In life, the road to success is rarely smooth. There are bumps, setbacks, and moments of doubt that often cloud the horizon. But for those who persevere, there lies a greater reward on the other side of these challenges. Funke Akindele, a celebrated Nigerian actress, producer, and businesswoman, is one such person whose journey embodies the resilience and grit needed to rise from humble beginnings to global recognition. Her recent testimony, shared on social media, should serve as a life lesson to anyone who is struggling to survive. It is a powerful reminder that despite life’s toughest battles, there is always hope for a better tomorrow.

Akindele’s success did not come overnight. Like many others, she started from a place of financial constraints and limited opportunities. In her testimony, she shared a vivid memory of frequenting “bend-down-select markets”, informal markets where used clothes are sold at affordable prices. These were her go-to spots to find clothes, which she would wash, starch, and style for people working on movie sets, all the while praying and waiting for her own breakthrough in the entertainment industry.

The struggles of those early days paint a picture familiar to millions. It is the story of people scraping by, making ends meet with whatever resources they can find, and holding onto a hope that one day things will change. Akindele’s recollection is a testament to the countless individuals who are on their grind today, those who, like her, are waiting for that golden opportunity to shine.

Her ability to navigate through those trying times, using her creativity and determination, ultimately led her to the success she enjoys today. The transformation from shopping at “bend-down-select markets” to being able to shop globally and style herself and others on her sets is a reminder that hard work does pay off, even if the journey feels long and daunting.

Akindele’s testimony is not just about personal success; it is also about a broader message of empowerment, especially for women. She is a proud advocate of women’s financial independence, as shown in her involvement in the #HerMoneyHerPower campaign. In her words, “Women’s economic power is not about pride, unhealthy competition, or rivalry; it is about the importance of women’s financial freedom and the ability to make their own choices, on their own terms.”

This message could not be more relevant in today’s society, where women in many parts of the world still struggle to gain economic independence. For many women, financial instability leads to a sense of helplessness and dependency. Funke Akindele’s story is proof that with perseverance, dedication, and access to opportunities, women can break free from financial constraints and gain control over their destinies.

Her voice in the #HerMoneyHerPower movement encourages women to aspire to financial independence not just for the material comforts it brings, but for the liberation it offers. It allows women to pursue their dreams, make decisions that align with their values, and escape from situations where financial dependency can breed desperation.

One of the most striking aspects of Akindele’s story is her persistence in the face of adversity. When opportunities in the entertainment industry did not come knocking, she didn’t give up. Instead, she found ways to stay involved, using her resourcefulness to keep herself relevant on movie sets, even if it was behind the scenes. Her story is a powerful reminder that success is not always immediate, and sometimes, you have to be willing to take smaller steps before you can achieve your ultimate goals.

For those still struggling today, this message of persistence is critical. The road may be difficult, and success may seem distant, but the journey is just as important as the destination. Every setback, every moment of hardship, is an opportunity to learn, grow, and build the resilience needed to handle greater challenges in the future.

The lesson here is clear: do not give up. The struggle you are facing now is preparing you for the success that lies ahead. Akindele’s journey teaches us that success is not about where you start, but how you handle the challenges along the way. It is about staying the course, even when the odds seem stacked against you.

In a world where economic hardships, particularly in places like Nigeria, can feel overwhelming, FunkeAkindele’s story is a ray of hope. Many people today are in positions similar to where she once was, struggling to make ends meet, hustling to achieve their dreams. Her rise to stardom and financial independence is proof that no matter how difficult things may seem right now, there is always hope for a better tomorrow.

It is important to remember that every success story has its own chapter of struggle. For Akindele, those early days of bending down in markets to pick out clothes she could afford were crucial steps in her journey. The key is to keep going, to stay focused on your goals, and to have faith that your hard work will pay off.

Funke Akindele’s journey also underscores the importance of creating your own path. She did not wait for opportunities to fall into her lap. Instead, she actively sought out ways to contribute to the film industry in any capacity she could, even if that meant starting as a stylist rather than an actress. Her story is a powerful reminder that sometimes, the path to success isn’t linear. There may be detours, but those detours are part of the process that will eventually lead you to your destination.

For those still striving to achieve their goals, it is essential to remember that success often requires flexibility and creativity. Sometimes, the journey will require you to adapt and take on roles you didn’t expect, but those experiences can be just as valuable as reaching your final goal.

Funke Akindele’s testimony serves as a lesson for everyone still striving for success. Whether you’re a struggling entrepreneur, an aspiring actor, or someone working multiple jobs just to make ends meet, her story reminds us that the journey to success is often filled with challenges. But those challenges are temporary. With persistence, faith, and a willingness to learn from every experience, success is possible.

More importantly, her message about women’s economic empowerment serves as a call to action for everyone, men and women alike, to support the financial independence of women. A world where women are financially empowered is a world where everyone benefits.

In life, it is easy to get discouraged when things do not seem to be going your way. But as FunkeAkindele’s story reminds us, the path to success is often paved with struggles. Those early days of bending down to pick clothes in a market were just a chapter in her story, today, she has not only achieved financial independence but also become a symbol of hope for others.

To those still struggling, Akindele’s journey is proof that no matter how tough things are, there is always hope. Don’t give up. Keep striving, stay persistent, and hold onto the belief that better days are ahead. Your journey is just as valuable as your destination, and with enough determination, you too can achieve your dreams.

In a society where role models are often hard to come by, the Falana family stands tall as a beacon of excellence, particularly within Nigeria’s legal landscape. Their collective achievements, spanning several decades, underscore their commitment to justice, advocacy for the oppressed, and an undying passion for the rule of law. This legal dynasty has earned the admiration of many, and they continue to set the standard for what it means to be dedicated, ethical, and proactive in addressing societal issues. One cannot help but applaud the efforts of the Falana family and acknowledge the profound influence they have on both the legal system and public discourse in Nigeria.

The patriarch of the Falana family, Femi Falana SAN, is a household name in Nigeria’s legal and human rights circles. Over the years, he has built a reputation for being a voice for the voiceless, often taking on cases that challenge the status quo and defending individuals and groups who have faced oppression from the powers that be. Femi Falana’s legal career is decorated with numerous landmark cases, many of which have contributed significantly to the development of Nigeria’s human rights laws and the strengthening of democratic values in the country.

One of the most admirable traits of Femi Falana is his consistency in fighting for justice, regardless of the government in power or the social status of his clients. Whether representing high-profile politicians or defending the downtrodden, his approach remains the same, rooted in principles of justice, fairness, and equality before the law. This unwavering stance has earned him not only the respect of his peers in the legal profession but also the admiration of many Nigerians.

The excellence of the Falana family does not end with Femi Falana. His wife, Funmi Falana, who is also a SAN is also a distinguished legal practitioner and human rights advocate. Together, they have formed a formidable partnership, working both individually and collectively to advance the cause of justice in Nigeria. Funmi Falana’s contributions, especially in defending women’s rights and challenging discriminatory practices against marginalized groups, have solidified her position as one of the most respected legal minds in the country.

Their son, Falz (Folarin Falana), although primarily known for his music and activism, holds a law degree and is a product of the Falana legacy. Through his music, Falz addresses societal issues, including corruption, police brutality, and the mis-governance plaguing the country. He has used his platform to speak out against injustices and demand accountability from those in power, demonstrating that the values instilled in him by his parents extend beyond the courtroom. In the same vein, Folakemi, their daughter, is also following in the footsteps of her esteemed parents. Folakemi, not only raised in a family deeply rooted in the legal profession and known for their advocacy and human rights work, she has embraced the same path, carrying forward the legacy of legal expertise and social justice championed by her parents.

This family is a perfect example of how legal knowledge, activism, and social responsibility can be intertwined to foster positive change in society. The fact that they have managed to pass down these values from one generation to the next is commendable, making them a family worthy of emulation.

The Falanas are not just lawyers; they are advocates for the downtrodden, the marginalized, and those whose rights have been trampled upon by oppressive systems. Femi Falana has consistently taken up cases that no one else would dare to touch, cases involving political prisoners, activists, and individuals facing the wrath of powerful entities. His legal practice has become synonymous with the fight for civil liberties, social justice, and the defense of the fundamental rights of Nigerians.

His wife, Funmi Falana, shares this commitment to justice. She has been involved in several landmark cases, especially in the realm of women’s rights. Her work has focused on ensuring that women have equal access to opportunities and are protected from gender-based violence and discrimination. Through her legal practice and advocacy, she has given a voice to countless women who might otherwise have remained silent in the face of oppression.

Together, the Falanas have not only built a formidable legal practice but have also contributed significantly to the fight for human rights in Nigeria. Their unwavering commitment to the oppressed has made them one of the most respected families in the country’s legal and human rights spheres.

In a country where corruption often taints even the most esteemed institutions, the Falana family has managed to maintain a reputation of integrity. They have remained untainted by the corrupt practices that have plagued Nigeria’s legal system for years, standing firm in their resolve to fight against injustice. This is perhaps one of the most remarkable aspects of their legacy, remaining principled in a society where it is often easier to compromise on values for personal gain.

The family’s ability to maintain such high moral and ethical standards is a testament to their character and dedication to the principles of justice. It is no surprise that many young lawyers and activists in Nigeria look up to them as role models, striving to emulate their courage, discipline, and integrity.

The Falana family’s story is a powerful reminder that excellence is attainable through dedication, hard work, and an unwavering commitment to justice. As we continue to grapple with numerous challenges in Nigeria, from corruption to human rights abuses, it is families like the Falanas who show us that change is possible. They have demonstrated that one can maintain integrity in the face of adversity, fight for what is right even when it is unpopular, and pass down these values to the next generation.

In a society where many have lost faith in the justice system, the Falanas offer hope. Their collective efforts remind us that the law can be a tool for positive change and that, with the right people in place, it can be used to protect the vulnerable and hold the powerful accountable.

As Nigerians, we must celebrate the Falana family and their contributions to our legal system and society at large. But beyond celebration, we must also take inspiration from their example. The values they embody, integrity, justice, and advocacy for the oppressed, are values that every Nigerian should strive to emulate. Whether in law, politics, or any other field, the Falana family has shown us that it is possible to make a difference and leave a lasting legacy of positive change.

The Falana family has set an example that transcends the legal profession. They have shown that it is possible to maintain integrity, fight for justice, and inspire future generations to do the same. Their contributions to Nigeria’s legal system and society at large are immense, and they deserve all the accolades they receive. As a nation, we should celebrate their achievements and strive to emulate their commitment to justice, fairness, and integrity in our own lives. Kudos to the Falana family for being a shining example of what it means to fight for justice in Nigeria.

The Ogun State Police Command on Sunday confirmed that a 35-year-old zoo worker at Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library, Abeokuta, Babaji Daule, was on Saturday killed by a lion.

The spokesman for the state police command, Omolola Odutola, disclosed this in a statement sent to journalists on Sunday.

The Bauch State born lion handler was said to have forgotten to secure the locks and barricade the lion’s enclosure before approaching the cage to feed the animal.

This reportedly allowed the lion to escape and attack the handler, resulting in injuries to his neck and eventual death

The victim’s body was said to have been removed and taken to the mortuary at Ijaye General Hospital, while the wild lion was shot to release its grip on the handler.

Details later

[Punch]

“I didn’t come to look for money and exploit the situation; I came to work. I asked for the votes, and Nigerians gave them to me” – President Bola Tinubu, September 20, 2024.

Small correction is needed before getting to the heart of the matter. Nigerians gave candidate Tinubu 33 per cent of their votes; 67 per cent did not want him. INEC and the judiciary finished the job for him. Furthermore, no President has ever confessed that he was looking for money. But, why are they always far richer after than before going into office? To the best of my knowledge, Tinubu had no AIRBUS 320, even Tokunbo, before he became President. That costs a lot of money! One of the best attributes of great leaders is leadership by example. 

“He that gives good advice builds with one hand. He that gives good counsel and example builds with both hands. But, he that gives good admonition, and bad examples, builds with one hand and pulls down with the other” – Francis Bacon, 1561-1626, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, p5, online.

Two weeks ago, Tinubu announced that “there is no free beer parlour anymore.” Most Nigerians will readily agree that appointing 48 Ministers, most with next to nothing to do, is akin to opening the biggest beer parlour in the nation. One would have expected the President to close those parlours. The Ministry of Petroleum Resources and its Departments and Agencies are the worst performing. Together, they have kept four idle scraps called refineries at great cost to the nation.

In fact, as a former Marketing Manager of three breweries in Nigeria, and very familiar with the operation of beer parlours, I can state authoritatively that 90 per cent of beer parlours are better managed than the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, NNPCL. If they are not, they would have been out of business a long time ago. NNPCL collected billions to revive the refineries without success. Madam Beer Parlour has more sense. Everybody can remember the same promise made last year until it was time for the annual Holy Pilgrimage; when N91 billion was suddenly released. Few can forget the plane load of Nigerian officials who attended an international event to which China and the USA sent less than two dozen people. Talk is always cheap.

WHY NIGERIANS SHOULD FORGET GOVERNMENTS — N/E FIRST

“How 6 collapsed bridges disconnected North-East states” – Weekend Trust, September 21, 2024, p19

The North-East zone of Nigeria, perennially the poorest of the six, is so distant from Lagos and Abuja that few of our media establishments – print, electronic or online – pay attention to it until something extra-ordinary occurs. Most often, it is a tragedy. Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, was in the news on account of a disaster which is still unfolding. Water from the Alau Dam, situated about 15 kilometres from the city, not only flooded the city, but also submerged thousands of buildings and structures. According to ReliefWeb, so far, about 40 people have been confirmed dead, 400,000 displaced and over one million people affected so far. The reader should bear in mind that several buildings are still partly under water and hundreds of people are still missing. Crops and stored food items have also been washed away. So, we don’t have a full tally of the damages.

“Only one week before the flooding, media across the country reported the Borno State government assuring – this word again – the country and residents of the city that all was well and there is nothing to worry about” – Suleiman A Suleiman, THE WHITE PAPER, Daily Trust, September 23, 2024.

Ordinarily, the disaster would have been dismissed as an act of God – the sort that can happen anywhere. But, after reading Dr Suleiman’s article, it became obvious that this was a tragedy foretold, preventable and which could have cost far less if it was averted by governments. Now, the entire nation will pay dearly for the serious dereliction of their duties by those elected and appointed to protect citizens from such disasters. Suleiman pronounced, and I absolutely agree, that “For many Nigerians in Maiduguri and environs ravaged by flood in the week before last, life would never be the same again.” No economist can possibly disagree. In fact, it might take decades for Maiduguri’s economy to recover; for reasons to be explained shortly. First, there is a need to examine governments’ role in this catastrophe; because several mini-tragedies have occurred which are creating a pattern of destruction all over Nigeria right now.
ROADS AND OTHER INFRASTRUCTURES

“Sad tales as federal highway collapses in Asaba” – VANGUARD, September 24

Just in case you think that the Maiduguri incident was one off. Permit me to draw your attention to one building up on the Asaba gateway to Onitsha in the South-East. Until the Second Niger Bridge was opened, the old Niger Bridge was the shortest gateway to several states in the South-South, South-East, Benue, parts of Kogi, Nasarawa and the North-East from Lagos. The pictures on page 12 of the paper tell more than a million words the story of absolute neglect by the FG since Buhari became President, and my brother Fashola was his Minister of Works. Nobody needs to be told that Engineer David Umahi, the current Minister of Works, has been too busy working on the road to nowhere from Lagos to Calabar to serve his own people. There is a bridge at the end of that road; and that entire area will soon be visited by flood water starting from Lagdo Dam in Cameroon. Just pray; because no government is thinking of the problems ahead of us.

Meanwhile, in the North, the consequences of neglecting roads and bridges are already creating havoc everywhere. The collapse of six bridges, just six, has already impoverished the people as much as bandits, hoodlums, kidnappers and herdsmen have done. Read first and understand the economic implications later.

“For instance, from Maiduguri to Geidam  was just N6, 000 before the bridge was cut off, but we now charge N16,000 to cover the cost of an additional 350 kilometres…Maiduguri to Kano is now N20,000 against the N12,000 we charged previously, Geidam to Damaturu was N4,000, but, it’s now N13,000…” That was part of the report from officials of the National Union of Road Transport Workers, NURTW. You don’t need to know the cities mentioned as I do, having lived and worked in the zone. Just follow the transport fare increases; then remember that passengers and food products follow the same routes, and you will then understand why food prices will remain stubbornly high for a long time to come. Also, remember that what has happened to bridges and roads in the North-East has occurred in all the zones of Nigeria. With very few exceptions, the problems were man-made. Designers of dams, bridges and roads invariably recommend maintenance schedules for safety. Just as invariably, Nigerian governments ignore the planned maintenance schedules until Alau Dam collapsed.

ADVICE GOV ZULUM AND THE PEOPLE ON DONATIONS

“Telling the truth and accepting the truth has been our major problem in Nigeria. Some people will never tell you the truth when you are in power, and, honestly, many of us in power also do not want to hear the truth” – Professor Zulum, Governor of Borno State, 2021.
Governor Zulum, I volunteer to tell you the truth while in power. This disaster will reveal to the whole world whether or not Zulum is a hypocrite or not. There are occasions when only the hard truths must be faced. First and foremost, Zulum must admit responsibility for this tragedy; it occurred during his fifth year and three months in office and despite assurances given that all was well. Second, in more civilised nations, heads would have rolled – of officials who should have raised alarms but failed to do so; even if they were afraid of telling the governor the truth. 

Zulum has appeared in public wearing the solemn look of Chief Mourner, with begging bowl in hand, and pledges have been pouring in. In that connection, let me advise the Governor and the people. One, they might discover that not all pledges will be redeemed. One clever chap, now a Senator, allegedly donated newspaper cuttings in naira sizes to University of Maiduguri in the 1980s!! So, the State Government should keep a meticulous record of ACTUAL payments. SERAP is watching and counting. Finally, N21 billion will never be sufficient to take care of everybody; not even N210 billion or N2.1 trillion. Government must let the people know how limited the intervention can be. The people of Maiduguri and Nigeria must accept the truth that governments cannot help most of us. We should just fend for ourselves as best as we can.
NIGERIA GOES TO THE UN WITH BEGGING BOWL AGAIN

“UNGA79: Tinubu seeks debt forgiveness for Nigeria” – Report. 
Nigeria went to the United Nations in 2004 with a begging bowl – asking for debt forgiveness. In 2024, Nigeria is returning to the same UN with another begging bowl. Beggars are not entitled to respect. Nigerian leaders should expect none.

Anyone who followed the conduct of the September 21, 2024 governorship election in Edo State would not have found it difficult to identify several challenges which derogated substantially from what could easily have ended as a free, fair and credible electoral process. Must every Nigerian election be contentious and unduly controversial? Why is it so difficult to play the game of election by its rules in Nigeria?

If Nigerian politicians who have become notorious for their anti-democratic disposition make it hard for the country to attain successful elections, must election managers also allow their unacceptable partisanship to continue to worsen Nigeria’s political dilemma? Many more questions must have been silently considered by well-meaning citizens in the last one week

What the questions partly suggest is that public perception concerning politics and elections in the country is poor. The way forward is for the Independent National Election Commission INEC which has the sole mandate for the conduct of credible elections to immediately recognize the disturbing public perception and take steps to reverse the situation. It is laudable that the INEC office in Ondo State where the next off cycle election is scheduled to hold has already assumed a redeeming posture. According to media reports, Oluwatoyin Babalola, the Resident Electoral Commissioner in the state, has made a passionate appeal to the electorates in the state not to lose faith in the electoral process.

In Babalola’s words, “every vote will count, and we will ensure that everyone’s vote is counted…don’t lose faith in the electoral process … the people of Ondo State should trust us to deliver a credible election.” Whereas assurances such as this are not new, the nation does not have a rich history of how they were actually adhered to. In fairness to INEC, many politicians are fond of viciously attacking the commission once election results are not in their favour. In other words, Nigeria has a host of bad losers in the game of elections. Besides, many of the challenges which are often thrown up during elections are caused not directly by INEC but by other election administrators such as security agencies, the judiciary and indeed political parties themselves.

There are at least two common happenings during elections that are beyond the role of INEC. One of them is vote buying. It is obviously beyond the capacity of election officials who are busy with accreditation and specific procedures for the casting of ballots to, at the same time, seek to control vote buying. One would have expected the security agencies to handle that segment well but it is hardly done. Interestingly, there are allegations that even the security personnel themselves are usually among those compromised as a result of such material inducements. During last Saturday’s governorship elections in Edo State, many people including voters testified that people openly voted for the highest bidder. 

A second problem has to do with the sudden relocation of collation venues from the location originally prescribed and publicised. With over 40,000 security operatives reportedly deployed to Edo State last Saturday, it is difficult to understand the expedience of relocating from a venue for security reasons. Why did the security agencies not fortify the prescribed location or are they only able to secure unapproved locations? In addition, each time collation venues are suddenly changed, the common report is always that certain party agents and some journalists and election observers are usually not allowed into the new venues. Considering that such persons were accredited by INEC to be part of the process why are they obstructed from the new venue and why would anyone expect those so disallowed to accept the eventual results announced?

There is however the argument that because INEC is not equipped to deal with security infractions such as the snatching of ballot boxes or intimidation of officials, the commission has to always rely on security advice. But can security advice legitimize unapproved venues? Here, there is a perception that INEC itself seems to enjoy the collusion with the security agencies to relocate from the approved venue to a conducive location for the perpetuation of electoral malpractices. Beyond collusion with other election administrators, INEC itself quite often, performs far below expectation prompting negative reactions not only from politicians but also from voters and the general public.

A good example of INEC’s poor performance is the unending lateness of officials and election materials to polling centres at every election. Whether it is a presidential election which is a massive nation-wide event or voting in only one state or even a single constituency, election personnel and materials must arrive late. Many years back this writer found time to participate in election monitoring where I observed such condemnable canon of behaviour. I was indeed shocked to see that during the Anambra governorship election of November 2013, election materials were late to a polling unit directly behind the INEC office – the operational base of the commission in Awka, the state capital.

Earlier in June, the case of the Oguta election was more scandalous because although it was held in only 4 wards for just one seat in the Imo State House of Assembly, many voters became restive after waiting in vain for several hours for the election process to commence. Painfully, this negative attitude is yet to change as many voters waited for longer than makes sense for the process to start in last Saturday’s governorship election in Edo State. According to media reports, there were delayed arrivals and commencement of the process in some locations such as Oba Market, Zabayo Street and Plymouth Road polling stations in the state capital. 

In Edo Central, the News Agency of Nigeria, NAN, reported that INEC officials and materials arrived in Okaegben ward one, unit 3 in Ewohimi at exactly 10:30 a.m. that is two full hours behind schedule. Incidentally this was the polling unit of the PDP candidate Asue Ighodalo. Although INEC promptly as usual ordered an extension of time in such locations, many people have continued to deprecate the practice whereby an agency that can conduct an event nationwide can have avoidable challenges in just one of 36 states and the federal capital territory. If as we hear, the electoral body is always having problems from its vendor, why is the same vendor always patronized? 

In the case of only one governorship election, there is doubt if INEC needs a third party to handle its logistics. Why can’t the commission pull its resources from all its nationwide offices to surmount logistics challenges or is there a rule which makes it compulsory for INEC to involve an unreliable third party in its arrangements especially one that it can internally handle? Also difficult to comprehend is the inability of the commission to properly manage the critical segment of collation and declaration of election results. One of the allegations often made during elections is over-voting. This is unacceptable because everyone knows that an election result whose figures exceed the number of accredited voters is invalid. Why then do some election officials not crosscheck results before announcing them? 

In addition, the practice of assembling agents and other interest groups to listen and comment on collated results has become annoying. This is because INEC normally does nothing about any point raised against what is read to the group. If whatever is announced is sacrosanct what is the purpose of asking for comments? Why can’t objections raised by agents be investigated before results are formally announced when INEC has 7 days to review its figures before announcing them? While it is true that politicians have a tendency to make false claims, INEC has a duty to review specific controversial results such as that of Ward six in Akoko Edo, units 12, 17, 15, 18, 14, and 16 where elections allegedly did not hold yet there were results. 

To protect its public image, INEC ought to immediately break its silence over several allegations especially those concerning election officials who were specifically identified for playing reprehensible roles at Edo last Saturday. Apart from an Assistant Director in charge of Electoral operations at INEC headquarters, the Presiding officer at the Osholo Primary School Polling Unit in Weppa, Etsako East Local Government Area, who was alleged to have arrived at over 400 votes when only 213 voters were accredited ought to be investigated. Inaction on these issues can exacerbate adverse public perceptions of INEC.

Immediately the prostitutes were apprehended, rather than the office, Potts-Johnson escorted them to their homes. There, upon demanding #10 as bribe, the welfare officer was offered #5.30s by Agadagwu’s landlord, one Bakare, who negotiated the bribe sum with Potts-Johnson in Yoruba. Bakare promised Agadagwu would pay the balance later. The other prostitute, George, also offered the welfare officer 5s.2d. from the bribe amount demanded. If they hadn’t paid the bribes, upon conviction in court, the prostitutes risked two years in prison, #50 fine and repatriation by government from Lagos. But immediately after paying the initial bribes, the prostitutes reported it to the police. The Lagos police then handed them marked notes which represented the balance of the bribe money, on which was covertly inscribed, Wayo. The police also planted an undercover Sheriff to witness the bribery. When Toviho, Potts-Johnson’s middleman, came to collect the bribe money, he and the welfare officer were arrested.

In my piece of February 6, 2022 with the title, Atiku Abubakar and the sexual history of the Nigerian presidency, I explored this theme. I submitted that sexual politics defines and is often behind most of the corruption issues in high and low places in the world. A musical track rendered by Lagos Epe-born Apala music lord, Ligali Mukaiba in the 1970s illustrates this. The particular Mukaiba track speaks about the pervasive influence of women in the lives of men, comparable only to drugs on addicts. He sang “Mi o wa ri’hun t’obinrin o le fi’ni se, t’o ba nwu’ni, t’o ba nj’araba eni, t’o ba l’o ya ni Sokoto, kuru kere o, kere o, kuru kere o, a o tele l’eyin ni…”

Using the lurid story that instantly went viral in Zimbabwe that former Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, had suffered “a nasty blow from below” – euphemism for impotency – I drilled into how central and virile political power is and how men of power, through their libido, use sex as a locus of power. Attached to that, I argued, is why, agreeing with Prof Wale Adebanwi in his journal article he entitled The Carnality of Power, that all of us – scholars, lay scholars and society as a whole – “need to pay greater attention to the ways in which obscenity can help explain the nature of power.” From Abubakar, to Olusegun Obasanjo and Ibrahim Babangida, I used these men of power as examples of exercises of virile members, to explain how libidinous politics and corruption cannot be divorced in Nigeria’s socio-politics.

Sorry, I digressed. A major obscene scandal broke out last week. It will seem to annotate the above theme of the need for us to pay more regards to obscenities in our analysis of society. It is a narrative which tangentially bears the colour of sex, though it smells more of corruption. With it, we can measure the barometer of how low our society has sunk and how political and social powers are implicated in the rot of our society. The story starred controversial cross-dresser jailbird, Okuneye Idris Olanrewaju, whose allegedly leaked audio conversation has created a national mess. If the authenticity of the video is confirmed, Bobrisky’s travails will bring back to memory an ancient Yoruba folklore of a man called Alade. Alade was a gentleman whose mutual friend had asked why he always wore his cap all the time. After much pressure, Alade decided to share the secret with this mutual friend, but on one condition – it must be kept secret from humanity. Alade then removed his cap, revealing a short stumpy horn around the frontal part of his head. His friend was shocked but promised to keep the secret. However, he could not stomach the secret for long. Keeping to the terms of not telling any human being, one day, the friend dug a hole into which he screamed, “Alade grew a horn (on the head)!” – Àlàdé hù’wo! Mysteriously, a tree sprang up from the hole and soon after, whenever boys blew a flute near it, the tree echoed, “Àlàdé hù’wo!” With this, the entire village got to know about Alade’s best kept secret.

A social media influencer, Martins Otse, also known as VeryDarkMan, had circulated an audio conversation Bobrisky allegedly had with an unnamed Alade. It instantly went viral. In it, someone, said to be Bobrisky, alleged that he paid the sum of N15 million to unnamed EFCC officers to have a charge of money laundering spiked off the criminal charges preferred by the state against him. The cross-dresser had been jailed six months after he admitted guilt for dealing unkindly with the Nigerian Naira. However, in the same audio, the Bobrisky claimed that he spent her term in an apartment, as against the Nigerian correctional centre imposed by the court. Shortly after the allegation, the cross-dresser refuted the accusations on his Instagram page. He claimed he was victim of a setup. Both the EFCC and Minister of the Interior have ordered full-scale investigations into the scandal, with the ministry of interior taking a bolder step in suspending all the prisons officers in charge of Bobrisky’s term in the Lagos Kirikiri prison.

Beyond the theme of crime and corruption in the Bobrisky case is the Nigerian society’s disdain for considered unusual sexuality and in particular, Okuneye’s audacity to flaunt it. As a measure of its conservatism, the Yoruba frown at counting the fingers of a nine-fingered person in their presence (a kii t’oju oni’ka mesan kaa.) In my April 7, 2024 piece with the title, Bobrisky and Jesus, the tax collector, written immediately the cross-dresser was jailed, I said this much. If you flip through the pages of history, you will discover, as I said in the piece, that from ancient times, the world has never hidden its hostility towards people who profess sexual orientation different from its heterosexual conservative status. This is also responsible for why a large chunk of the black world vents its anger on the western world’s validation of homosexuality. In the 19th century and even before, Bobriskys were lynched like common criminals. Their sin was their considered unusual sexuality. Until then, homosexual activities were classified as “unnatural crime against nature,” while sodomy got punished with, sometimes death penalty.

In comparison with his unusual sexuality forebears, Bobrisky has suffered one of the mildest fates. Between 1877 and 1950, over 4,000 of them were lynched. It subsisted till a few years ago in America. So, when you appraise the collage of apparent gang-ups – VeryDarkMan and others – against Bobrisky, you will get an affirmation of the Yoruba saying that he who does the unusual should be ready for infliction of an unusual reprisal (eni ba se’un t’enikan o se ri, aa ri’un t’enikan o ri ri). Bobrisky’s travails seem to be society’s attempt to deconstruct and destroy this unusual sexuality impresario. When you examine this thesis against the backcloth of Bobrisky’s recent innuendo that he could commit suicide, you will agree with me that the self-touted Mommy of Lagos is in the gulag of a conservative society and may never get out of it alive. If you ask me, I think Bobrisky commodifies her cross-dressing, using it as façade for God-knows-what unpleasant money-making ventures.

The allegation that Bobrisky paid bribe to the EFCC for a money laundering charge to be removed then crept in. The viral audio, amplified by VeryDarkMan, also alleged that he paid bribe to prison top officials to enable him serve his term outside the hostile walls of the Kirikiri prison. On this, all we have been entertained with since last week when the obscene scandal broke is a national breakfast of hypocrisy. Why are Nigerians feigning prudery at these scandalous revelations? Are we hearing about a story of this stench for the first time? Let us hop down from our high horses. If truth be told, the only way to reform this country is for both the leaders and the led to come clean with themselves. Nigeria is a thoroughly worsted place and all the bounds and parameters of societal civility, decency and global norms of civilized people have broken down irretrievably. I personally overheard an Edo-born prison warder detailed to a politically exposed person arraigned before the Lagos Federal High Court some years ago, saying, “Mek dem post me to (I am hiding the politician’s identity) mek I no buy car? He no go happen!” Last year, we witnessed an obscene altercation between DSS operatives and prison officials, right in the premises of the court. Their beef was on who owned custodial power over embattled Godwin Emefiele. And apparently, his loot. It was later that Nigerians found out that the scuffle was not strictly a turf battle; it was a graft fight, something in the mould of a robber robs the till and a thief robs the robber (ole gbe, ole gbaa.)

Like Nigeria, the prison is brimming with rotund-bellied maggots which reflect the collapse of virtually all the values that cobbled Nigeria together. Apart from decayed infrastructure, overcrowding and allied issues, Nigerian prisons are home to officers who, in saner societies, should themselves be in prison. In 2019, investigative journalist, Fisayo Soyombo, adopting the pseudonym, Ojo Olajumoke, spent five days in a police cell and eight days as an inmate in Ikoyi Prison. It was in the bid to track corruption in Nigeria’s criminal justice system. There was no single whimper from the Nigerian establishment. After Soyombo’s arrest and detention in police custody, he was arraigned in court and ultimately got a remand in prison. He emerged with very distressing stories of illegitimate arrests, extrajudicial killings, bribery and corruption and a criminal justice system that is in a sorry case. He even claimed that a prison official asked him for money to remove his name from jailbirds’ roster.

If Minister Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo is merely interested in the optics of being perceived as proactive, in order to save his job from the Sword of Damocles said to be hanging on ministers, he should let us know. But if he is genuinely interested in reforming Nigerian prisons, he surely has a humongous job on his hands. It is more demanding than the “I swear-to-Almighty-God” raising-of-a-finger he was embroiled in last week. Yoruba talk about how widespread a covertly released fart could go in its “B’a se nyo’so, l’a se nyo’gbo” aphorism. The Bobrisky allegation of Very Important Prisoners being ferried out of jail while serving their terms is almost as old as corruption in Nigeria. We have heard of a VIP who impregnated his wife while serving his term and who was present at the child’s christening. We have also heard a story, which occurred some twenty-something years ago, of a man who later rose to become a senator and a political party bigwig. While in detention for alleged murder, exhibiting his libidinous prowess, the girl procured for this Very Important Detainee in an apartment outside of prison had fainted under him. If indeed, as it is said, that a people is assessed by the way it treats its most vulnerable, prisoners are vulnerable lots and we should be interested in what goes on inside that nocturne called prison. Until Nigerian prisons become reformatory, as opposed to the place of torment it is today, it will continue to be a microcosm of our macroscopic Nigerian tragedy.

It will be gratifying if Olanipekun Olukoyede, the EFCC chair, on hearing the messy news that his operatives were sunk in the Bobrisky N15m scandal, is silently preparing earthly purgatory for them. He must do as the colonial police did in 1947 to Ayodele Potts-Johnson. This is time for Olukoyede to peel himself of his church mien and wear the garb of a Dracula. Otherwise, he will be dragging in the mud his pastoral calling claim, perceived to be atypical with the task of a crime fighter. If news circulating in Nigeria from those who experience Olukoyede’s men in all parts of the country is anything to go by, he is sitting atop a maggots’ empire where operatives are nothing more than armed gunmen who terrorize and extort criminals of their loots. These Wayo theatrics, in the name of crime fighting and law enforcement, has to stop.

Kabiyesi Ladoja @80

A blight that critics hold against newspaper column writers is that sometimes, our shots go off tangent, disenabling us from achieving precision. In the process, they claim, we mis-profile our subjects, literally calling the King’s Mother (Iya Oba) the Monkey Mother (Iya Obo). My reply to them is that, column writers are not infallible because they are columnists… Full stop! My reply is a timid parodying of Justice Chukwudifu Oputa’s locus classicus statement about the Supreme Court. I can’t go the whole hog and delve into its second stanza due to its potential for immodesty. Only Oputa, the great jurist, could so conclude about the Almightiness of the final appellate court.

The extreme ones among the critics compare column-writing’s sometimes imprecision to the proverbial Saare whose demonstration of knowledge resulted in unknowledge. One day, Saare went to the farm but rushed back home, panting. To his parents who were troubled on what went amiss, the young hunter told them they should show gratitude to their Maker because he was almost devoured by a leopard which strayed from the forest. And then, Saare began a description of the strange animal. “It had big, dilating eyes! It had arresting colour!” features his parents affirmed were a leopard’s (Ekun). Immediately, Saare’s father, an Ifa priest, ordered objects of sacrifice to appreciate and propitiate Saare’s “head.” When all the propitiation materials arrived – a big ram, red oil and others – in readiness for the sacrifice, unprompted, Saare then lullabied, in his flippant best: “The leopard was tall, had two huge horns! It was even eating okra!” Saare’s parents immediately apologized to the sacrificial crew: “Our son didn’t see a leopard. He saw a deer.” So, Yoruba say, amonju l’o b’ekun Saare je.

In my 26 years of column writing, (including the years of exits) I have had several bull’s-eye hits and some imprecisions. Two personalities stand out on the list of subjects who, in reviews of their personalities, I sometimes shot off tangent. They were, Late Adebayo Alao-Akala and Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja, ex-governors of Oyo State. When they were both in government, my pen tormented them severally. On meeting Alao-Akala years after he left government, I encountered a man whose heart was as pure as spring water and whose humanity was one every mortal should seek after. When he asked me to write the Foreword to his memoir, Amazing Grace, like a witch’s confession, as the Yoruba will say, I was contrite, “mo tuuba.” While I am incapable of excusing their politics and governance, I can say both are/were great personalities.

In my writings and media strategies while I was myself in office, I wasn’t kind to Ladoja at all. Yet, we never met. However, in October, 2020, we met for the first and last time at the University of Ibadan. I was privileged to be on the high table with him, during a symposium organized by Hon Babs Oduyoye to mark his birthday. I don’t know where I got the audacity, but I walked up to him and introduced myself. He was literally overjoyed to meet me, thrust his hand forward excitedly and we shook hands like they did while signing the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT). What he said about his estimation of me, rather than excite me, saddened me. How could I spend a large chunk of my writings demonizing a man who thought so highly of me? A couple of years later when talks centered on his biography, one of his ‘sons’ told me he was excited at the prospect of my writing it. I was saddened the more. This was the same thing Alao-Akala did to me: he handed me a raw manuscript and said, “except the title, you are at liberty to do anything with it!”

Since then, I have drilled into Ladoja’s persona. Brilliant strategist and engineer, his strongest point is that his political adversaries underrate him. As wealthy as he is, Ladoja is known for his deconstruction of wealth, both in sartorial outlook and materialism. He could be stubborn too, sticking to what he believes in, at the risk of ostracism.

Born on September 25, 1944 in Gambari village, near Ibadan and becoming a Director of the defunct Standard Trust Bank in the year 2000, last Tuesday was Ladoja’s 80^th birthday. Here is wishing Oba Ladoja many more years of good health on earth.

The Edo State governorship Election held on September 21, 2024, was a much talked about election that witnessed bickering between the three most medialized parties – PDP, APC, and LP. The electioneering period was marked by plenitude of verbal trivialities, insults and lies. Aren’t these the trend of political campaigns nowadays? After all, we heard in the news recently that Donald Trump, running for the office of the President of United States, the paradigm of democracy, made spurious claims about immigrants from Haiti eating dogs and cats in Springfield, a small Ohio city. Politicians can do anything to win election! However, for the Edo Election, it is soothing to know that the election has been concluded. 

 Elections in Nigeria do not come without irregularities like over voting, vote buying, and failed Accreditation `Processes, voters’ disenfranchisement, partisan security agents and electoral umpire being fingered of malpractices in favour of some political parties. In the September 21st, 2024 Edo Election, there were particular cases of disruption of Results Collation in some areas in the state due to violence and alleged vote manipulation, Over voting and discrepancies in the uploaded results on the INEC Result Viewing Portal, security concerns because gunmen snatched away ballot boxes in some polling units, et cetera. These scenarios are not normal for a free and fair election to take place. 

No doubt, these issues highlight the need for improvements in the electoral process in Nigeria. The recently enacted electoral acts that championed the use of technology seems to have been of no merit because political actors still manipulate election results. The introduction of BIVAS has even heightened the propensity of pilfering election results. Every election in Nigeria, anywhere in the country, opens up the level of civility of the people. It wasn’t different in this particular election. We could best access ourselves judging from the activities of the voters, political actors, security agencies and the electoral umpire, in this sense INEC. 

Now that the Edo election is over, the new administration will have to fight to enjoy legitimacy and credibility. Though the process of emergence is very important, some Nigerians and the ruling All Progressive Congress do not often consider the process as significant, for them, the end justifies the means. So, it is pertinent to just move on to the next stage – legitimacy and acceptance. Therefore, the new government must work to ensure that they are accepted. The present government, even though since its inception was “Fubaralized” and faced a lot of distractions occasioned by some political viruses, strategically made some progress, especially in human development; what this government should urgently do to establish itself is to quickly begin the construction of the Auchi – Benin truck A roads and the truck B roads. Apart from these roads, there are communities where there are no roads today in Edo State. Like Atte, in Akoko Edo Local Government Area, do not have motorable roads in spite of their rich agricultural reserve.

Also, regional power dynamics played a very major role in the emergence of the candidate of the APC. Going forward, developmental strides, political appointments, government work and any form of opportunity should be made available equally without over centralizing government benefits to one region of the state. Everyone keyed into Esan Governorship and everyone must have a taste of the beauty of having an Esan Governor! While if I were Akpakomiza I would begin the construction of Auchi - Benin truck A road from Ekpoma and its parts, because these areas have been neglected for so long, I would not close my eyes to Benin and Auchi environs respectively. I think going forward too, Nigeria should copy the outcome of the influence this sort of regional power dynamics.

The new government must concretely make policies that will improve the lives of the Edo citizenry, especially this time of austerity. The ordinary Edo people who do not know anyone in government should be able to feel the impact of the government, state monies should not be shared among political leaders and their cronies, Edo State monies should not be shared among political kingpins, thugs and ‘’Oloshos’’. One way to get to the common people is to pay workers their salaries as at when due. Workers who are retired and whose gratuities have not been paid should be paid! It is inhuman for a government to owe workers, and celebrates every flimsiest occasion with pump and pageantry. 

While we unambiguously assert that the process that has brought the governor elect is not without some faults, we sympathize with those who lost the election, especially the People’s Democratic Party, the party my brother who is a lawyer, accuses me of relishing.  Unfortunately for the PDP in this election, the chickens have come home to roost. The PDP has been enmeshed in internal conflicts - national and state – anchored on greed, petty quarrels, power tussle, self-aggrandizement; these may have weakened its electoral chances. The PDP must put its house together, settle quarrels and have all its formidable members agree, for it to ever win an election under President Bola Amhed Tinubu.  Now that the Edo election is over, Edo people, must as usual, be calm and watch what unfolds in the coming days, weeks, months and years. 

It is a sort of sinking feeling. Something like an uncontrolled slide into a dungeon down a slippery slope. You seem trapped as you descend into a hellish pit out of which you are powerless to climb out. The descent is often propelled by a force beyond your control. Government. The IMF. The World Bank. Policy makers in Abuja and other bastions of power.

Suddenly, your living standards plummet.  The things that you have long taken for granted slip out of your control and become privileged luxuries instead of casual entitlements.  You begin to learn a life style of subtractions, eliminations and substitutions. Subtract bread and replace with slices of yam; cut out butter for breakfast and do palm oil stew. Demobilize one car out of a fleet of two. Cut back on electricity consumption. Switch to fans instead of air conditioners etc.

It is time to quit cooking with gas and switch to firewood and charcoal. But someone from the government is paid to scream about climate change and deforestation. There is no need to go to the hospital for every little headache. Forget essential drugs. Just pray and hope for the best. It is time for every man to become a doctor in the house: ‘physician, heal thyself!’  Ours is after all a land of miracles. There is no need for man made medicines. Just call in the neighborhood pastor to say a little prayer and ‘ye shall become whole!’ Do not worry about what thou shall eat. Man shall not live by bread alone! Adults do not need three meals a day. That luxury should be reserved for children.

The elimination and substitutions goes on in nearly every aspect of your daily life. Beyond individual life changes, you see whole segments of the society sliding downwards. Government has changed and has introduced new economic policies. A new deity is in town. It is called “the economy”; it feeds on the things that make people happy and lives livable. The things that enabled a better life yesterday have suddenly been pulled off.  Downward mobility suddenly replaces upward mobility as the standard mode of social aspiration.

In nearly all cultures, the desire of citizens to move upwards in their circumstances is universal. We strive to move up in our circumstances. We toil so that our children will live a better life than us. In a sense, the dream of all humanity is that the next generation will, through education and skill acquisition, enjoy a better quality and standard of life than the present. In this sense, all national dreams have a meeting point: upward mobility. Details and cultural paraphernalia may differ but we all meet at the place of a better life for our offspring. The future is always a better place.

Some societies have a constant dream, an ideal that fires the aspirations and hopes of their citizens. The American dream is easily the most famous. It is best captured by ‘the pursuit of happiness’ through positive aspiration and grueling hard work. It is most graphically captured by the 2006 film ‘The Pursuit of Happiness” directed by Gabriel Muccinno starring Will Smith as a homeless salesman in search of a good and meaningful life.

In real life, the American dream remains alive as the powering impetus of the United States as the land of possibility and opportunity for those who seek it through hard work and perseverance. The son or daughter of a pauper can struggle through a life of obstacles and booby traps to emerge on the sunny side of life as a millionaire or something nearly as good. Not too many people, native born or immigrants, achieve the American dream. But they all embrace the spirit and struggle on. Hope eternal drives life’s struggles towards a national dream that fires every life.

This is why people of diverse nationalities keep trooping to America in the hope of realizing the American dream in one lifetime if possible. The material indicators of the attainment of the American dream in the lives of individuals include a good credit card, a house on a viable mortgage, a decent automobile, access to weekend grocery shopping, sausage and egg on the breakfast table and the occasional annual vacation for self and family etc. These appearances decorate a pretension to partaking in the American dream.

No one has yet defined the Nigerian dream in any clear terms. No one knows exactly what the average Nigerian kid struggling through school should look forward to on graduation. It is a blind voyage into the treacherous darkness of chances and uncertainty. To the politically minded elite, the Nigerian dream is the realization of a truly united nation that is home to all Nigerians irrespective of creed, region or tongue. To the common folk, the Nigerian dream is a place to call home, to pursue one’s quest for 3 meals and a future that is better than the present. The Nigerian dream is never an entitlement to material contentment.

The Nigerian dream in terms of social and economic life used to be the pursuit of happiness and fulfillment through education, a career path and an ‘arrival’ at a destination where every child that goes to school and succeeds ends up better than his/her parents in terms of material and socio economic accomplishments. The sun total of the aspiration of every struggling Nigerian is to bring up their children through education so that they can join the elite who possess cars, decent living accommodation, a career etc. In sum, up to the time of the civil war and soon after, it could be said that the Nigerian dream remained a certain upward mobility in which future generations were expected to far better than those before them in material socio economic terms.

The clearest manifestation of the thriving of the Nigerian dream was perhaps the rise of a Nigerian middle class. All over the country in the span between 1972 and 2007, there arose in the urban areas a demographic mass of Nigerians who could afford cars, apartments, weekend shopping, occasional holidays, bank accounts, investment in stocks and indulgence in the trappings of middle class existence. The middle class was an enrollment into a productive role in national development.

Earlier in our history, investment in higher education was the best guarantee of enrollment into the Nigerian middle class. People pursued education as a means of guaranteeing their children a slot in the emergent middle class. Of course there were other not so legitimate routes to this dream. Short cuts emerged: fraud, corruption, robbery, ritual and cybercrimes. They could earn financial and material reward but not a place among the middle class.

The success of the economic policies of successive administrations could mostly be measured by whether the youth were moving upwards or were static or were regressing socio economically. Times changed and different periods redefined upward mobility and the good life.

Easily the most noticeable upward mobility in terms of an increase in the size of the middle class was under the Obasanjo elected government between 1999 and 2007. The banking sector ballooned, access to consumer credit grew phenomenally, employment in new growth sectors- telecom, banking and financial services, oil and gas, public works, the stock market etc. Most importantly, the sudden and phenomenal growth in cell phone ownership and use unlocked hitherto hidden economic powers in the hands of multitudes in both rural and urban Nigeria (and Africa). This coincided with the period when the international slogan about Africa changed from unrelieved doomsday predictions about “the dark continent” to  an upbeat optimistic note about ‘Africa rising’ especially up to the 2010s.

 In sharp contrast to the rev of upward mobility initiated under Mr. Obasanjo as elected president, the economic downturn under Buhari inaugurated a massive downward mobility that has only accelerated in the more recent months. National debt ballooned, inflation jumped, consumer credits dried up, retail and consumption shrank, unemployment grew as businesses struggled etc. From 2015 to 2023, we witnessed a phenomenal rise of downward mobility. The middle class shrank as living costs shot up. Inflation shot up. Retail and construction nosedived as the exchange rate of the Naira to major currencies worsened more than ever before. 

In the fifteen months under Mr. Bola Tinubu as president, Nigeria’s downward mobility has entered a jet speed momentum. It is now an epidemic. On a daily basis , throngs of Nigerians are sliding out of the middle class. Multitudes are drifting into poverty. Even those that used to exist at the fringes are now at the peripheries of bare existence. In some states, schools cannot reopen for the new school year as a result of high fuel prices making busing of children to school impossible. Some former middle class parents have changed the schools of their children and wards to lower class schools because of higher school fees. Even the federal government has increased school fees in the Unity Schools from N30,000 per term to N100,000 a term. In Lagos state, boarding fees have escalated from N30,000 a term to N100,000 per term. No one has said how these higher fees will be paid by parents whose monthly wag is about N70,000!

Nigerian youth who cannot stand the gravity of spreading downward mobility have opted to flee, swearing that this was not the homeland that they dreamt of growing up in. The more elderly are fleeing also in the hope of finding places where their old age medical costs can be covered by the welfare schemes of better climes. The only jobs they can find range from morgue attendants, care  home attendants to grueling manual labour as factory hands. The favourite destinations of the japa crowd range from Canada to the United States, the United Kingdom, United Arab Emirate, South Africa and even some unlikely African destinations.

Some of the youth have set out with nowhere in particular as destination. Some have found themselves stranded in fatal crossings through the Sahara desert only hoping that their voyage would lead to southern Europe. Many have died of heat and exhaustion. Others have boarded boats on a journey of no return. Many have perished in the Mediterranean, leaving no trace, trail or message. For those who have stubbornly stayed at home, a different life has been defined by minus signs. Exclude one meal. Exclude another half. Exclude hospitals and make do with across- the- counter cheap drugs from Pakistani and India.

 In the last one year, the rate at which Nigerians are being forced out of the middle class is unequalled in our history. Astronomical gasoline prices have chased many off the roads as car owners. Families that owned and operated two or more cars now make do with one. Inflation has reached 43% while unemployment figures among the young highly qualified has exceeded 4.5%. Food inflation has driven many Nigerians into an unplanned hunger republic.

In recent times, parents who manage to send their children to schools and universities are doing so in order to keep the children engaged and out of trouble. There is hardly any expectation that the children would end up better educated or socio economically better off. We are now in a precarious position in our socio-economic evolution.

We used to lament that we the middle class of today are a ‘sandwich’ generation; we served and took care of our parents in old age. We ferried our children to privileged schools now only to have little time and resources for ourselves in retirement. Now, we are paying through our noses to educate children who are condemned to end up worse off than us and our fathers! Those we were expecting to take care of us in old age are themselves likely to remain dependent on us for the foreseeable future.

This is the crux of our present curse of raging downward mobility. Undoubtedly, our epidemic of downward mass migration has unmistakable  political origins. It is inbuilt in a growing endemic culture of bad governance whose origins we know too well and whose duration remains unknown. Those who have descended from the middle class are not likely to return there any time soon. Those driven into poverty may be stuck there for the rest of their lives. The children now being thrust into poverty may be stuck there forever as more children are born into the poverty republic of the world. Everyone knows we are descending downhill but no one knows when the slide will end and whether an economic recovery is possible in our life time. 

Yet, our only hope of recovery lies in the political realm. Democracy holds the key in the hope that the periodic changes of administrations will bring forth leadership that will redefine national progress and reverse our descent into oblivion. No one knows if Nigerian democracy will eve produce leaders of vision and courage that can reverse the curse of this generation.

When in one life time, we see the lives of the majority take a nose dive downwards, something uncanny has happened. Worse still, when in spite of our most strenuous efforts the life expectations of our children is condemned to end up worse than ours, we are in a bad place. No quantum of prayers and supplications is likely to rescue a nation mired in bad governance and misrule.

Time flies. No, I am not talking about the fact that the United Bank for Africa (UBA) is celebrating its 75th anniversary. As a financial institution that was set up during colonial rule, it has every reason to roll out the drums and pop champagne, of course. That is three quarters of a century. Not bad at all for a bank that started in a shop, as it were, on Kakawa Street, Lagos Island, and now operates in 24 countries worldwide, serving around 40 million customers. They deserve their flowers. In an economy where legacies are hard to come by, where businesses tend to die along with their founders, it is rare to find a trans-generational brand. It is often a case of here today, gone tomorrow.

Three decades ago, I used to enjoy the song in the bank’s TV commercial: “Wise men bank with UBA/And women too with UBA/Open a savings account today/At UBA, UBA” (hope I got the lyrics right). That was an early gender-sensitive commercial at a time gender equity was not a thing. But what am I even saying? UBA can claim to have a gender-friendly history. Mrs Bola Kuforiji-Olubi, a UK-trained economist, was appointed chair of the bank in 1984 — the first woman to hold an office of that height in sub Saharan Africa. That was an era when women were hardly at the top of any sector, private or public. It was an unwritten rule that top positions were strictly reserved for men.

Nigerian women were glad that the country had had its first female federal permanent secretary (Mrs Francesca Yetunde Emanuel, 1975) and its first elected female senator (Ms Franca Afegbua, 1983) but the men never hid the fact that they considered women to be backbenchers in politics and business. It was only in entertainment and sports that they enjoyed some prominence in those days. Things have changed significantly today, thanks to amazons like Kuforiji-Olubi who blazed the trail in the private sector as a woman of firsts and an inspiration to Nigerian women. Mrs Eniola Fadayomi, former attorney-general of Lagos, would later expand the rank by chairing the board of Afribank.

Kuforiji-Olubi was the first female president of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN) and the first woman to be CEO of a multinational company in Nigeria when she headed VYB Industries Ltd, which had UK affiliates. She was the first female chair of a quoted company in Nigeria, Bewac Plc. But being chair of a bank as big as UBA from 1984 to 1990 was a monumental feather in her cap. The year she was appointed UBA chair, the bank began its operations in New York City, US. Kuforiji-Olubi died in December 2016 at 80. Significantly, she was older than UBA, having been born in 1936 — a whole 13 years before it was founded as the French & British Bank Ltd (B&FB).

B&FB metamorphosed into “United Bank for Africa” in 1961 with the end of colonial rule and its incorporation as a limited liability company under Nigerian laws. It has gone through several eras — notably from the time it was privatised by the military government of Gen Sani Abacha in 1998, when Mr Keem Belo-Osagie became its chairman, to its merger with Standard Trust Bank (STB) in 2005. STB, under the leadership of Mr. Tony Elumelu as MD, was a much younger bank, having been established only in 1997. STB, it has to be said, was not the darling of old-generation bankers. They considered the Young Turks in the banking hall as “too smart” and “too fast” for their liking.

The merger effectively launched Elumelu into the top tier of the financial sector. It was a no-brainer that the STB identity would be subsumed — UBA was the much bigger fish, one of the biggest in the Nigerian banking sector and even in Africa. But it was a case of new wine in old bottle: UBA was culturally different from STB. One was conservative and the other was radical. UBA appealed to the older generation in the category of First Bank and Union Bank, while STB was on a fast lane like the new class of GTB and Zenith Bank. How Elumelu reconciled the two contrasting cultures of the old UBA and STB to build the new UBA is worth an academic inquest. I assume it was a rough ride.

The born-again UBA kept expanding — there was clearly an aggressive mission to dominate the landscape. Inevitably, Elumelu became one of the most powerful bankers in Nigeria. Since the banking consolidation exercise of 2005, UBA has been getting bigger. It has grown to become one of the most visible Nigerian banks outside our shores. In fact, UBA prides itself as the only Sub-Saharan African bank “with a truly global presence” — operating in Africa, Europe, the Middle East and North America — and calls itself “Africa’s truly global bank”. At 75, UBA is the fourth oldest bank in the country after First Bank Plc (established in 1894), Union Bank Plc (1917) and Wema Bank Plc (1945).

The bank has been highlighting and celebrating its landmarks: its bragging rights date back to 1961 when it became the first among international banks to be registered under Nigerian laws; the first Nigerian-headquartered bank to offer an IPO following its listing on the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE, now NGX) in 1970; the first Nigerian bank to issue a global depositary receipt (GDR) — a financial instrument that allows investors to buy shares of a foreign company on a local stock exchange; the first Nigeria-headquartered bank to hit N1 trillion in balance sheet size, contingents inclusive; the first to launch cash deposit ATMs in Nigeria; and among many other firsts and feats.

Mr Oliver Alawuba, the UBA GMD, recently spoke about his bank’s thirst for innovation-drive customer satisfaction, pointing out that it was the first to launch mobile banking in Africa. The bank has also been leveraging artificial intelligence; its AI-powered virtual assistant, Leo, enables transactions via social media platforms such as Facebook and WhatsApp, and allows customers to interact with the bank round-the-clock. This was also a first. The bank has been particularly big on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and has signed a $6 billion funding agreement with the African Continental Free Trade secretariat to make finance more accessible to them across Africa.

But, as I pointed out when the bank clocked 70, we cannot talk about building strong Nigerian brands without talking about building an enduring structure. Many Nigerian companies begin to decompose as soon as the founders die. That is why it is a rarity to see Nigerian-established companies celebrating 75 years of doing business. Many would say UBA’s European roots may have largely contributed to its durability. That is debatable. But when you realise that many home-grown banks have gone under in the last 40 years, some in their infancy, we should not have to debate the fact that African entrepreneurs need to do more about building legacies that will outlive their founders.

As I also pointed out, I grew up being told the fascinating stories of legendary businessmen such as Alhaji Alhassan Dantata (great grandfather of Alhaji Aliko Dangote), who is believed to be the first Nigerian millionaire, Sir Louis Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Odutola brothers, and several others. What about Bashorun MKO Abiola? You have to wonder what happened to their businesses after they left the scene. Many of today’s pervasive global brands were built to outlive their founders. Some of them, such as Cadbury, Barclays Bank and Quaker Oats, are over a hundred years old and you are sure they would be around for much longer. What are they getting right, what are we getting wrong?

I’ve always been jealous of South African brands. They are stamping their feet all over Africa. Shoprite had planted its footprints in almost every Nigerian state before it was acquired by a Nigerian company. I am silently hoping it will endure. MTN is Africa’s king of telecoms. DStv, owned by Multichoice, sits atop the cable TV market in Africa. The late Dr Raymond Dokpesi set out to rival DStv, but his Daarsat pay TV did not break through. Many moons ago, HiTV attempted to take the Nigerian pay TV market from DStv using the English Premier League and UEFA Champions League, but it didn’t end well. Ethiopian Airlines and Ethiopian coffee are winners on the global stage.

Time flies. I almost forgot why I said that. Exactly 19 years ago, I used my first Nigeria-issued dollar-denominated card outside the country. It was a Mastercard, issued by UBA. I am too shy to admit here that I was as excited as a kid when I faced the wall, inserted my card, punched a few buttons and the machine spat out multiple notes in pound sterling. It was at the University of Sussex in the UK. Until then, you always had to travel with raw cash or use a foreign bank’s card. So, in a sense, I have benefited from UBA’s innovative approach to customer satisfaction. It is, thus, only in order for me to wish them a happy 75th anniversary. Here is to the next 75 years. Time flies, doesn’t it?

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

NIGERIA AT 64

The Federal Republic of Nigeria will mark its 64th independence anniversary on Tuesday, predictably on a “low key” as we have are used to hearing from government officials for many years now. We are usually told it is a day for “sober reflections”. I wouldn’t mind if indeed government officials lived “low key” lives and ruled the country with “sober reflections”. But our reality has been a gross and mindless mismanagement of our resources, worsened by the political manipulation of our ethnic and religious emotions by the ruling elite to keep us from focusing on the real trouble with Nigeria: bad governance. We desperately need to gain independence from the buccaneering elite. Reflections.

POLLS AND PEACE

The Edo state governorship election went fairly well — at least by Nigerian standards. My heart is always in my mouth at election times because of the possibility of destruction and death. Although Senator Monday Okpebholo, candidate of the APC, was declared winner by INEC, PDP’s Asue Ighodalo is preparing evidence to head to the tribunal, insisting that some of the declared results are different from what is on official record. I really love this. Whether or not there is rigging, I always prefer peaceful pursuit of justice to carnage. No politician is worth dying for. Life will go on after lives have been wasted, believe me. Let’s see what Ighodalo has got in stock for the tribunal. Process.

RUTHLESS OR ROOTLESS?

Ms Ruth Ogunleye, a soldier who alleged that she was sexually harassed and raped by a senior army officer, has been discharged (read: dismissed) by the Nigerian Army. The army authorities described her as a psychiatric case. Ogunleye is, however, having none of that. She has gone on air to repeat the allegations and even challenged the army authorities to release the full report of their investigation. She insists she does not have any mental health issue. Who should we believe? I commend the army for investigating the allegations, but I suggest that, in light of her insistence that justice was miscarried, an independent body should look into the root of her claims again. Important.

NO COMMENT

The bill to establish the South West Development Commission, which looked like a joke when it was first mooted by Senator Ibikunle Amosun in March 2020, has been passed by the senate. We will end up having “development” commissions for the Niger Delta (south-south), south-east, south-west, north-east, north-central and north-east. I guess the next move will be for the federal government to establish development commissions for every state of the federation. We know the drill: there will be plenty commissions and little development — but since these things are done basically for political patronage, there will be plenty slush funds. Nigerian politicians know what they are doing. Pathetic.

The first part of this topic, published on Sunday, 15 September, 2024, was the debate between the Marxist scholar at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), Ile-Ife, Dr. Segun Osoba (as he then was), and another (conservative, foreign) lecturer in the same institution, Professor L. Beverley Halstead over Osoba’s acceptance of the request by the university’s Student Union Government to “give a small talk” to the Great Ife students on the occasion of the third anniversary of the gruesome murder, on February 1, 1971, of a University of Ibadan undergraduate, Adekunle (‘Kunle) Adepeju, during a peaceful student protest on the U. I. campus. Accepting, Osoba intimated the students that he would speak on “Student power in a situation of public moral crisis”. We saw in the first part how Halstead felt it was not part of Osoba’s duties to give what he perceived would be an “inciting” talk to the students and how he said the university authorities were sitting on edge over the matter. Osoba, on the other hand, argued forcefully that it was both his responsibility and patriotic duty to address the students. Today, we are publishing the “small talk” delivered by Osoba. We shall return to make closing remarks:

“Our nation is in the grips of a serious moral crisis and value disorientation. We live in an age when our consciences have become so blunted and de-sensitized by the greed for personal wealth and power that the suffering of millions of our compatriots does not move us. Millions of Nigerians, even in the best of times, are undernourished, are ill without the hope of receiving health care of any description, live in intolerable conditions of squalor and degradation (sometimes sharing the same living room with their goats, chickens, and dogs!) while a handful of us enjoy scandalous opulence and luxury. What is even more pathetic, our highly-remunerated, high-living, well-housed, over-fed, and over-dressed elites are so lacking in modesty and basic human decency that they flaunt their prosperity in an unblushing manner before the masses of our poor compatriots – the Wretched of the Earth – who, ultimately, pay the bills for our elite extravagance and criminal exhibitionism. We sublimate our moral poverty and degeneracy in consumer culture, like a psychologically disturbed person who tries to drown his mental crisis in a sea of alcohol.

“It is against this background of public moral bankruptcy and degeneracy that we must look at the phenomenon which has become famous as “student power”. Student power, crudely put, is the ultimate ability of the student community, being the largest and, perhaps, the most homogenous in the university institution, to paralyse the life of the university in the pursuit of student objectives: the ability to demonstrate that, no matter what the university administrators, professors and lecturers think of their own importance, no university institution can function without the cooperation of students who are willing to learn and be taught. This essential but crude aspect of student power has been repeatedly displayed loud and clear since the fateful episode of 1st February, 1971 when Adekunle Adepeju, one of your illustrious members, was felled by the bullet of police power. He was a victim of the operation of naked power but he is also the hero and indestructible symbol of student power and it is only right that you commemorate his heroism and immortality.

“However, student power, if it is to make a significant impact on the depressing situation of public moral crisis in Nigeria, needs to have more of it than one solitary hero and symbol. It needs to have a clear moral vision with which it can gaze beyond the darkness and confusion in which we are all enveloped to a future characterized by an uncompromising sense of social justice, human concern and comradeship, and a life of dignity and usefulness for all our people.

“It is only when our students refuse to be educated out of a keen awareness of the grinding poverty in which our people live, when they demonstrate at every turn that the suffering of our people is their own suffering and that they are willing to work with other sections of our people to terminate it, that this nation will begin to take student power seriously and embrace it with their heart and mind. Student power cannot have the moral strength to survive and move this nation if the dominant ethos among individual students makes them see their purpose in a university as securing “meal ticket” or “trade union cards”, which alone can qualify them to join the dominant elite group in the elite culture of “ilabeism”. Similarly, student power cannot have credibility even among a majority of students if student leadership is afflicted by the same moral problems pervading our society – the problems of kleptocracy and gutlessness.

“Good as rituals are for cementing group solidarity, the annual ritual of commemorating Adekunle Adepeju by boycotting classes is not enough to establish the reality and effectiveness of student power. A more effective kind of student power is one that is not treated as a museum piece, tucked away for 364 days in the year while the rat-race for “meal tickets” and “miliki” goes on, and is then dusted up and brought out for display for one day, after which it goes back to its hiding place for another 364 days! Effective student power is one that is in operation all the time and whose presence and impact is felt 365 days in a year. It is power informed by knowledge of men and matters, not one based on ignorance. Student power, genuine student power, must be concerned with an ongoing evaluation of the universities’ programmes of instruction with a view to making valuable contributions to the decolonization of our universities mentally and making them relevant and committed to the progressive transformation of the Nigerian society into the land of hope and charity that all our people want. Effective student power should not leave in government hands alone the initiative to organize students for service to our people.

“To this extent, our students, in association with university teachers and workers who are committed to the ideals of elevating the masses of our people, should, the National Youth Service notwithstanding, organize themselves into small groups which will devote some of their free time to working on some community development projects in our depressed rural areas and without expecting any material reward. We can help the poor peasant farmers to make their hovels more habitable by working with them to repair leakages in their roofs, creating basic sanitary conditions in their environments. We can give them the gift of our abundant youthful energy by helping them to prepare their farms for the planting season and to reap their crops at harvest time. We can unobtrusively and with humility bring to their notice and within their reach the benefits of modern science and technology which we know so much about but which we hardly ever put to any creative use.

“in this way, student power can relieve the problem of mass poverty and enhance mass prosperity and well-being in our society while, at the same time, establishing its own legitimacy and moral strength.  Any other course of action by our students can only deepen the crisis of public morality now engulfing our society and lead to cultural decadence and collapse. Considerations of enlightened self-interest alone should enjoin us to commit ourselves more to the essence and reality of student power rather than to its form and symbol because it is only the reality that can lead to a brighter future for us, for our people, and for our nation.

“Long live student power! Long live the people’s power! May our nation achieve its full potential in human decency, social justice and equity!”

After Dr. Osoba’s “small talk” to the Great Ife students, another exchange ensued between him and Professor Halstead; that, however, is a topic for another day! Now consider the following: Does Osoba’s first salvo – the opening paragraph – sound familiar to what is happening today, not minding that his address was delivered 50 years ago? A “nation in the grips of a serious moral crisis and value disorientation”,  even as “we live in an age when our consciences have become so blunted (seared, I want to add) and de-sensitized by the greed for personal wealth and power that the sufferings of millions of our compatriots do not move us”; where “millions of Nigerians… are ill without the hope of receiving health care of any description, live in intolerable conditions of squalor and degradation…while a handful of us enjoy scandalous opulence and luxury” Does this sound familiar? And how about this: “What is even more pathetic, our highly-remunerated, high-living, well-housed, overfed and over-dressed elite are so lacking in modesty and basic human decency that they flaunt their prosperity in an unblushing manner before the masses of our poor compatriots – the wretched of the earth – who ultimately pay the bills for our elite extravagance and criminal exhibitionism”. Does this also resonate with you and isn’t it really pathetic?

But, if I may ask: When were things ever good here if, 50 years ago, they were as Dr. Osoba graphically had painted them? Do things ever get better here or do they keep getting worse? When we complain about the present, does the bard not appeal to us to wait until we behold what comes up next? The past only appears good when compared with the present. Yet, a popular prayer says may we not know better yesterday!

Comrade, as we fondly called Osoba during my own days at Ife (1978 – 1982) when he taught me History, ended his address to the students with a prayer – or was this unpretentious Marxist only expressing a wish and hope? – that “this our nation achieve its full potential in human decency, social justice and equity”. That was 50 years ago. Such prayer, hope or wish had been expressed since the country got its independence from Britain in 1960. Sixty-four years later, we still talk of Nigeria as a “potentially great country” When shall its greatness unfurl before our very eyes or shall it forever remain in the realm of conjecture, wishful thinking and hallucination?

When biblical Daniel asked how long it shall take for the prophecies he heard to come to pass (Daniel 12: 6 -7), he was told: “… it shall be for time, times, and an half” Figure out the arithmetics for Nigeria!

TO BE CONTINUED.