As we read this, the results from Saturday’s local government elections in Rivers State are still filtering in. The elections held in spite of the refusal by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, to avail the state electoral body an updated version of the state’s voters register. To add to the intrigues, the Police – supposedly acting on a court ruling – abdicated its responsibility and refused to be part of maintaining lawful conduct of the polls.

The elections held all the same and by the time all the results are called, Governor Sim Fubara will surely enter the history books for making a ‘success’ out of the chaos foisted on him by INEC and the Police believed to be acting for vested interests in the state. Former Governor Nyesom Wike, now Minister of the FCT has vociferously led the opposition against the governor and acted up to his promise to make the state ungovernable. Saturday’s election was the latest front in that battle for the political soul of Rivers State.

The chaotic State of our electoral system didn’t start in Rivers State; the rot has been there for over a decade, even if it has deteriorated exponentially in recent years, especially on the watch of Mahmood Yakubu as the nation’s chief electoral umpire.

The charade that went for the governorship election in Edo State has come and gone. It has, quite predictably, been called for Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress that administers Nigeria’s federal government. Many have advised the losers, especially Asue Ighodalo of the Peoples Democratic Party, not to bother seeking redress at the courts where characteristically, the APC chieftains have urged him to seek further redress.

Asue may be new in the dark waters of Nigerian politics, but he is experienced enough to know that the courts, in this case, are a waste of his time, his resources and peace of mind. As has been proved in our recent history, when members of the ruling APC goad you onto the courts after an electoral heist has taken place, you heed their advice at your peril.

What rankles about the Edo sham election is not only that Governor Obaseki and his protégé, Ighodalo, have been outsmarted by the APC, it is the damning reports by observers that once again, the Independent National Elelctoral Commission, INEC, was hand-in-gloves with those that perpetrated that tragedy that befell the people. The umpire who loves to descend into the arena to subvert the huge public trust invested in it was alleged to have turned the books upside down in favour of its paymaster.

When the Igbo say no dogs eats the bones tied around its neck, INEC had not been established.

Another disgusting aspect of the Edo charade is the narrative that has been promoted to give the impression, obviously false, that most of the established institutions in the state – especially the Benin palace – were opposed to the Ighodalo candidacy. It is not true, even if the narrative was promoted as an alibi, to deflect from the clear subversion of the people’s will. While it is true that Obaseki, like any other governor who is determined to fight godfatherism that was so entrenched in the state, would naturally face stiff opposition, the so-called anger by the Oba’s palace is greatly exaggerated.

The narrative that the Oba’s palace was involved in the political contest serves the interests of the victorious APC but it does so much harm to the state’s foremost traditional institution. And it still shocks every discerning onlooker why the palace would look helpless in the circumstances, keeping mute while its reputation as the father of all, is being dragged down. It owes its children a response, at least to counter that single narrative that can lead Edo people to default assumptions, wrong conclusions and a fatal misunderstanding about their traditional institution.

Elections come with their complexities and their nuances; it will be tragic indeed when the voter in the street is led to conclude that the all-important decision about who governs the state was taken in the Oba’s palace that stands as a refuge for all. And if, perchance, it is true that the palace rejoices at Okpebholo’s victory, then it will share in the fallout if he ends up a bad governor? The problem with such stereotypes of invincibility being weaved around the palace is that it becomes complicit, inadvertently, when things dont turn out as expected.

MAHMOOD’S INEC

There are many similarities between Professor Attahiru Jega and Mahmood Yakubu. Both of them raised the expectation of Nigerians when they were appointed, at different times, as the nation’s chief electoral umpires, and both have ended as monumental disappointments. Jega’s appointment in June 2010 raised expectations that the much-desired credibility would return to the nation’s electoral system. Coming after the general elections of 2007 which even the winner, President Umaru Yar’adua acknowledged were flawed, Nigerias had reasons to place their hope on the former President of ASUU. With impressive academic and civil society credentials, Jega was the best man to deliver on the promises of electoral reform, which President Jonathan had promised. Or so we all thought.

The tenure of Mahmood Yakubu who equally boasts a rich civil society background came with so much expectation, but like Jega, he has turned out one of the most disappointing, soiling his reputation and ending up with a doubtful integrity. At a time the 2015 election was adjudged the worst in the nation’s history, the charade that was the 2023 national elections has taken the all-time record.

The electoral process under Mahmood has so deteriorated that even the state electoral bodies which many accuse of underhand tactics in helping the governors install their preferred choices as local government chairman, have taken cue. On Mahmood’s watch, the state electoral commissions have ended up as mere appendages of governors’ offices. Worse still, what they conduct are mere selections without any pretence to fairness.

As you read this, the results of the yesterday’s local council contests in Rivers state are being awaited. It was a sham in all intents and purposes, partly because the same INEC that had availed other states with the voters’ register decided, this time, to join Nyesom Wike, the minister of the Federal Capital Territory, in his battle against the Rivers state governor, Similayi Fubara. The INEC, believed to be acting Wike’s script, acted to sabotage the election, just like the Nigerian Police that relied on a questionable court judgment in addicting their responsibility of maintaining law and order during the polls.

By the time Fubara calls the election, it may enter the Guinness Books as, perhaps, the most chaotic of such exercises ever conducted, thanks in part to the indiscretions of Mahmood Yakubu’s INEC and the self-serving interests of the Police led by the IG, Kayode Egbetoku.

A Profaned Society:

A profaned society is one where the sacred values that hold a community together - its moral compass, cultural norms, ethical standards, and sense of duty - are desecrated, diminished, or destroyed. In such a society, materialism, corruption, selfishness, and cynicism replace shared spiritual and moral principles. This leads to a deep erosion of trust, unity, and collective responsibility, weakening the very fabric of society.

Nigeria: Tending Towards a Profaned Society?

Historical Context of Moral Decay in Nigeria:

Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has oscillated between hope and despair. While the country had great potential, its trajectory has been marred by a steady decay in moral values, which has become evident in both individual behaviors and institutional practices. Key points in this moral decline include:

1. Military Rule and Corruption: The successive military coups that began in the 1960s brought with them authoritarian rule, suppression of civil liberties, and systemic corruption. The state became a tool for personal enrichment rather than public service, setting a dangerous precedent that eroded moral values in governance and trickled down to society.

2. Economic Collapse of the 1980s: The Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) implemented by the Nigerian government, under pressure from international financial institutions, resulted in widespread economic hardship. These economic crises further pushed individuals toward survivalist tendencies, often at the cost of ethical and moral considerations.

3. Post-Military Democracy: The return to civilian rule in 1999 came with renewed hopes, but endemic corruption persisted, especially in governance. Electoral fraud, political violence, and the mismanagement of Nigeria’s vast resources continued to erode trust in public institutions.

4. Religious Extremism and Ethno-Political Divides: In recent decades, Nigeria has also witnessed a surge in religious extremism (e.g., Boko Haram insurgency) and ethno-political conflicts. These events reflect a deeper moral crisis, where violence and division are often justified in the name of religion or ethnicity.

The Effect on the Individual:

The degradation of moral values in Nigeria has left a significant impact on the individual. The traditional Nigerian society, once known for values of honesty, communalism, and integrity, has been replaced by a culture where personal gain is prioritized above the common good. Corruption, dishonesty, and a lack of accountability have become normalized. The Nigerian youth are particularly vulnerable, often growing up in a system where short-term gains, quick fixes, and unethical practices are seen as acceptable pathways to success. Hopelessness, disillusionment, and a loss of identity plague the younger generation, while selfishness and cynicism are rife among many.

The Challenges to Nigerian Society:

At the societal level, the decay of moral values has severely hampered development. It manifests in:

1. Weak Institutions: Public institutions lack the moral authority to enforce laws, maintain transparency, or foster social justice. Corruption has eroded the public’s trust in key institutions, including law enforcement, the judiciary, and government agencies.

2. Economic Inequality: The concentration of wealth in the hands of a few corrupt elites has left the vast majority of Nigerians in poverty. The disparity between the rich and poor widens each year, and opportunities for social mobility are minimal.

3. Social Fragmentation: Moral decay has also contributed to the growing ethnic and religious divides in Nigeria. In a society where self-interest prevails, people seek security in their ethnic or religious identity, rather than in a shared national vision.

4. Brain Drain: Nigeria continues to lose its most educated and talented citizens to other countries due to a lack of opportunities, insecurity, and systemic corruption. This hinders national development, as many who could contribute to the nation’s progress are disillusioned and choose to seek better prospects elsewhere.

Characteristics of a Profaned Society:

1. Loss of Trust: Institutions and individuals are no longer trusted due to corruption, dishonesty, and a lack of accountability.

2. Materialism and Consumerism: A shift towards valuing material wealth and personal gain over communal well-being and spiritual fulfillment.

3. Cynicism and Apathy: People no longer believe in the possibility of a better society, leading to widespread disengagement from civic duties.

4. Moral Relativism: The distinction between right and wrong becomes blurred, with unethical behaviors becoming normalized.

5. Fragmentation: The absence of shared values leads to a divided society, where people are more loyal to subgroups (ethnic, religious, political) than to the common good.

Causes of Profaned Societies:

1. Corruption: A fundamental cause of moral decay, where public service becomes self-serving.

2. Poor Leadership: Weak, unethical leadership that prioritizes power over principle.

3. Economic Instability: Economic hardship often forces people into survivalist behaviors that compromise their ethical standards.

4. Cultural Erosion: Globalization and the erosion of traditional cultural values can lead to the loss of moral anchors.

5. Weak Education Systems: Education that lacks a moral foundation and civic responsibility fosters individuals who are technically skilled but morally adrift.

Historical Examples of Collapsed Civilizations:

1. Ancient Rome: Once the most powerful empire, Rome collapsed due to moral decay, political corruption, and the overextension of its resources.

2. The Mayans: While there were many causes of the Mayan civilization’s fall, internal strife, the abuse of power by leaders, and a disconnect from core values contributed.

3. The Soviet Union: Though a superpower, the USSR crumbled under the weight of corruption, economic inefficiencies, and the disillusionment of its people.

From these examples, we learn that civilizations do not simply collapse because of external pressures but because their internal moral and ethical foundations crumble.

Moral Principles as the Foundation for Nigeria’s Development:

Nigeria’s path to greatness lies in re-establishing a society where moral principles form the foundation of governance, business, and everyday life. These principles include integrity, justice, fairness, and community responsibility. A society that upholds these values will have stronger institutions, more engaged citizens, and sustainable development.

Practical Steps to Restore a Profaned Society:

A Special Case for Nigeria

1. Leadership by Example: Nigerian leaders must embody the values they wish to see in society. Accountability, transparency, and a commitment to justice must become the new standards of leadership.

2. Civic Education: Education must go beyond academic knowledge. Moral and civic education, which emphasizes ethics, citizenship, and the importance of community, should be integrated into Nigeria’s educational curriculum.

3. Cultural Renaissance: There must be a conscious effort to revive traditional Nigerian values that emphasize honesty, community, and respect for others. Cultural leaders, alongside religious institutions, should champion these values.

4. Youth Empowerment: Nigeria’s youth must be re-oriented towards the values of hard work, integrity, and service. Initiatives like mentorship programs, community service, and entrepreneurship training should be prioritized.

5. Reforming Institutions: Institutional reform is crucial. Anti-corruption agencies must be strengthened, the judiciary made independent and accountable, and public servants held to higher moral and ethical standards.

6. Engaging Civil Society: Civil society organizations should lead efforts to promote good governance, accountability, and social justice. By keeping institutions in check, they ensure the moral values of society are not undermined.

7. National Dialogue: A national conversation on the moral direction of the country should be initiated, involving all stakeholders - government, religious leaders, community heads, and ordinary citizens.

Conclusion:

The time is now for Nigerians to rise and embark on the Revolution of the Mind. The restoration of our moral values is not just a lofty ideal but a practical necessity for the survival and thriving of Nigeria as a nation. Every Nigerian must commit to this change, starting with individual, and collectively, we can build a nation grounded in the Moral Principles that will drive our development and prosperity for generations to come. Nigeria Must and Will Rise!

Yours for Nigeria as a Global Leader!

Musa-Ododo Abdulrahaman,

Founder/President,

Initiative for Discovery of Nigeria Heritage and Endowment (IDNHE).

Project Coordinator,

National Policy Dialogue.

www.nationalpolicydialogue.org

(Address delivered on 8th October 2024 at the 54th Annual Conference of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria at Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja).

I sincerely appreciate the immense honour and special privilege accorded me as the Chairman of the Plenary I Session of the 54th Annual Accountants Conference of our beloved Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria [ICAN].

Please permit me to congratulate most heartily Chief Davidson Chizuoke S. Alaribe FCA, the freshly cut Diamond President of ICAN on his elevation to the position of Commander-In-Chief of Chartered Accountants in Nigeria and the diaspora. We cannot fault his choice of “GOVERNANCE REIMAGINED : MAPPING THE FUTURE” as the theme of this year’s conference.

To crown it all we have as the presenter of the lead paper the cerebral and feisty Governor of Abia State, His Excellency Dr. Alex Otti, OFR whose state was recently declared number one in the WAEC (West African Examination Council) ranking in terms of performance amongst the thirty-six State of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory. He certainly deserves a resounding round of applause for this most commendable achievement within his first year in office.

As Chartered Accountants, we are entitled to request confirmation/verification regarding the following report which made the front page of several newspapers and has gone viral on social media.

Headline: “ALEX OTTI VOWS TO SHOCK NIGERIANS:

   EXPOSES GOVERNORS AS THIEVES AND PROMISES

   ACCOUNTABILITY”

Perhaps that was what prompted Chief Alaribe to immediately dispatch an invitation to the Guest Speaker. Having whetted our appetite, what followed was the main course:

“I have not done 5 per cent of the 100 per cent plans I have for Aba. I am here to shock Nigerians and tell them their Governors are all thieves and by the time I am done working, you will stone your Governors anywhere you see him. Hold your governors accountable. The President is doing what he is supposed to be doing. I give him kudos. He is not our problem in Nigeria but we, the governors.”

At this juncture, I believe I am entitled to issue a disclaimer and seek the protection of other Past Presidents of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria. They are here in large numbers and the Chairman of the Body of Past Presidents, Sir Herbert A. Agbebiyi FCA has assured me of diplomatic immunity provided I stick to the title of my own address:

“THE NATION IS WAITING FOR A CEASEFIRE.”

Indeed, we are at a critical intersection of our nation’s trajectory. Some of our most eminent Chartered Accountants as well as profoundly engaging economists and brilliant political scientists insist that we are actually at the brink. Hence, we must exercise sound judgement re-inforced with a delicate balancing act. Our financial architecture is in a shambles and requires urgent re-engineering. The figures simply do not add up !!

Our Nation is clearly in crisis. Rage and distemper have engulfed our country while bandits, kidnappers, fraudsters, rapists, looters, money-launderers, and arsonists hold sway. Yet, considering the intellectual endowments of our fellow citizens (starting with the nearly seven thousand Chartered Accountants who are attending this conference physically or virtually) and the enormous natural (and unnatural !!) resources which the Almighty has lavished on us – oil and gas; gold; diamond, Lead/Zinc, Limestone, Salt, Cassiterite, Clay, Dolomite, Marble & Tantalite, Bentonite, Gypsium, Kaolin & Magnesite, Lignite, Uranium, we have no business with poverty, hunger, ignorance, deprivation, homelessness and hopelessness. We have not even factored into the

equation our vast arable land and abundant water resources as well as glorious sunshine for most of the year. Freezing cold, monsoons, hurricanes, and tsunami are not our portion.

Sadly, the recent floods in Maiduguri have wreaked havoc and led to loss of thousands of lives and devasted property which would cost billions to replace.

We are confronted with erratic data and indexes combined with intimidating climate change and perplexing algorithms.

Perhaps the intercession of a ceasefire will provide us with the breathing space and respite to reflect on the gravity of our situation. Our first hurdle is our massive bust deficit – between the Governors/rulers; and between Chartered Accountants and their clients. It is an enigmatic quadratic equation. Our salvation may well lie in our culture and history which would galvanize us on the path to restoration of mutual respect; service to our nation (which resonates with our National Anthem and the school song of King’s College, Lagos); law and order anchored on justice; and gender equality. These are the irreducible minimum as we contend with ethnic strive and religious bigotry.

At the recently concluded United Nations General Assembly (……….to September 2024, His Excellency President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR delivered a passionate plea for Debt Forgiveness. Our fervent hope is that the forgiveness will not come too late. We must also work assiduously in preparation for the awkward question that would be inevitably be asked as well as our own arsenal of documentary frauds going back several decades – with Nigeria as the victim.

We must not underestimate the eloquence or gravity of a ceasefire. It comes with a genuine desire and commitment to restore justice based on conviction and reconciliation together with justice.

Here is the continuation of “CHARTERED ACCOUNTANTS VERSUS ECONOMISTS” to the subject matter.

“Is it true you were once a Catholic?

No! People make mistakes. I attended a Roman Catholic school, St Aquinas College Akure, just like College of Immaculate Conception, CIC, here in Enugu. If somebody attends CIC, must he be a Roman Catholic? But you find that it was made compulsory for everybody to behave like a Roman Catholic and because of my attitude and way of life, I speak Latin, the Irish Fathers loved me and so they put me in charge of the Sacristy.

At that time, I was serving Mass, we were all made to attend the chapel, whether you are a Roman Catholic or not, it was compulsory. So, I was influenced a bit by the Roman Catholic doctrine, which was an eye-opener and my father therefore said why don’t I become a reverend father because of the way I served Mass and followed the reverend fathers for evangelism.

My father wanted me to be a lawyer and some people wanted me to be a Reverend Father. I started teaching, from teaching I was to read law in the University of Ife but I went into Theology because during the civil war I was one of those that would have been killed in the Asaba genocide but God saved my life.

In 1967 I was to be killed among those that were killed but God saved my life. When they were shooting, I fell down and in the night I escaped. So, I experienced the genocide of the Nigeria civil war. I saw war with my eyes, I saw blood with my eyes, and it was a serious genocide. Innocent people in my Asaba area were killed for nothing except that we were ‘Ajukwu’ brothers (Ojukwu brothers), that was what they were saying. My father’s first house in Asaba was burnt down, many of our houses were burnt, many of our relatives were burnt, many of our kindred were killed unnecessarily and many of our women were forcefully married by the soldiers. It was such a terrible thing that when I remember it I shed tears especially when they are doing Armed Forces Remembrance Day.

I feel that Nigeria still has to apologize to the Asaba people and to the Eastern part of Nigeria for the genocide and war. That was the reason I said that January 15, which is my birthday, Nigeria should be celebrating it as a day of mourning and forgiveness, asking God for forgiveness and thanksgiving for the end of the war. Remember that in the Bible when God destroyed the world with water Noah prayed to God and he stopped the war of water and Noah praised and thanked God for it. So if war has ended we should be able to say father thank you for the war that ended but rather than doing it what you see now is selectiveness against the Igbo. We are being neglected, sidelined and nobody is thinking about what we suffered during the civil war. This is unfortunate and I feel that President Bola Tinubu, if they could do something to MKO Abiola and honour him, the people of Asaba should be honoured with a day of forgiveness, thanksgiving and then a lot of things should be done in memory and compensation for the Eastern part of Nigeria for the civil war.

How did the Asaba genocide actually happen?

The Nigerian soldiers were to cross the River Niger and when they came they couldn’t cross. They said there was a goddess in the River called Onishee who would come out and their boat would sink because at that time the bridge had collapsed. So, the soldiers got angry and said that there were some Biafran soldiers among us. In fact, they separated us, I was about 14 years. They separated the women and said that all of us, the male, should be lined up and killed. In the course of the shooting I fell down and corpses fell on me. That was how I escaped.

When I spoke Yoruba, one of the soldiers said ‘are you a Yoruba man?’ And I said yes and that was how they rescued me. The soldiers were tall, we called them Gongola, gwodogwodo! Some of them said it was because of Chukwuma Nzeogwu, who was not from Asaba really, he was from Ika Ibo, but they still dealt with us and that’s unfortunate. To God be the glory we survived.

What do you think is the reason General Yakubu Gowon is yet to say anything about the civil war?

Gowon is very apologetic and that was why he started Nigeria Prays and we have to commend him for that. That Nigeria Prays was to revive the spirit of the people back from the civil war and to reconcile people back to God and to go on with one Nigeria.”

Another illustration of the need for ceasefire as a pre-requisite for:

 “GOVERNANCE REIMAGINED : MAPPING THE FUTURE”

Is provided by the following vignette courtesy of Festus Adedayo of “Sunday Tribune” newspaper.

“In 2019, investigative journalist Fisayo Soyombo, adopting the pseudonym, Ojo Olajumoke, spent five days in a police cell and eight days as an inmate in Ikoyi Prison. It was in the bid to crack corruption in Nigeria’s criminal justice system. There was no single whimper from the Nigerian establishment (including the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria !!). After Soyombo’s arrest and detention in police custody, he was arraigned in court and ultimately got a remand in prison. He emerged with very distressing stories of illegitimate arrests, extrajudicial killings, bribery and corruption and a criminal justice system that is in a sorry case. He even claimed that a prison official asked him for money to remove his name from jailbirds’ roster.”

Yet another case in point was the order by a then military Head of State that university lecturers and professors who were about to launch a protest against their salaries and conditions of service should vacate staff quarters/accommodation provided by the universities. The consequences were disastrous. The lecturers and professors were running helter skelter. It has not occurred to them that they needed to own their own houses. Some ended up squatting (along with their families) with friends (sometimes in their Boys’ Quarters which were meant for their domestic staff). Others resigned to take up lucrative jobs in Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, Britain and United States of America. The brain drain was massive. It heralded the “JAPA” syndrome – exodus of critical manpower.

I suspect that the older generation of Chartered Accountants in our midst would readily recall that in year 2000, the Nigerian Government budgeted the hefty sum of N10 billion in anticipation of the threat that at the stroke of midnight on 31st December 2000, all computers would cease to function !! It was going to be an apocalypse of monumental dimensions. Actually, 31st December 2000 came and went seamlessly. Nothing happened. To the best of my knowledge, nobody was ever asked to account for the N10 billion booty and the frantic sharing of money that preceded the non-event.

As matters stand, the hornet’s nest has been stirred. Chartered Accountants are sufficiently concerned and energized (without relying on steroids). It is time to turn a new chapter. To the more discerning, the crisis within our own profession are as myriad as those bedeviling our nation. Hence, we must not only get our priorities right, we must tread carefully – with cautions optimism as our guidepost. It was not so long ago that the Minister of Finance (Chief A.A. Ani); Governor of Central Bank (Mr. Paul Ogwuma; and Chief Joseph O. Sanusi); Minister of Industries (Chief Kola B. Jamodu); and Head of (civil) Service (Mr. Steve O. Oronsaye) and the Director-General of Budget and Planning (Pastor Ken Akabueze) were all Chartered Accountants. The power structure and influence landscape have undergone change that is almost beyond recognition. If we are not careful Chartered Accountants would be pushed to the middle rank or right to the back of the surging queue. Clearly, we have lost a lot of ground.

In seeking restitution or redress, we must adhere to the ethics of our profession and our commitment to the enduring principles of accuracy and integrity within the ambit of “true and fair.” What stares us in the face are harsh realities. More and more of our members are in distress.

Many are merely surviving as best as they can while others settle for menial jobs (e.g. as cab or Uber drivers). On a recent trip to London, the guy who checked me in at the check-in desk was a Chartered Accountant !!. There is not enough time or space to dwell on the plight of Chartered Accountants who are in practice but are forced to accept meagre fees for their professional services at a time when inflation is officially34 per cent and the exchange rate of the naira has nose-dived.

No matter how pushed to the wall we are, we must remain steadfast and faithful to the tradition of our noble profession. We are the conscience of the nation. If there is any iota of doubt, the least we can do is call for a CEASEFIRE.

When debt service escalates to 96 per cent of revenue and is four times what we are spending on education or health, ordinary folks (our fellow citizens) are entitled to ask what future are the Chartered Accountants postulating about at their conference. We shall soon find out.

When Major-General Muhammadu Buhari overthrew the elected civilian administration of President Shehu Shagari on the last day of 1983, he inherited an economy in a mess and a political system in turmoil. That crisis of a dysfunctional political economy was Buhari’s principal reason for sacking the Shagari administration.

For Buhari, Nigeria’s crisis of balance of payments was the result of two things: indiscipline and economic crimes. His answer to the former was a War against Indiscipline (WAI), a catch-all acronym for everything from instilling a queue culture in the population to capital punishment for drug suspects. Turning to the latter, General Buhari invented a very capacious category of economic sabotage. Those arrested for these did not necessarily have to suffer a predictable judicial ritual.

In 1984, the Buhari regime ordered the detention of five citizens of Taiwan arrested by the officers of the Customs Service who caught them in possession of blank attested and proforma invoices for goods supposedly imported into Nigeria. One of the arrested persons was known as Wang Chin-Yao. They were supposedly involved in economic sabotage of the country which was meant to be a crime. Rather than charge them with a crime known to the law, however, the regime arranged to have them locked up in administrative detention under the State Security (Detention of Persons) Decree No. 2 of 1984. Under this decree, a detention certificate issued by the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters was enough to lock a person away interminably. Among its features, the decree precluded courts from inquiring into anything concerning the detention of persons held under its authority.

Fearing interminable detention, Wang Chin-Yao and his compatriots sued the Chief of Staff in the hope that the court could pronounce on the lawfulness of their detention, but the High Court chose to emulate the Biblical Pontius Pilate and decided that the decree under which they were held precluded it from questioning the detentions. On All Fools Day (1 April) in 1985, the Court of Appeal decided their appeal against the decision of the High Court. In a judgment delivered by Phillip Adenekan Ademola, the Court of Appeal affirmed the ruling of the High Court. Adenekan Ademola, whose father was the first indigenous Chief Justice of Nigeria, stated his reasons with flamboyant economy holding “that on the question of civil liberties, the law courts of Nigeria must as of now blow muted trumpets.”

These words were to prove exceedingly corrosive in their effect on judicial imagination under the military. A mere three years after this judgment by Adenekan Ademola, his bosom friend and Sarkin Wurno, Shehu Malami, became the subject of considerable interest by the security services of the military government when he threw his hat into the ring to become the 18th Sultan of Sokoto at the death of Sultan Siddiq Abubakar III.

It was impossible to find a court without its own muted trumpet. The muted trumpets of the courts enabled the abuses that ultimately made military rule untenable and brought about its demise one decade later.

The hope - with the end of military rule - was that the return of the country to government with electoral legitimacy would unleash the civic imagination of Nigerians.

In the run-up to Nigeria’s presidential elections of 2023, part of the claim made in favour of the man whom the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) eventually anointed as president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, was that he had fought the excesses of military rule as a chieftain of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), a pro-democracy collective, many of whose leading members were exiled during the last half-decade of military rule in Nigeria. It is natural to expect that the government of a man with those credentials would be a paradise for the kinds of rights for which he reputedly took the military to task.

The reality has been anything but…. The government of Bola Ahmed Tinubu has instead become the graveyard of freedoms of expression and association and of the right to protest in Nigeria and it is only just a little over 15 months in power. The numbers are there to prove it.

In the first year of the Tinubu administration, the Press Attack Tracker recorded 37 incidents of attacks against journalists and the press. The first five months of 2024 alone witnessed 27 such attacks. For comparison, advocacy organization, Global Rights, which monitored similar patterns under the Buhari regime recorded 189 journalists arrested, detained or harassed over the eight years of the Buhari administration. At the current pace, the Tinubu regime of NADECO graduates will by the end of its second year easily eclipse the record of the entire Buhari administration in press freedom violations over its eight years of existence.

At the end of August 2024, Bola Tinubu’s Nigeria comfortably topped the league table of attacks on journalists in Africa with over 76 recorded incidents of attacks against journalists, beating Somalia (with 18 attacks) into second place, with Congo DRC a distant third with five incidents.

These numbers only provide a peek into a more troubling pattern. Last month, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported “at least 56 journalists who were assaulted or harassed by security forces or unidentified citizens while covering the #EndBadGovernance demonstrations in Nigeria.” The “unidentified citizens” who were involved in some of these attacks mostly conducted themselves in ways which suggested that they were agents or emissaries of the ruling party or government.

The #EndBadGovernance protest and its aftermath have been a squalid advertisement of the illiberal credentials of the Tinubu Government. After failing to intimidate citizens out of the protest, the administration resorted to third-degree methods to squash it. It arrested thousands of citizens whose only crime was peaceful expression of dissent, instructed the freezing of the accounts of persons and groups whom it claimed to be organisers of the protests, and procured suspicious court orders to unsafely kettle and intimidate the protesters. Security forces killed at least 13 protesters although the real casualty count is thought to be well north of this number.

Not content with these, the government arranged in Abuja to charge many of the protesters with treason or conspiracy to commit treason. Campaigners at Human Rights Watch have rightly pointed out that this signals the extent of the regime’s “intolerance for dissent.” The significance of these charges goes well beyond this, however. The charges of treason for the #EndBadGovernance protesters are designed to intimate any wannabe protesters. They are also a dog whistle for the judges before whom these protesters are charged to treat them as beyond the pale and beneath the law.

The judges are listening. At the trial before the Federal High Court in Abuja, the court eventually granted the protesters bail on rather stringent conditions. Citizen groups are now working hard to socialize the costs of meeting these conditions. Lawyers for the government meanwhile go around intimidating the courts with specious reasons as to why protest has become treason under the government of a serial protester.

Nearly 40 years ago, when the son of a former Chief Justice of Nigeria told judges to blow muted trumpets on questions of civil liberties, there was an assumption that the judges were capable of doing differently. Now and again many of them indeed served the soldiers with a judicial bloody nose. Today, that capacity no longer exists. Nigerian courts no longer want to be associated with any trumpets, not even muted ones, lest they inadvertently let out some judicial sound.

Instead, many courts, under the thumb of their Chiefs or administrative judges have become enablers of the authoritarian instincts of the government of NADECO veterans. When the security services invade the offices of advocacy organization, SERAP; or interdict the passport of Omoyele Sowore at the airport, they don’t even contemplate the existence of judges capable of playing Pontius Pilate. For them, the courts no longer exist. That is some progress!

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Electricity is the backbone of any modern economy, fueling innovation, industry, and social development. Across Africa, countries such as Ghana, South Africa, Egypt, and Kenya have managed to provide their citizens with more regular and affordable electricity, creating an environment where businesses thrive, and homes function without the worry of frequent power outages or exorbitant costs. These nations have set an example of what is possible when a country’s energy sector is properly managed and maintained.

Nigeria, with its massive population and wealth of natural resources, should have been one of the first to achieve this feat. Yet, despite its potential, Nigeria remains stuck in an energy crisis that leaves much to be desired. Ostensibly to catch up with some African countries which offer regular and affordable electricity to their citizens, Nigeria has in recent months introduced a new electricity tariff structure, with bands such as A, B, and C, resulting in more consistent power supply. However, this has come at a high cost, as affordability has become a pressing concern for many consumers.

This begs the question: “If smaller African nations with fewer resources have achieved affordable and regular electricity, why has Nigeria, the giant of Africa, failed to do the same?”

For instance, Ghana is often hailed as one of Africa’s success stories in electricity provision. After undergoing severe power crises in the past, the country implemented structural reforms that have significantly improved its electricity generation and distribution. Ghana has invested heavily in its energy sector, diversifying its energy sources to include hydropower, natural gas, and solar power. Today, the country boasts one of the most reliable electricity grids in West Africa, with over 85% of its population having access to electricity.

More impressively, the cost of electricity in Ghana remains relatively affordable compared to Nigeria. This is because of the government’s proactive approach in subsidizing electricity for lower-income households while ensuring a consistent supply. The Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) also ensures transparency and accountability in its operations, which helps to maintain consumer trust.

In a similar vein, Kenya has emerged as a leader in renewable energy, making significant strides in achieving regular and affordable electricity for its citizens. The East African nation has focused on geothermal energy, which accounts for over 45% of its electricity generation. Kenya’s investment in renewable energy has not only improved the reliability of electricity supply but has also driven down costs, making it one of the most affordable in Africa.

In rural areas, the government has implemented off-grid solar systems to ensure that even remote communities can access power. This strategic approach to energy diversification has allowed Kenya to achieve almost 80% electricity coverage, with the goal of reaching 100% by 2030. As a result, Kenya has become a benchmark for other African nations, including Nigeria that are struggling with electricity provision.

While South Africa is currently experiencing electricity challenges due to aging infrastructure and the country’s reliance on coal, it remains one of the few African countries that has historically provided affordable and regular electricity. For decades, South Africa’s electricity system was one of the most robust on the continent, delivering power to over 85% of its population at relatively low costs.

Despite recent issues with load shedding, South Africa’s state-owned utility, Eskom, still manages to keep electricity rates affordable for most citizens. The South African government is now working to diversify its energy sources by investing in renewables like solar and wind power to ensure that its citizens can continue to enjoy affordable and regular electricity in the future.

Egypt is another African country that has made remarkable strides in its energy sector. The North African giant invested billions of dollars into modernizing its power grid, which includes one of the largest solar parks in the world at Benban. Egypt has also successfully reformed its energy pricing system, ensuring that electricity remains affordable for its citizens.

In addition to modernizing its infrastructure, Egypt has reduced energy subsidies over time in a way that balances affordability with sustainability. This ensures that while the government reduces its financial burden, the cost of electricity remains within reach for both households and businesses. Egypt’s commitment to renewable energy has not only made it a leader in Africa but has also helped stabilize its electricity supply, achieving almost universal access.

Nigeria’s electricity sector tells a starkly different story. Despite being Africa’s largest economy and boasting enormous reserves of oil and natural gas, the country has struggled for decades to provide stable and affordable electricity to its citizens. The introduction of tariff bands like A, B, and C has led to more consistent supply for some areas, but this improvement has been overshadowed by soaring costs, which have made electricity unaffordable for many Nigerians.

Given the foregoing situation in Nigeria’s energy sector, not a few people have commented that the reasons for Nigeria’s ongoing electricity woes are multifaceted, blaming the country for so much dependency on fossil fuels. Their reasoning cannot in any way be faulted as it is crystal clear that Nigeria’s heavy reliance on natural gas and fossil fuels for electricity generation makes the country vulnerable to fluctuations in global energy prices. When the price of gas rises, so does the cost of electricity generation, leading to higher tariffs for consumers. This reliance on a single source of energy also limits Nigeria’s ability to diversify and stabilize its energy supply.

Also been mentioned for the umpteenth times as one of the reasons for poor and costly electricity supply is poor Infrastructure. The foregoing view can be buttressed against the backdrop of the outdated power infrastructure in the country; even as the infrastructure is poorly maintained leading to frequent breakdowns and inefficiencies. In fact, transmission and distribution networks are plagued with energy losses, which further contribute to the high cost of electricity. Without significant investment in upgrading these systems, Nigeria will continue to struggle with both regularity and affordability.

In fact, not a few people’s views have either being read or heard in the media saying that corruption has been a major stumbling block in Nigeria’s energy sector. As gathered, they often say that the privatization of the power sector, which was meant to bring about efficiency and improvement, has been hampered by vested interests and mismanagement, resulting to a system where power distribution companies (DisCos) often underperform, leaving consumers with erratic service at exorbitant prices.

For years, successive Nigerian governments have promised reforms in the power sector, but these promises have rarely been fulfilled. Political leaders often shy away from the difficult decisions needed to overhaul the system, such as cracking down on corrupt practices or fully liberalizing the energy market. The absence of strong political will to tackle these issues head-on has left Nigeria lagging behind its African counterparts.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Is There a Way Out?” Absolutely, Nigeria has the potential to provide both affordable and regular electricity. If smaller African nations with fewer resources have succeeded, there is no reason Nigeria cannot follow suit. The solution lies in a combination of key steps that cut across energy diversification, investment in infrastructure, government accountability and 4. Public-Private Partnerships (PPP).

Given the foregoing, it is expedient to opine that Nigeria must prioritize the diversification of its energy sources by investing in renewable energy such as solar, wind, and hydropower. Renewables offer a more sustainable and cheaper alternative to fossil fuels and will reduce the country’s vulnerability to global energy price fluctuations.

In a similar vein, there is an urgent need to overhaul Nigeria’s electricity infrastructure. Upgrading transmission and distribution networks will reduce energy losses and improve efficiency. This requires significant investment from both the government and private sector, but the long-term benefits will far outweigh the costs.

Still in a similar vein, the Nigerian government must demonstrate the political will to hold DisCos accountable for their performance. Strengthening regulatory bodies such as the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) to ensure transparency and fairness in tariff pricing is critical to restoring consumer trust.

Added to the foregoing steps, Nigeria should explore public-private partnerships to finance energy projects and build more power plants. By working with foreign investors and multilateral agencies, Nigeria can access the funding needed to improve its energy sector and provide affordable electricity to its citizens.

In fact, the examples of Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Egypt show that regular and affordable electricity is not a pipe dream, it is achievable. Nigeria, with its abundant natural resources, has the potential to lead the continent in energy provision. However, without the necessary reforms, investments, and political will, the country will remain in the dark, while other African nations continue to shine.

It is time for Nigeria to harness its full potential and deliver what its people deserve: reliable, affordable electricity that powers growth and development. If other African countries can do it, why can’t Nigeria?

On October 5, 2011, the world lost Steve Jobs, the visionary co-founder of Apple Inc., at age 56 due to complications from pancreatic cancer. Jobs left an indelible mark on multiple industries, transforming the way people interact with technology through devices like the Macintosh, iPod, iPhone, and iPad. His influence extended far beyond consumer electronics, leaving a legacy that continues to shape modern life.

Born in 1955 in San Francisco, Jobs was adopted by Paul and Clara Jobs and raised in the heart of Silicon Valley. Although he dropped out of college after one semester, his journey would soon see him co-found Apple with his friend Steve Wozniak in 1976, in his parents’ garage. With no formal training in technology or business, Jobs possessed a unique blend of vision and intuition. He believed that computers could evolve from niche tools into devices integral to everyday life, a belief that became the cornerstone of Apple’s success.

Under Jobs’ leadership, Apple introduced the Apple II, one of the first personal computers, and later the revolutionary Macintosh in 1984, which introduced a graphical user interface that forever changed personal computing. Even after his departure from Apple in 1985, Jobs continued to leave his mark. He founded NeXT, a company whose technology would play a critical role in the development of the World Wide Web, and acquired Pixar, which went on to redefine the animation industry with “Toy Story” and other classics.

When Jobs returned to Apple in 1997, the company was struggling. Through his unmatched leadership and relentless pursuit of perfection, he turned Apple into one of the world’s most valuable companies. Products like the iPod, iPhone, and iPad became cultural phenomena, seamlessly integrating into the daily lives of millions of people across the globe. Jobs’ genius was not just in the products themselves, but in understanding how people would use them, and how they would impact culture and communication.

Despite his medical struggles, including a pancreatic tumor surgery and a liver transplant, Jobs’ commitment to his vision remained unwavering until the end. On August 24, 2011, just six weeks before his passing, he stepped down as CEO of Apple, leaving behind a company that embodied his passion for innovation.

Steve Jobs’ journey on Earth was one that left a monumental landmark. His life’s work was not only about creating products; it was about reshaping entire industries and redefining how we engage with the world. As his biographer Walter Isaacson noted, “Jobs was the greatest business executive of our era, the one most certain to be remembered a century from now.” His legacy lives on through the millions of lives touched by his innovations, his bold leadership, and his uncompromising vision of the future.

In the annals of history, Jobs stands alongside great innovators like Thomas Edison and Henry Ford, a true testament to his transformative influence on technology and culture. His earthly journey, though cut short, continues to inspire generations.

Steve Jobs’ journey on this earth is one that future generations should not only admire but also strive to emulate. His life was characterized by a relentless pursuit of excellence, a fearless willingness to take risks, and an unwavering belief in the power of innovation to transform the world. Jobs’ approach to life serves as a blueprint for aspiring entrepreneurs and visionaries. Despite lacking formal technical education and facing numerous professional setbacks, he possessed an uncanny ability to see opportunities where others saw obstacles. His resilience in the face of adversity, from being ousted from Apple in 1985 to fighting health challenges later in life, stands as a testament to his strength of character. His story encourages individuals to persist through failure and keep their focus on a higher purpose.

Moreover, Jobs’ journey highlights the importance of following one’s passion with dedication and discipline. He was not just a businessman or a technologist; he was an artist who approached technology with a deep appreciation for design and user experience. His ability to merge functionality with aesthetics revolutionized the tech world, turning Apple products into cultural icons. This dedication to creating products that people love, not just use, is a lesson that transcends industries and professions. Jobs taught us that true success lies in the impact we make on others’ lives, and that achieving this requires a combination of passion, vision, and the courage to challenge the status quo. His earthly journey, though finite, offers a lasting guide for anyone looking to leave a meaningful mark on the world.

Victor Osimhen has carted home his first Turkish Super Lig award soon after joining Galatasaray on a season-long loan from Napoli.

The Nigeria international’s impressive goal against Kasımpaşa has been voted the Goal of the Week by beIN SPORTS, receiving a significant number of votes and securing 77.96% of the total.

Osimhen scored his first goal and followed it up with his first brace, but it was not enough to secure all three points for the Turkish champions, who gave up a three-goal lead to allow the visitors a share of the spoils.

The 25-year-old showcased his skill and decisiveness to volley home with his left foot after receiving a pass from former Napoli teammate Dries Marten to put his team 2-0 up.

Despite missing pre-season due to transfer complications, Osimhen has quickly become a key player for Galatasaray, having been involved in scoring or assisting in all four of his appearances for the club.

He took his season tally to two goals and four assists in four games for the Lions since joining on loan from Napoli.

However, Osimhen is currently sidelined with an injury after a knock he picked up during the league game. He missed the Europa League clash against RFS in Latvia on Wednesday, but his injury is not severe, and he is expected to return soon.

He could be back in action on the weekend when Galatasaray take on Alanyaspor in the Super Lig.

Meanwhile, the former Lille player has revealed the key role Galatasaray manager Okan Buruk played in convincing him to join the club.

“Okan Buruk is the key to my transfer,” Osimhen told A Spor. “I was incredibly impressed when I spoke to him.”

The initial loan deal sees Osimhen at Galatasaray for four months. However, his impressive start has led to speculation of a potential extension.

Despite Osimhen’s loan move, reports suggest Chelsea remains interested in acquiring him.

The Blues are reportedly prepared to offer €90 million for the Nigerian striker in the January transfer window.

[Punch]

Between 1967 and 1970, Nigeria narrowly escaped the misfortune of going into oblivion. An unnecessary war was raging here. People were dying on an industrial scale, from bullets and hunger. Most of the deaths were unaccounted for. Some inconsequential people emerged from the mayhem as war heroes and illustrious generals. What the British cobbled together in 1914 stood a clear chance of unraveling through the recklessness of politicians and the crass indiscipline and rascality of ambitious young army officers. Above it all, one man literally stood between a nation and its demise. General Yakubu Gowon stood sentry between the demise of a nation and its survival and reinvention into a new reality. On the 19th  of this month, General Yakubu Gowon turns 90, an occasion that deserves both personal and national celebration. It is also a milestone for recalling, especially to younger generations, General Gowon’s often forgotten historical significance in our nation.

Nigerian history suffers a habitual amnesia. We tend to forget important things and celebrate the ephemeral and inconsequential. For some reason, General Gowon has not been sufficiently acknowledged or sufficiently celebrated.  This great statesman and exemplary African soldier has neither been sufficiently acknowledged nor adequately celebrated. The Nigerian military institution which produced him has not sufficiently memorialized him. The civil populace has not quite adopted him as a Nigerian equivalent of America’s Abraham Lincoln.

Instead, it is those officers who came into national prominence and leadership under his command that have assumed colossal national political leadership since the end of the war. In the post civil war era, the trend of political succession tempted many to think that the return of Nigerian democracy was all about using political leadership to express gratitude to war time generals. Obasanjo returned to power as an elected president. Buhari did the same. Babangida almost did. Many others aspired but did not quite get there. Among political pundits, there was an emerging postulation that the war time general was a new typology of political leadership in Africa’s quest for democratic leadership in the post military era.

In this tradition, Gowon never featured as a favourite possibility.  He has also not been acknowledged by corporate Nigeria either even as a honorary member of a blue chip company. Even in a nation where religion has become an industry and prayer a cure-all, none of the nation’s industrial Pentecostal conglomerates has adopted Gowon as either a mascot or figurative inspiration.

Somehow, in a society that erects past leaders into social icons and living deities, Gowon has hardly featured either as a media favourite nor as a political mascot. The reasons may be implicit in the man’s very character. Gowon is not even a “Chief” in a nation where chieftaincy titles are lavishly dished out to miscreants by equally vagrant vagabonds! Gowon has not been seen taking to the dance floor to dance and entertain. His modest personal home in Plateau state has hardly been mentioned as an architectural landmark on any scale. It is on record that the house is a donation, made possible by the charity of associates and friends who were ashamed on his behalf many years ago. He has not been seen receiving political pilgrims as a political oracle. He has not featured profusely on the board list of blue chip companies. Nor has he been mentioned as a recipient of many oil wells. Even in the realm of his more serious carriage, I am not yet aware of too many universities named after Yakubu Gowon. Even though he went ahead to cap his political and historical achievement with a doctorate degree after office, Gowon has not been traversing the globe lecturing everyone else on nation building, leadership and post war reconciliation, areas in which he is eminently super qualified.

In all fairness, General Gowon has not quite made himself available for popular adoption as either a political, social or economic icon. To the best of my knowledge, Gowon has neither formed nor joined any political party. He had not even advocated or canvassed any known political viewpoint in our noisy national supermarket of changing political standpoints. Somehow, he has managed to stay above the fray of political regionalism and partisan … Yet, the theology of national unity on which he led the nation and prosecuted the civil war remains the most unassailable political idea that should power a truly nationalist political party or movement.

On the contrary, General Gowon has chosen the path of genteel honour in the classic  tradition of the ‘officer and gentleman’. More the statesman and nationalist than a partisan figure, he has reached out to his civil war adversaries- Ojukwu before his death, Wole Soyinka etc.- while maintaining his dignified distance from his more controversial former subordinates.

More importantly, General Gowon has played above the fray of Nigeria’s rough and tumble political partisanship. In a period of all manner of extremism, Gowon has remained the eternal moderate. Instead, General Gowon  has remained above the kind of rabid partisan political alignment that has torn the nation apart in recent times.  He has remained more of the balanced non- partisan , and calming statesman who is respected and revered all over the country.

General Gowon answered the call of the nation when we needed him most. Our fate was hanging on a delicate balance. Our unity in diversity was in peril. The institutions of our nationhood and cohesion were threatened to breaking point by the vicious forces of sectionalism and bad politics. The forces of division overwhelmed those of cohesion. Tragedy beckoned. Conflicting allegiances broke into open conflict. Blood flowed across the land. Above the carnage  of war and the booms of the guns of clashing armies, the nation was in dire need of  restorative leadership.

Historic necessity and circumstantial providence chose him as a vehicle for the restoration of national unity and healing. As Head of State and Commander in Chief of the armed forces of a war-torn Nigeria, General Gowon rose to the occasion of the historic challenges of the moment.

The soldier in him had to fight a war to save his nation. As a statesman, he had to reunite a nation that was unraveling under his watch. As the leader of a nation engulfed by the flames of war and the fire of hate, General Yakubu Gowon’s tasks were defined by the moment. He had to mend the broken bonds of neighbourliness and communal harmony.

Over and above the clashing weapons of war and the raging cries of agony, over and above the bleeding wounds of conflict and the breakdown of communal harmony, General Gowon’s voice rose with a clarion call: “To Keep Nigeria One is a Task that Must be Done.” The world heard him. His field commanders obeyed his order. The combatants saw reason and heeded his call.

In January 1970, the combatants in our civil war bent their swords towards peace and were swayed by Gowon’s logic. Warriors on both sides sheathed their swords and calm returned to our troubled land. The broken bonds of national unity began to mend. Reconciliation replaced animosity as adversaries reunited as neighbours. General Gowon had scored a historic vindication. His leadership doctrine of the pursuit of peace and harmony through necessary means prevailed.

It is a tribute to General Gowon that Nigeria was rescued from the brinks of disintegration and returned to the path of unity and nation building. An atmosphere of mutual respect and true reconciliation in  peace returned. For this great achievement, General Gowon ranks highly among the great war leaders and peace builders of the world like Abraham Lincoln, Winston Churchill and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame. He replaced tears with smiles of survival, hate receded and yielded for reconciliation.

It is to Yakubu Gowon’s credit that the Nigerian civil war ended without leaving a bloody trail of residual armed conflict, lingering bitterness and pockets of hate. Under his post war policy of Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction, a nation previously torn by the devastation of conflict and the tragic loss of lives embraced national unity and the restoration of harmonious communal living.  The world has since acknowledged the management of the  end of the Nigerian civil war as a global example of conflict resolution and post war healing.

It remains remarkable that even after the civil war, General Gowon did not see the end of the war as the end of the unfinished task of nation building. He instead resumed the uncompleted task of nation building from where our founding fathers left off. There was the urgent necessity to redress the structural imbalance of our federation which had bred the regional inequities that helped to produce the subsequent civil war. He adopted the state structure as a cardinal innovation to realign the federation by diminishing the power of regions.

Beyond this urgent political imperative, General Gowon realized that post -war Nigeria was a ‘new’ nation that needed to be prepared for new roles in a new and fast changing world. To strengthen the bonds of national unity, General Gowon initiated some national unity programmes some of which have remained part of the architecture of our nationhood till today. These include the introduction of the National Your Service Corp (NYSC) Scheme, the Unity Schools system, the Federal Character principle and the unified national command for the national military and the police.

Above all else, General Gowon was a visionary leader. He saw Nigeria beyond the resolution of the war. In preparation for a new, more modern nation, General Gowon introduced an indigenous national currency, the Naira to replace the colonial relic of the British Pound. To bring Nigeria in line with its regional socio economic environment, he initiated the switch of Nigeria from left hand drive to right hand drive which brought the country in line with the trend among its Franco-phone neighbours. To crown his efforts of regional integration in West Africa, General Gowon  was one of the pioneer leaders that established the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1973.

General Gowon, even out of office, has remained a committed leader and statesman. Out of office, he has spent decades as an agent of peace and harmony. His prayer movement “Nigeria Prays” has continued to inspire Nigerian Christians, irrespective of ethnicity and region , to see the power of prayer in guiding human affairs. He has gone about this endeavour without  the fanatical sectarianism that has come to characterize the faith sector of Nigerian social life.

It is a testimony to the impeccable credibility of this remarkable citizen that his name still continues to evoke respect across generations and sections of Nigerians. As a result, he has escaped the hostile branding and extremist  perceptions that greet most Nigerians leaders of his age and generation.  He has no labels or badges except those of honour as a leader who is acknowledged as the father of a reunified Nigeria. It is generally acknowledged that without his statesmanship and remarkable leadership, Nigeria would have been a different and perhaps worse place than the nation we know today.

Or, worse still, there would have been no Nigeria today as we have come to know it. Therefore, as he turns 90, we need to welcome General Yakubu Gowon into the pantheon of those human deities that have made Nigeria possible and enduring even with its imperfections.

Days ago, I stumbled on a fierce social media debate. It was centred on when Nigeria moved from “federal” to “unitary” system. I was very uncomfortable with the distortion of elementary political concepts but, as a basic rule, I do not participate in Nigerian social media debates. It is usually not a good use of time as things hardly end well. What actually jolted me was the confusion of “regions” with “federalism”. Somebody authoritatively declared that it was when we moved from “regions” to “states” in 1967 that we abandoned “true federalism” — and many agreed with him. There and then, I decided to revisit the government I studied as a subject in Form 4 during my O’Level education.

In a way, I can understand the confusion. When respected people say we should go back to “true federalism” by returning to the regions “as in the 1963 constitution”, those who do not have the foggiest idea of what used to obtain can easily confuse the concepts. I have come to understand that many Nigerians do not know the difference between a federal and a unitary structure, presidentialism and parliamentarianism, and other types and structures that define a political system. My modest attempt today is to pick on some of the common political concepts and explain them in simple and straight terms for the benefit of those who genuinely do not understand.

The first point I would make is that federalism is not determined by what you call the federating units. In Nigeria, we call the centre “federal government” and the subnational units “states”. Federations such as Mexico, the US and Germany also call them states. In Switzerland, they are called cantons; in Australia, states and territories; in Canada, provinces; in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), emirates; and in Ethiopia, regions. Therefore, what you call them does not determine whether the federalism is “true” or “fake”. Osun state was once renamed “State of Osun” in line with the nomenclature in the US where “true federalism is practised” and where states are called “State of…”

Now to the point: when did Nigeria move from “true federalism” to a unitary system? Without prejudice to the motive of those involved in the social media argument, it was the Unification Decree No. 34 of 1966 that abolished federalism and replaced it with a unitary system. The opening line of the decree was unequivocal about it: “Subject to the provisions of this Decree, Nigeria shall on 24th May 1966 (in this decree referred to as ‘the appointed day’) cease to be a Federation and shall accordingly as from that day be a Republic, by the name of the Republic of Nigeria, consisting of the whole of the territory which immediately before that day was comprised in the Federation.”

Before then, there were four regions: Northern, Eastern, Western (all created by Sir Arthur Richards in 1946) and Midwestern (created from the Western Region in 1963). Every region had provinces. Under the Unification Decree of 1966, the regions were “abolished” but — in a classic case of “potato/potahto” — they remained the same. Section 2(1)(c) of that decree stated that “the provinces… respectively comprised in Northern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria, Western Nigeria and Mid-Western Nigeria shall be known respectively as the Northern group of Provinces, the Eastern group of Provinces, the Western group of Provinces and the Mid-Western group of Provinces”.

Now this: Section 2(1)(d) of the decree stated clearly that “for the purpose of administration each group of provinces shall subject to the authority of the Head of the National Military Government, be under the general direction and control of a Military Governor appointed by the Head of the National Military Government”. That was the end of the federalism we started practising narrowly under the Richards Constitution in 1946 and more broadly under the MacPherson Constitution of 1951 and the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954. It was the 1954 constitution that actually refined our federalism by comprehensively listing the exclusive and concurrent powers. It was produced largely by Nigerians.

The 1960 and 1963 constitutions were basically updated versions of the Lyttleton Constitution to reflect Nigeria’s independence and republicanism respectively. However, it is only important and fair to state at this point that the move to a unitary system under the military in 1966 was logical: the military operates a command-and-control system. All orders flow from the top. No military unit is independent of central authority. It is anathema under a military system for the supreme commander to issue an order and for a commanding officer to act differently or issue a counter order. It is not done. With the Nigeria military seizing political power, authority had to be centralised.

I was initially taken aback that the abolition of the four regions and creation of 12 states in 1967 by the military government was described as the abolition of federalism in favour of a unitary system. One person confidently said the change from “regions” to “states” marked the end of federalism. But on a second thought, I should not be surprised. Anyone who has been listening to public debates recently will have heard that returning to “regionalism” was equal to returning to “true” federalism. That may suggest that regions and federalism are the same. That is not true. Unitary systems use “regions” as well. In Ghana, which runs a unitary system, the governing units are called regions.

Now to the concepts. What is unitary system? It is a political structure in which all powers belong to the central/national government. The subnational governments are subservient to the centre. In Ghana, for instance, the regions are subordinated to the centre. The 16 regions have 261 districts. The central government in a unitary system usually devolves power to the subnational levels. The UK — a kingdom of four countries — runs a highly devolved unitary system, with Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland having their own parliaments and heads of government business. No two unitary systems are the same. Every country localises its practice based on its own political evolution.

What is federalism? Here, power is shared between the national and subnational governments, unlike in the unitary system where all powers belong to the centre which in turn donates some to the lower levels. The basic principle of federalism is that the federating units are co-equals — and the states are not subservient to the centre. The powers each partner has are listed on the exclusive and concurrent lists. Exclusive powers are reserved for the centre while concurrent powers belong to both the centre and states. Anything not on exclusive and concurrent lists are considered “residual” and are under states. The federal government is not superior, except in areas on the exclusive list.

Federalism is practised differently in different countries, but some characteristics are common: the monetary policy is controlled by the centre to avoid having different rates and currencies; foreign affairs are under the federal government, otherwise every state will appoint ambassadors; there is only one military, else every state will have an army, air force and navy; and the country’s borders are under the federal government. However, every federation organises itself differently: there is state police in the US, unlike in South Africa. All resources are controlled by the Malaysian federal government; in the UAE, they are owned by the emirates; in Nigeria, there is a sharing formula.

In a typical federation, each federating unit has its own executive, legislature and judiciary — just like the central government. Each state runs its own budget and is not dictated to from the centre. Under military rule in Nigeria, state budgets were subject to approval by the head of state. That was a unitary system which was effectively abolished under the 1979 Constitution. Also, federalism is essentially a union between two tiers of government, but some federations recognise local governments as a tier. Brazil’s local councils have been totally independent of the states since 1987. In Nigeria, there is a strong move towards granting political and economic autonomy to the LGAs.

What is a confederation? Interesting one. It is a loose political arrangement where the units are stronger than the centre. They have individual currencies, flag, anthem, military, legislature, judiciary and executive. They are independent of other confederating units. To put it simply, it is a union or league of sovereign states — a marriage of convenience. Currently, there is no country that can be called a confederation. Although Switzerland is officially named the “Swiss Confederation”, it has been a federation since 1798. The US was a confederation from 1781 to 1789. Senegambia (Senegal and Gambia) formed a confederation that lasted for exactly seven years — from 1982 to 1989.

There are still confederations, nonetheless. The African Union (AU) is one. The European Union (EU) can be described as one, although its monetary union is a feature of federalism. There was a time many opinion leaders in Nigeria started demanding “confederalism” as the solution to our political crises and the only pathway to development. We are never short of ideas that we think will make the country great. Some have called for “true” federalism, “fiscal” federalism, change of name, change of flag and change of anthem. We are back to the “Nigeria We Hail Thee” anthem but there are yet no signs of massive development. The regionalism campaign has also staged a comeback. This is Nigeria.

As a parting shot, I would implore young Nigerians not to believe everything they read in the newspapers and on social media regarding political systems and the history of Nigeria. They should behave like the Bereans who subjected to biblical scrutiny everything they were told by the apostles. I have come to realise that a lot of revisionism is going on and many people are manipulating history and political concepts just to ram home their biases and beliefs. Some are no longer interested in the facts. All they do is pass opinions as facts and prey on the vulnerable. We are free to hold opinions and propagate ideas as we debate the state of the union, but may we kindly respect the facts?

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

THE RIVERS BETWEEN

Why should a court of law direct the INEC not to release voters’ register to the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) for the local government election? Why should a court ask police not to perform their constitutional duty of providing security? We are literally ruining this democracy because of egos and politicking. At the root is the conflict between Governor Simi Fubara and his estranged benefactor, Chief Nyesom Wike. President Tinubu must put his foot down on the crisis before things get out of hand. It is purely a political crisis to be resolved politically and Tinubu must urgently take the lead, otherwise the conflagration may become unquenchable. Statesmanship.

RISING STATS

Starlink recently announced a rise in its monthly subscription fee by 97 percent — from N38,000 to N75,000. The hardware is  now N590,000, up from N440,000. The price hike, according to the satellite internet service owned by Elon Musk’s SpaceX, was necessitated by inflation in Nigeria. It is hard to argue against the justification, with the heavy depreciation in the value of the naira in the last one year and several other costs associated with tech services. However, with Nigerian telcos also making a similar case for tariff adjustments in response to the economic statistics, you sense that it is just a matter of time before the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) approves. Imminent.

KEMI BADOO

Kemi Badenoch, the former UK business and trade secretary, has been making a passionate bid to become the new leader of the Conservative Party — a step towards becoming the prime minister in the future if things work in her favour. I am so happy for her. But can she please stop telling lies about Nigeria? She said she left the country in 1996 after “leftist” policies had eroded private wealth. I know she was just six when the structural adjustment programme (SAP) was introduced in 1986, resulting in the massive devaluation of the naira, but SAP was a neo-liberal, not leftist, economic policy. I think she can use the services of fact checkers before her next Nigeria-bashing show. Shame.

NO COMMENT

The Jigawa state government has decided to acquire Khadija University, a privately owned institution in the state, for N11 billion. N11,000,000,000! Wow! What exactly is the state government buying? Is it the land (in a state where land is surplus to requirements)? Is it the buildings (how much does it cost to put brick and mortar together)? Is it the facilities (do they have nuclear reactors and rocket launchers on campus)? NB: this is aside the subventions for capital and operational expenditures that will soon enter the state budget. So, this thing they do with award of contracts and purchase of private buildings has now found its way into the campus? ELEVEN BILLION NAIRA. Wonderful.