuse whatever good he wanted to impart in the younger generation quickly through whatever means before he became a memory.

Time Running Out

And that is the challenge. Old age creeps in on him while he still has so many tasks undone. From the corner of his eye he notices that his country, Nigeria, is also greying at the temples. Sixty-four is a respectable, grandfatherly age. But Naija is still taking tentative steps and not yet living up to its billing as an adult.

Nations become strong and influential based on the sacrifices made by their citizens to position them for greatness. There is no international gold medal for graft. Those who drowned in River Tiber in order to save Rome can look back today from the heavens at the ancient city they saved from capture and beat their chests in self-congratulation.

Nigeria, socially dislocated and economically prostrate, is marking her 64th birthday in doleful circumstances. It can be truthfully said that Nigerians have never had it so rough, as far as the hard times are concerned. But we all live on a diet of hope, a promise that there is light at the end of this dark tunnel. As Robert Green Ingersoll declares, “Hope is the only bee that makes honey without flowers.”

It is that promise of hope that I hold aloft today as the only worthwhile gift to compatriots of all generations, wasted and yet-to-be-wasted, whether true nationalists or treasonous patriots; unwavering ‘abobakus’ or loyalist Judases. May your generations witness better days soaked in prosperity in the many decades ahead. May your reality be more glorious than ours.

Happy birthday, Nigeria!

There was a time when former Edo State Governor, Adams Oshiomhole, and his successor, Governor Godwin Obaseki, were united in a show of political companionship. For instance in 2016, for both political figures were the talk of the town when alongside Godwin Obaseki, his successor, he patronized a roadside corn seller. The camaraderie displayed by both, 8 years down the line, remains spectacularas men chewed roasted corn publicly and smiled for the cameras.

Against the foregoing backdrop, a Facebook user, OshiokeAudu, ostensibly in the mood of reminiscence recently posted the picture on a Facebook Page, and captioned it thus: “Be careful who you eat Corn with, Corn today fit turn Corn-flict tomorrow!”

Without a doubt, the memorable image from Benin City captured them eating roasted corn on the streets, a humble act that resonated with the people. In that moment, they symbolized unity, shared goals, and connection to the grassroots, what could be described as true “corn-panionship.”

But that unity has since unraveled. The street snack that once bound them now stands as a bitter reminder of their fractured relationship. Today, Oshiomhole and Obaseki find themselves at odds, caught in a fierce political “corn-flict.” What began as a close bond has soured into rivalry, and their once shared vision for Edo State has been overshadowed by personal and political differences.

In fact, in politics, alliances are often fragile, and what seems like a solid partnership can quickly disintegrate. Oshiomhole and Obaseki were once tightly aligned, much like the kernels of corn they ate together. Their “corn-panionship” was built on mutual respect, trust, and the desire to govern Edo State effectively. Oshiomhole, a political godfather figure, had backed Obaseki’s rise to power, ensuring that his successor would carry forward his legacy.

But as time passed, the bond between them began to weaken. Political ambitions and the desire for control led to tensions beneath the surface. Just like the kernels on a cob can be separated, so too did their political relationship fall apart. Their “corn-flict” emerged, and what was once a display of unity turned into a public feud. The rift between Oshiomhole and Obaseki is now one of the most prominent examples of how political friendships can quickly dissolve into bitter rivalries.

The transition from “cornpanions” to opponents was swift. Oshiomhole, who had once championed Obaseki’s gubernatorial bid, became one of his most vocal critics. The fallout seemed inevitable, as both men pursued different paths and their interests began to clash. Oshiomhole, with his strongman approach to politics, clashed with Obaseki’s growing desire for independence as governor.

The political rift escalated, leading to Oshiomhole’s ousting as National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Obaseki’s departure from the party altogether. What was once a harmonious relationship became a fierce political battleground, with both men vying for control and influence over Edo’s political landscape. The “corn-flict” became symbolic of the larger power struggle between a godfather and his estranged protégé.

While the political elite engages in these personal battles, it is the people of Edo State who feel the brunt of the conflict. The energy once channeled towards governance has been redirected into maintaining political supremacy. Projects and policies that could improve the lives of ordinary citizens are often stalled or overshadowed by the drama of political infighting. In the end, it is the people who suffer when leaders allow their personal grievances to take center stage.

This “corn-flict” serves as a cautionary tale of how power can corrupt even the most seemingly solid alliances. The focus of governance shifts from serving the public to settling scores. The image of Oshiomhole and Obaseki once eating corn together now stands in stark contrast to the divided leadership that has ensued in the wake of their fallout.

The story of Oshiomhole and Obaseki is a warning to other political leaders. What began as camaraderie and a shared sense of purpose soon devolved into animosity and division. Their once strong bond disintegrated not only because of personal ambitions but also due to a failure to prioritize the greater good. When politicians allow personal interests to overshadow the needs of the people, governance suffers, and so does the public trust.

There is an important caution here for those who hold public office: Political alliances should never be taken for granted. As fragile as kernels of corn bound together on a cob, these relationships require constant nurturing, transparency, and humility. Leaders must be careful not to let the intoxicating nature of power blind them to the promises they made to the people. Failure to do so, as seen in the Oshiomhole-Obaseki fallout, can lead to betrayal and a collapse in governance.

Leaders across Nigeria should reflect on this “corn-flict” and take heed of the dangers of letting political strife get in the way of effective leadership. It serves as a reminder that politics is not a game of personal vendettas but a commitment to public service. Leaders should prioritize unity, collaboration, and the well-being of their constituents over ego-driven battles that only serve to divide.

Though divided by conflict today, there remains the possibility of reconciliation. Just as corn is replanted each season, alliances can be mended. For the good of Edo State, both Oshiomhole and Obaseki could choose to set aside their differences and return to the sense of public service that first united them. The corn they once shared could serve as a symbol of healing, rather than division, if they choose to refocus on their responsibilities to the people they govern.

This caution should also extend beyond Edo State. As Nigeria navigates its complex political landscape, the leaders of today should remember that public office is not a personal fiefdom but a sacred trust. Leaders must learn to rise above petty squabbles and deliver on the promises they made to the people.

The journey of Oshiomhole and Obaseki from “corn-panions” to adversaries is one that should serve as a lesson to others. Political friendships, like kernels on a cob, may seem closely aligned but can quickly fall apart under pressure. The “corn-flict” that has now defined their relationship should remind leaders everywhere that power and ambition, if not checked, can lead to unnecessary divisions that ultimately harm the people they are meant to serve.

At the end of the day, the humble corn they ate on the streets of Benin symbolized unity and service to the people. That spirit of “corn-panionship” should guide them now, if they can recognize that the conflicts of today need not define the legacies of tomorrow.

Leaders must tread carefully, for the seeds of division are easily sown. It is only by nurturing the bonds of “cornpanionship” that they can avoid the kind of “corn-flict” that erodes both leadership and trust.

Anthony Gordon’s second-half penalty earned Newcastle a point as Manchester City were held to a draw at St James’ Park.

City defender Josko Gvardiol had put the visitors ahead after 35 minutes when he finished smartly from Jack Grealish’s lay-off.

However, while Mateo Kovacic and Rico Lewis combined well in covering for the influential Rodri, who has been ruled out for the rest of the season with a knee injury, City eventually buckled during Newcastle’s best spell of the game just after the break.

When Bruno Guimaraes played an excellent pass through the City defence, Kyle Walker played Gordon onside and the England forward went down under Ederson’s challenge. Ederson was booked and Gordon kept his cool to send the Brazilian the wrong way from the spot.

Pep Guardiola’s side should have been further ahead at the break but Ilkay Gundogan fluffed his attempted chip after Newcastle keeper Nick Pope had presented a clearance straight to City when he was a long way out of his goal.

Both sides tried to force a winner, with Newcastle substitute Sean Longstaff going close for the hosts and Bernardo Silva testing Nick Pope deep in stoppage time.

The Magpies remain with only one win in 34 top-flight meetings with City, who have have now dropped four points in the space of a week after their 100% start to the campaign.

BBC

Between October 11 and 15, 2024, Nigeria’s Super Eagles will take on the Mediterranean Knights of Libya in two legs of the qualifying matches for the 2025 AFCON. The matches will present an opportunity for the country to continue to build a new Super Eagles from the ashes of recent disasters with foreign coaches, as the country continues to search for a suitable permanent coach.

Meanwhile, Head of the Technical Department of the Nigeria Football Federation, Augustine Eguavoen, continues to hold forth in that position without commanding enough national confidence to make him the permanent coach of the team. It is imperative, therefore, that a decision on next manager for the team be addressed as quickly as possible. Testier times and more difficult matches lie ahead. The psychology of the country and the team needs reinforcement following unconvincing performances and results.

I have a simple ‘interim’ suggestion. The NFF should look in the direction of Samson Siasia again for reinforcement of the present equilibrium.

Why Samson Siasia?

Between 1993 and 1995 I played a role in the Nigeria Football Association as Head of the Technical Committee, and Team Manager (later changed to Welfare Officer) of the Super Eagles. I was an integral part of the national team when Clemens Westerhof was Technical Adviser (Manager).

I was in the heart of the team through the qualification and participation of Nigeria in the World Cup and in winning the African Cup of Nations in Tunisia in the same year, 1994.

It was not a big deal, but I lived with the team in their various camps, shared my ideas quietly with Clemens Westerhof and the NFA led by Air-Commodore Emeka Omeruah, and was directly in charge of the welfare of the players.

In short, I had more than a passing knowledge of all the players beyond their playing the game and doing so very well. It was part of my being and private work to look beyond the surface of things and what roles the players could play after their football careers.

I was particularly interested in those that could become coaches good enough to succeed Clemens Westerhof and ensure that Westerhof became the last foreign coach to handle the Super Eagles. A few of the players were approaching the end of their illustrious playing careers and were loaded with unique experiences that would serve them in good stead and elevate them above the ex-international players of the previous eras in the hierarchy of those deserving to become national coaches.

The Super Eagles were one of the best teams in the world and Nigeria’s most priced international image-maker to the extent that when USA President Bill Clinton visited the country after USA ’94 his first comment to airport correspondents at the Murtala Muhammed Airport was about Nigeria’s Super Eagles and Rashidi Yekini.

The Super Eagles were so revered that they featured on the cover of a special edition of Time magazine on the eve of the 1994 World Cup. The team was that big, and I am proud to claim a little but significant credit for the role I played as Team Manager in charge of players’ welfare between 1993 and 1995.

That experience provided me with a very unique insight into the individual players, enabling me to make academic deductions about their strengths and weaknesses.

The more I studied them the more I realized how important they all would be for the future of Nigerian football, particularly in the area of producing technical leadership and guidance for the national teams, and end the dependence on foreign coaches in Nigerian football. Nigeria had to produce qualified Nigerians drawn from the Class of 1994 with experiences at the broadest and highest levels. These would handle the various Nigerian national teams and take the country to the very top of global football.

The ‘revolution’ began with, Stephen Keshi, the ‘Big Boss’ , who, in 1995, was at the tail end of his playing career.

Clemens Westerhof was aware of Keshi’s outstanding qualities and always told anyone willing to listen. He believed Stephen Keshi was born to lead the Super Eagles as coach one day.

The great player went on to get his coaching licenses, became a coach, eventually became coach of the national team and, despite some ‘jaundiced’ opposition by some administrators and a small section of the media, Keshi fulfilled all expectations and achieved results with the Super Eagles that matched or surpassed the best by any foreign coach before and after him, till now.

Incidentally, Keshi was not alone in that group of players that had the qualities to handle the national teams and to halt the unprofitable practice of regular recourse to unknown and expensive foreign coaches that slowed down Nigeria’s progress in football on the field of play.

The players of the Class of 1994 had all the experiences – as players from the domestic leagues in Nigeria, to high profile teams and leagues in Europe, to winning the African Cup of Nations and qualifying for the World Cup for the first time.

I made these purely academic observations based on my own limited experiences as a player too under local and foreign coaches.

Clemens shared similar views about the players that could become successful national team coaches in the 1994 team with Onochie Anibeze of Vanguard newspaper.

Sunday Oliseh, Emmanuel Amuneke and Finidi Gèorge did not make his cut because they were relatively younger and reserved in camp, not showing enough of their true characteristics for anyone to have seen their potential as future coaches.

The first and most obvious was Stephen Keshi. His leadership characteristics transcended playing. He was a sure-bet to be a national coach. There was no disputing or halting his rise to the top.

Another player in that group that struck me (and my opinion was supported later by Onochie Anibeze and Clemens Westerhof) was Samson Siasia.

Samson was a silent operator, a player behind the scenes of major events, one who knew what he wanted and would always express it without being the centre of attraction and considered a rebel. He was influential in the team without being unduly loud. He was clever and very intelligent. I saw through all of that exterior, recognised his great potential as national coach, and wrote my views publicly.

Time and providence proved me right. Samson Siasia went into coaching and did not look back. He rose through the ranks from Club football to national Under-20 and Under-23 teams. His teams played in the finals of both global FIFA championships. He was ranked amongst the best young coaches in the world by FIFA after the performance of the Under-23 team at the Olympics finals against Argentina. He was drafted to work first as assistant to Augustine Eguavoen and finally on his own as Super Eagles coach for a short spell.

It is rather unfortunate that he suffered the ‘injustice’ of a suspension by FIFA for an offense it was claimed he was going to commit but never did. What is indisputable is that he is the most qualified, experienced and successful indigenous coach in Nigeria’s history.

Now, he has fully served his suspension in the past few months. What has he been up to since then?

I asked and learnt that rather than lament the ‘wasted’ 5 years of his life, or jumping into the fray of looking for a coaching job, he has moved to Europe to refresh his knowledge and coaching skills in preparation for coaching at the highest levels again.

Nigeria is still looking for a Nigerian that can lead the national team and save the country from the menace of expensive foreign coaches. However that search ends,

Samson Siasia should be drafted as a tag-team partner of Augustine Eguavoen in the present arrangement, to reinforce the team’s technical and psychological depth with his rich skills in preparation to be a part of any new Super Eagles arrangement at the top.

Saturday’s Premier League fixtures promise an exciting day of action, starting with an anticipated clash between Newcastle United and Manchester City at 12:30pm (Nigerian Time).

City, fresh from a series of dominant performances, are the favourites, but Newcastle will be looking to cause an upset at home.

The 15:00 fixtures feature several interesting matchups. Arsenal will face Leicester City at the Emirates, where the Gunners are heavily favoured. Arsenal, looking to continue their strong start to the season, face a Leicester side eager to climb the table.

Meanwhile, Brentford host West Ham United in what should be a closely contested London derby, with Brentford tipped as the favourites.

Everton will take on Crystal Palace at Goodison Park, with Palace viewed as slight favourites. Nottingham Forest face Fulham, with the Cottagers favoured to take the points in this encounter.

The day’s Premier League action will conclude at 17:30 when Wolves host Liverpool. Liverpool, the favorites, will aim to continue their title challenge with a victory at Molineux.

La Liga: Barcelona travel to Osasuna

In Spain, La Liga sees Barcelona as the favourites when they travel to face Osasuna in Saturday’s final match at 20:00.

Earlier in the day, at 13:00, Getafe will host Deportivo Alaves, while Rayo Vallecano are set to take on Leganes at 15:15, both sides seen as favourites in their respective fixtures.

The evening’s action also includes a 17:30 battle between Real Sociedad and Valencia, with Sociedad looking to secure a home victory.

Bundesliga: Top teams face off

The Bundesliga also offers plenty of excitement this Saturday.

Borussia Mönchengladbach will host Union Berlin at 14:30, with Gladbach marked as the favourites. At the same time, Freiburg will face St. Pauli, and Mainz 05 go up against Heidenheim, both matches expected to go in favour of the home sides.

At 17:30, the headline fixture of the day will see Bayern Munich taking on Bayer Leverkusen. Bayern are the seemingly favourites in this showdown, but Xavi Alonso’s Leverkusen will be eager to prove they can compete.

Serie A: Inter and Juventus aim for wins

In Serie A, Inter Milan will look to bounce back from a derby defeat as they travel to Udinese for a 14:00 kickoff. Inter are the clear favourites, with high expectations for them to reclaim momentum in the title race.

Later, at 17:00, Juventus face Genoa, while Atalanta are favoured to win against Bologna in the final match of the day at 19:45.

Ligue 1: Monaco host Montpellier

In Ligue 1, Monaco will face Montpellier at 20:00 in a match where Monaco are the clear favourites.

Earlier, at 16:00, Lens will play Nice, followed by Le Havre hosting Lille at 18:00, with Lille expected to take the win.

[Punch]

In a speech that will be remembered for years to come, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu captivated global leaders at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) today, September 27, 2024. His address, rich with references to biblical history and modern-day geopolitics, left world leaders in awe as he artfully linked Israel’s ancient past to its present and future on the global stage.

Netanyahu’s speech was far more than a standard diplomatic address as it was an invitation to view Israel not just as a nation with contemporary challenges but as a civilization with a storied legacy. By drawing on ancient biblical references, he evoked powerful imagery that transcended politics and reached into the heart of Israel’s cultural and spiritual identity. The speech resonated on a deeply emotional level, not just for Israelis, but for people across the globe who see the Bible as a shared heritage.

With a commanding presence, Netanyahu began by referencing King David’s battles for Jerusalem, framing Israel’s current position in the Middle East as a continuation of biblical struggles. “Just as David faced Goliath with courage and faith, today Israel stands before great adversaries. But like David, we will prevail,” he declared, his voice ringing through the hall. The analogy drew a standing ovation from many in attendance, with several world leaders visibly moved by his words.

Netanyahu’s references to the Bible did not stop there. He invoked the prophetic wisdom of Isaiah and Ezekiel to discuss the turbulent dynamics of the Middle East and the constant threats Israel faces, particularly from Iran. “As the prophets warned of destruction, we are tasked with vigilance in our time,” he said, turning the attention of the assembly to Iran’s nuclear ambitions. His plea for the international community to unite against the Iranian threat was bolstered by this historical context, giving his words a timeless, almost sacred weight.

In an era of fleeting political sound bites, Netanyahu’s speech stood apart, rich with substance and history. His eloquent invocation of biblical scripture was not just rhetoric, it was a profound reminder that Israel’s story spans millennia, and that its survival has always been a matter of divine providence as much as human resilience.

Many in the room acknowledged after the speech that it was a moment destined to be remembered. Political analysts, diplomats, and scholars were quick to note that Netanyahu’s address could be a defining moment in both his career and in Israel’s diplomatic narrative at the UN. It was not just his words that stirred the assembly, it was the depth of his message.

Netanyahu’s ability to weave together ancient texts and modern concerns created an extraordinary impact. “This wasn’t just a speech, it was a moment in history,” said one European diplomat. “He reminded us all that Israel’s survival and its pursuit of peace are part of a much larger story, one that has been unfolding for thousands of years.”

The speech also marked a turning point in Netanyahu’s leadership style. Known for his hardline stance on security and diplomacy, today he showed a different side, a leader deeply in tune with the cultural and spiritual currents of his people. His speech at UNGA today will likely be studied for years as an example of how a leader can use history and tradition to reinforce national sovereignty and diplomacy.

World leaders, from the United States to the Middle East, were left with much to ponder after his address. Netanyahu’s remarks on the Abraham Accords were particularly striking. He described the agreements as not just political pacts, but as the fulfillment of ancient prophecies of peace between Israel and its neighbors. “These accords are the dawn of a new Middle East, one that embraces peace, mutual respect, and shared prosperity,” he said.

Netanyahu’s speech at the UNGA may well be remembered as a milestone in Israeli diplomacy. His skillful blending of biblical history with modern geopolitical realities gave the speech an enduring quality—one that world leaders will recall long after the assembly has concluded.

As the audience dispersed, the consensus was clear: this was a speech that transcended the usual political theater of the UNGA. Netanyahu’s message was a powerful reminder of Israel’s deep historical roots and its enduring commitment to peace and security. By invoking the wisdom of the Bible, he reached beyond the immediate political challenges, offering a timeless perspective on the nature of leadership, resilience, and survival.

Historians and diplomats alike agree that Netanyahu’s speech will go down in the annals of the UN as one of the most remarkable and memorable addresses ever delivered. By drawing on the rich tapestry of Israel’s biblical past, he gave the world a speech that was more than just words—it was a testament to Israel’s enduring strength, faith, and determination to secure its future in a turbulent world.

In the corridors of Nigerian politics, certain phrases have become so commonplace that they seem to lose their meaning over time. Among them, none stands out as more overused, and, some may argue, more hollow, than the oft-repeated declaration: “I can assure you.” This phrase, typically uttered by politicians in positions of power, has been wielded in moments of crisis, failure, or disappointment to pacify a weary populace. However, the constant repetition of this phrase has caused it to lose credibility and effectiveness over time.

When Nigerian political leaders declare “I can assure you,” it often signals a deflection rather than a resolution. For instance, during times of economic downturn, insecurity, or fuel scarcity, government officials are quick to “assure” citizens that better days are coming. However, these assurances are frequently followed by minimal action or tangible improvements. This reliance on rhetoric, instead of genuine reform or policy change, has led to growing skepticism among the public.

Consider the case of Nigeria’s power sector. For decades, successive administrations have promised to fix the country’s erratic electricity supply, with numerous ministers and heads of parastatals beginning their speeches with the same assurance. Yet, the national grid continues to collapse, and citizens are forced to rely on generators or solar power to survive.

Similarly, promises of job creation are repeatedly given as an assurance to Nigeria’s large youth population. In 2023, as unemployment figures skyrocketed and inflation hit record highs, politicians routinely used “I can assure you” to pacify the public, promising that job creation and economic recovery plans were in place. Yet, to date, the tangible benefits of these assurances remain largely invisible, with many Nigerians struggling under the weight of economic hardship.

To understand why this phrase has become a favorite among Nigerian politicians, one must consider the role of political optics. “I can assure you” serves as a verbal Band-Aid, designed to quickly soothe public unrest or discontent without addressing the root cause of the problem. It momentarily placates citizens who are waiting for solutions, buying time for leaders to either delay action or deflect responsibility.

This tactic has been especially prevalent in the aftermath of major national crises. Whether it’s the #EndSARS protests, high inflation rates, or the rising cost of fuel, “I can assure you” has been deployed as a way to temporarily cool tempers while tangible responses remain elusive.

For example, in 2020, during the heat of the #EndSARS protests, a movement that rocked the country and saw Nigerian youth taking to the streets to demand an end to police brutality, political leaders were quick to assure protesters that their demands would be met and that necessary reforms were underway. Yet, nearly four years later, the issues that sparked the protests remain unresolved, with many citizens questioning whether the assurances given were ever genuine.

One of the major issues with the overuse of “I can assure you” is that it diminishes accountability. If political leaders were judged on the assurances they have given, many would fail spectacularly. However, the phrase is so frequently used, and often forgotten by the time the next crisis hits, that no one is held responsible for unfulfilled promises.

For example, during election campaigns, politicians offer assurances on everything from job creation to infrastructure development. Once in office, however, the specifics of these assurances fade away, leaving the citizens with empty words and no real progress. This lack of follow-through is not unique to any political party but has become a culture across Nigeria’s political landscape.

In the build-up to the 2015 general elections, for instance, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) assured Nigerians that the issue of insurgency in the northeastern part of the country would be a thing of the past within a matter of months. President MuhammaduBuhari’s administration “assured” the nation that Boko Haram’s reign of terror would be swiftly ended. While some progress has been made, the insecurity crisis has since evolved into a broader range of threats, including banditry, kidnapping, and farmer-herder clashes, leaving many Nigerians feeling that the assurances were nothing more than campaign rhetoric.

Repeatedly hearing “I can assure you” from leaders who fail to deliver has nurtured a deep sense of cynicism among Nigerians. Citizens are increasingly less inclined to believe these words and more likely to demand action. The disconnect between what is assured and what is delivered has eroded trust in public institutions and political leadership.

This skepticism is evident in the public’s response to recent economic policies. When Nigeria’s leadership assured citizens that removing fuel subsidies would benefit them in the long run, the immediate result was skyrocketing prices and widespread hardship. While citizens were assured that the government had their best interests at heart, the realities on the ground told a different story.

The issue of fuel subsidy removal is a classic example of overused assurances. Time and again, citizens have been “assured” that the removal of subsidies is necessary for the growth and sustainability of the economy. Yet, when such policies are enacted, the burden of adjustment disproportionately falls on the masses, while politicians and those in power remain largely insulated from the harsh realities of inflation and rising costs of living. This gap between promise and outcome has left citizens disillusioned.

The phrase “I can assure you” is not only problematic because it is overused but also because it is often accepted without being challenged. The Nigerian media, which plays a crucial role in holding leaders accountable, has at times been complicit in amplifying these assurances without enough scrutiny.

However, in recent years, the rise of independent media and investigative journalism has put some pressure on political leaders to be more accountable. Civil society organizations and citizen journalists have also played a key role in questioning the assurances given by leaders, especially in the era of social media, where political statements are dissected and analyzed almost instantly.

Nigerian leaders must recognize that the era of placating citizens with empty assurances is fast coming to an end. The public is more informed, vocal, and impatient than ever before. Politicians can no longer rely on mere rhetoric to carry them through their terms in office. Instead, they must back their words with decisive actions, measurable progress, and transparent policies.

The overuse of “I can assure you” is not just an issue of political language but one of governance. If leaders cannot deliver on their promises, they should refrain from making them. Nigerians deserve leaders who take action, hold themselves accountable, and offer more than hollow reassurances.

In conclusion, “I can assure you” has become a tired phrase in Nigerian politics, one that represents more of what has gone wrong than what could go right. It’s time for a new lexicon of leadership, one that emphasizes action over words and results over rhetoric. Nigerians are waiting, and they will no longer be placated by promises. If Nigerian politicians want to regain the trust of the public, they must replace assurances with visible change, addressing the pressing issues of governance, insecurity, and economic hardship that plague the nation. The clock is ticking, and the people are watching.

Eight more young girls trafficked to Ghana have been rescued and brought back to Nigeria.

Chairman/CEO, Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM), Hon Abike Dabiri-Erewa @⁨Abike Dabiri⁩ receiving the young ladies at the NiDCOM Annex Office in Lagos, thanked the First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, (CON) for her unwavering support in facilitating the return of the girls

She also acknowledged the significant role of Chief Callistus Elozieuwa, President, Nigerians in Diaspora Organisation (NIDO) Ghana Chapter, the Nigerian embassy in Ghana and the Interpol Units of Nigeria and Ghana.

According to the NiDCOM Boss, the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is committed to combating human trafficking and protecting the rights of Nigerian citizens both at home and in the Diaspora.

Furthermore, the Chairman/CEO, said the rescued girls have been handed over to the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) to ensure that the girls have safe and comfortable accommodations pending their formal rehabilitation and reintegration with their families.

The rescued girls, aged between 15 and 22, hail from various states across Nigeria, including Ebonyi, Akwa-Ibom, Imo, Plateau, and Cross River, were lured to Ghana under false promises of employment but were forced into sexual exploitation.
She noted that there are still many more trafficked victims waiting to be rescued and thanked the Ghanaian security agencies for their co operation

Meanwhile, a 28-year-old Nigerian, Ms. Favour Ugwu, one of the traffickers, was arested and jailed for eight years in prison, by the court in Ghana on account of human trafficking.

Signed,
Gabriel Odu,
Media, Public Relations and Protocols Unit,
NiDCOM.

Nigeria will be 64 in a few days’ time. It has not all been sixty-four years of pain. No, it has not. Much optimism greeted the birth of the nation. Much bloodshed went into a civil war that was ostensibly fought in order to keep it together for the good of all its constituent units. But the nation has not come this far without some broken promises and dashed hopes. There are still broken promises and dashed hopes, as I write.

Yet here we are: In thrall, as they battle painful policy decisions of the moment, which may yet deliver long-term benefits. In thrall, but unbowed, angry but determined not to be totally disruptive, full of angst and yet convinced that we are on the path to authenticity. Nigerians are facing their worst daymares (not nightmares anymore) yet.

Against the background of the foregoing, there is the prospect, or threat, of a national protest on the very day the nation is to celebrate the 64^th anniversary of its flag independence. And, lest we forget, there is nothing wrong with protests or petitions in themselves; as part of the global democratic enterprise. They may take the form of written correspondence, verbalized and non-violent submissions, or physical displays of discontent; including street matches and generous showing of placards, on which are blazoned the matters of disagreement at the moment.

Thus, protests are legitimate means of social expression, so long as they are designed and structured around the desire citizens to bring up, and bring about, useful and positive, interventions in the society. And that is what makes it radically different from a riot. In the latter case, aggravated misconduct is the norm. This may have no higher social purpose in view, beyond the desire to plunder the polity and carry off anything of value that lay in the way of the rioters.

Most riots are characterized by deeds of madness. There are usually no clear collective goals, beyond the general and specific acts of vandalism that could acquire lives of their own if unchecked. Even when they are checked, riots are what they are: riots. Unstructured, socially self-defeating and sometimes driven by what can best be described as motiveless malignity.

The national protests of two months ago, which, presumably, is about to precipitate another one that has been in gestation, were no riots in most places. Some poor, jobless and hungry people took advantage of the situation to go on a stealing and looting spree. The northern part of the country was the most affected in this regard. This was no surprise to many, because that part of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has been under the weather of ungovernability for far too long.

But we need not do ourselves in because of the allegedly planned October 1 protests. We saw more than enough protests in 1993, after the annulment of the presidential elections. We also know of the Aba Women’s Riot and several others, on the strength of which some have averred that our nation got its independence and everything about it today as a result of one type of protest or the other.

As was said here some two months ago: “It was the long-drawn protests of our founding fathers, in written addresses, in several constitutional conferences and some other means, that eventually birthed an allegedly independent Nigerian in 1960. Just as sceptics had their doubts about the sincerity of the colonialists when they promised us independence, many reasonable Nigerians also doubted the sincerity of the military whenever a ruling junta announced plans to return the nation to civil rule”. And that was after all manner of subtle pressures and open protests.

It was said, further: “Even more sceptics looked on with grave misgivings at the protracted military rule, unconvinced that it was serious when it “threatened” to birth a democratically elected government. Twenty-five years later, and despite the apparent shortcomings, we are making progress; willy nilly if you will. And that progress has more elements of suffering, misgovernment, lack of intraparty cohesion and the absence of a memorable ideological focus from the political class.

Our progress is coming through bitter, mind boggling, morally disorienting and psychologically devastating lessons. The lessons are apparently unscripted, and the teachers are teaching away without Lesson Notes and conventional teaching certificates. And they are exacting and merciless – these teachers.

The names of the teachers include the following: (1) Dishonest politicians, (2) Broken promises, (3) The consequences of citizen gullibility, (4) The results of supporting the wrong candidates, (5) The progressive denudation of the capacities of our national defense and security forces, and (6) The increasing inability of the ruling elite to protect itself from its own depredations”.

As was further observed here, “President Obasanjo, coming in as the first to hoist the flag of democratic rule after the military, was a quasi-military-civilian president. He did his best to craft good policies and establish institutions that would aid good governance. Presidents Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari were the circumstantial by-products of a system of elite myopia that had prevailed in the land for over 50 years. They were not entirely responsible for the problems they inherited. Their parties, the PDP the APC, were, again, not entirely responsible for everything that went wrong with Nigeria under their watch.

The Nigerian State was taken hostage long ago. For over 50 years now, many powerful individuals and groups have succeeded in pushing personal and limited group interests into the front row of national consciousness; such that, today, 25 years into a now-unsettling experience with a fledgling democracy, we are not sure where we really are as a nation. Those whose interests are at variance with wider and deeper national interests have become the real enemies of Nigeria. They may well have actually constituted themselves into a team of highway men and women who waylay everything that could rescue Nigeria and consolidate our current democratic experiment.

Protests are coming and going, because our “25 years old democracy is being bombarded from all sides by (1) A fundamentally distorted eldership recruitment process, (2) Skewed values, (3) A largely dysfunctional educational system, (4) A flawed national psyche and (5) A youth bulge that is increasingly becoming the biggest unaddressed national crisis. With every passing day, these problems morph into new, and self-replicating, societal challenges”.

The havoc wrought on the soul and psyche of this nation by the Nzeogwu coup d’état of January 1966 also came up for mention here two months ago. Part of the submission then was the counter coup that came some six months after Nzeogwu’s unfortunate intervention embodied the worst forms of thoughtless, state-sanctioned misconduct with impunity. We are living with its aftermath today. The initial coup, and the subsequent ‘retaliatory’ one, banished the nation’s true leaders from the political and leadership playing field”. They lived in silent protest for over a decade.

“The ‘replacement generation’ for the founding fathers and leaders of Nigeria, whom they were grooming along ideological lines for the propagation of specific ideological norms, stagnated for 12 years, until 1979. Zik, Awo and Aminu Kano would since have given way to the likes of Tafawa Balewa, Michael Okpara, Bola Ige and others before 1979.

The backlog of two generations of leaders, who were left unfulfilled by the military interventions, did not exercise and fulfil their calling. The petulant idealism and uninformed exuberance of the groups of coup makers trampled upon traditional rulers, traditional values, and almost every other thing that was generally respected as instruments for social control”. So, it has all been series of voiced and unvoiced and unclear protests at every turn.

The many institutional, sociopolitical and axiological problems plaguing the nation today, and which have plagued it for over 50 years now, got all the fillip they needed from the actions and inactions of the past. We got a deluge of prematurely retired military officers within a span of 20 years, precisely because of the negative dynamics of coup making in Nigeria. Many such retired military personnel became frustrated and unfulfilled professionals because of the new character of the Nigerian state after the 1966 military coups. Without intending it, many of them ended up being pushed into areas they would never have contemplated. And their new trajectories naturally elicited protests”.

The point was also made here that: “Our nascent 25 years old democracy has thrown up leaders with sudden stupendous wealth from questionable sources. Their wealth has mostly impacted their immediate and extended families, of less than 15 persons, and a few friends. Their local communities, members of their religious congregations, most of their friends and even members of their extended families know how poor or rich they were a few years before they went into politics. The priests, traditional rulers and other supposed custodians of public conscience ask no questions”.

Before the next protest, let the aspiring protesters be clear about what they want, what lines of action they wish to take and what specific positive outcomes they hope to achieve thereby. The protests will not be accompanied by riots if they are well structured. The government should have made some mileage for itself in discussions and negotiations after the last protests. But, but has it? The issues raised back them seem to still be on the front burner.

Many protesters are driven by poverty and lack of survival skills. That is why the Federal Government should look hard at the hunger in the land, revisit the impact of the measures it has so far taken to address the problems and make some preemptive interventions while it can still do that before October 1.

The efforts of the government need to be better contextualized for wider citizens buy-in and understanding. Protesters must be aware that their protests can only be meaningful if, in protesting, they remain fully conscious of the fact that the nation must exist before they can continue to carry out any protest in it. The president’s cabinet has not performed in such a way that it can be said to have impressed anyone, including itself. some ministries have done a lot, but the ministers themselves are dumb about it.

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The efforts of the government need to be better contextualized for better understanding. Protesters must be aware that their protests can only be meaningful if, in protesting, they do not forget that the nation must remain in existence for them to carry out their protests successfully live to enjoy its “dividends”. The president’s cabinet has not performed in such a way that it can be said to have impressed anyone, including itself. Some ministries have done a lot, but the ministers are dumb about it. Mr. President, Biko, think more of capacity as you shoo out the non-performing ministers in your cabinet.