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Owanari Duke Retires from Group Board

Africa’s Global Bank, United Bank for Africa (UBA) Plc, has announced the appointment of Henrietta Ugboh as an Independent Non-Executive Director.

The appointment has been approved by the relevant regulatory bodies, including the Central Bank of Nigeria.

UBA’s Group Chairman, Tony Elumelu, CFR commenting on the appointment, said, “Henrietta Ugboh brings a track record of professional success, integrity and leadership, which will further strengthen the UBA Group Board, underlining once again the Group’s commitment to robust corporate governance.”

Ugboh holds a degree in Economics and Statistics from the University of Benin, an MBA from ESUT Business School, and is an alumnus of the Harvard Business School’s Executive Management Program. She has over 30 years experience in banking with Citibank and is an Honorary Senior Member of the Chartered Institute of Bankers of Nigeria and a Fellow of the Institute of Credit Administration (FICA).

Elumelu added that with her considerable experience and expertise, which includes commercial banking, credit, and risk management, the UBA Board is delighted to welcome Mrs Ugboh to the Group Board, “We look forward to her invaluable contribution to the Group, as we continue to execute our unique growth strategy across Africa and globally.”

The Board also announced the retirement of Mrs. Owanari Duke, an Independent Non-Executive Director, who joined the UBA Group Board in October 2012.

During her tenure, Mrs. Duke provided distinguished leadership, serving on Committees of the Bank including the Board Governance Committee, Board Audit, Governance, Nomination & Remuneration Committee, Board Credit Committee, Finance & General Purpose Committee and Statutory Audit Committee.

On behalf of the board, Mr. Elumelu expressed UBA’s deep appreciation to Mrs. Duke for her dedication and significant contributions to the Group, wishing her the best in her future endeavour.

United Bank for Africa Plc is a leading Pan-African financial institution, offering banking services to more than forty-five million customers, across 1,000 business offices and customer touch points in 20 African countries. With presence in New York, London, Paris and Dubai, UBA is connecting people and businesses across Africa through retail, commercial and corporate banking, innovative cross-border payments and remittances, trade finance and related banking services

There is growing tension among states yet to implement the N70,000 new minimum wage, following the December 1 strike notice given by the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, to workers in defaulting states to commence the indefinite strike.

As of the end of October, 24 states had yet to start implementation, despite the Federal Government’s promise to organise labour for it.

 
 

It will be recalled that during the meeting on October 17 in the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF, the government promised to summon a meeting of the economic council to impress governors on implementing the new minimum wage signed into law by President Bola Tinubu in August.

However, at the end of October, only 12 of the 36 state governments were implementing the new minimum wage.

The states include Edo, Anambra, Adamawa, Ogun, Delta, Ebonyi, Abia, Kebbi, Kogi, Borno, Gombe and Jigawa.

Anambra State, which promised to implement the minimum wage in October, did not pay but the government, it was gathered, added N40,000 to staff’s October salaries, pending when the templates for implementation of the new minimum would be agreed between the government and organised labour.

While states such as Lagos, Ondo, Bayelsa, Kano, Niger and Kaduna, have promised to start implementation this month (November), Osun, Cross River, Akwa Ibom, Enugu, and Imo states, have not given any date to start implementation.

Similarly, Ekiti, Sokoto, Benue, Bauchi, Plateau, Zamfara, Nasarawa, Taraba, Yobe, and Katsina, have remained silent on the N70,000 new minimum wage.

Ondo State

In Ondo State, the state government said implementation of the N73,000 it promised workers will start this month (November).

Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa, gave the assurance during during this year’s Public Service week celebration in Akure, this week.

Aiyedatiwa declared that the new minimum wage is a settled matter and a testament to his administration’s focus on improving the quality of life for the state’s workforce.
“Anything we have done for civil servants has never been politically driven. If workers are not happy, they won’t be encouraged to put in maximum effort into their work. That is why we have always prioritised their welfare,’’ he said.

Osun State

Osun State is yet to announce how much it would pay as new minimum wage in the state.
According to a statement by the Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment, Kolapo Alimi, the state government is still negotiating with labour unions in the state.

He disclosed that the committee, headed by the governor’s Chief of Staff, Mr Kazeem Akinleye, and labour leaders in the state, has a mandate to recommend to the government on consequential adjustment arising from the minimum wage law.

The commissioner added that the state Minimum Wage Negotiation Committee set up by Governor Ademola Adeleke will soon complete its assignment for necessary approval by the governor.

He said: “The committee approved by Governor Ademola Adeleke, has been working assiduously to conclude the assignment without hitch”.

Ogun State

Though, Ogun State governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun, has approved N77, 000 as minimum wage for civil servants in the state, with effect from October, 2024, Vanguard reliably gathered that the governor reneged on his promise of paying it.

Some of the civil servants who spoke with Vanguard in Abeokuta, claimed government only added N42,000 to the salary they were receiving across board.

However, Special Adviser to the Governor on Media and Strategy, Kayode Akinmade, dismissed the report as a rumour, insisting that the Secretary to the State Government, Mr. Tokunbo Talabi, the state’s Head of Service, Mr. Kehinde Onasanya, and all labour leaders in the state were at the meeting where the N77,000 was agreed on.

Ekiti State

Speaking with Vanguard, Chairman of Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, in Ekiti State, Kolapo Joshua, said members of the committee set up by the state government have met to fashion out modality for payment of the new minimum wage.

He assured that the state government would not pay below N70,000 but the government is yet to announce the figure it will pay.

Oyo State

Similarly, Oyo State Government approved a minimum wage of N80, 000 for the state workforce.
In a statement by Commissioner for Information and Orientation, Prince Dotun Oyelade, the Technical Committee set up by the state government recommended and got approval from Governor Seyi Makinde for implementation of the new salary scale.

However, no date has been set for commencement.

According to Prince Oyelade, the new minimum wage “will be implemented as soon as the consequential adjustments process is completed by the committee which comprises government and top labour officials.”

Lagos State

In Lagos, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu said the state would commence payment of N85,000 approved minimum wage to workers effective from July 29, 2024, with the implementation to commence in November, 2024.

The chairperson, Lagos State Public Service Joint Negotiating Council, LSPSJNC, Olusegun Balogun, and Secretary, Toba Odumosu, disclosed this in a statement jointly signed last weekend.

South-South

In the South-South, workers have started receiving the new minimum wage in Edo, and Delta states, out of the six states in the region.

Edo State, which heralded the payment after former Governor Godwin Obaseki announced an increase in the previous N40,000 wage in May 2024, currently pays N70,000 to workers, while the Delta State government pays N77,500.

The Rivers State government approved N85,000 minimum wage just as Akwa Ibom State authorized N80,000, but none has commenced payment.

Bayelsa State Government announced that the N80,000 minimum wage to workers would take off on November 1.

The Cross River State government has not announced a new minimum wage for its workers, but officials said negotiations on the N70,000 minimum wage were ongoing.

Edo State

Edo State outgone Commissioner for Communication and Orientation, Chris Nehikhare, said the N70,000 minimum wage to workers was in fulfilment of Obaseki’s pledge when he announced the increase from N40,000 in May.

Delta State

The Chief Press Secretary to Delta State Governor, Festus Ahon, told Vanguard that the state government commenced payment of the new minimum wage in October.

He said: “We are paying N77,500. We have a high workforce of over 55,000 workers. Even at the local government level, we also have a huge workforce. When you add this together, we have over 80,000 workers.

“In line with his MORE Agenda, the governor has advised chairmen of the 25 local government councils in the state to implement the new minimum wage effective November.”

Akwa Ibom State

Governor Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom State announced N80,000 as minimum wage for Akwa Ibom State workers and constituted an implementation committee with a one-month deadline to determine how the wage increase should be executed.

The committee, headed by the state’s Head of the Civil Service, included the Accountant General, state Chairman of the Joint Public Service Negotiating Council, state chairmen of the NLC, Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC and Nigeria Union of Local Government Employees, NULGE, among others.

There is no word yet from the committee on commencement date.

Rivers State

In Rivers State, no date has been announced by the government for commencement of implementation of the N85,000 minimum wage promised by the government.

With just about a month to Christmas, civil servants in Rivers State are eagerly awaiting implementation of the new minimum wage of N85,000 approved by Governor, Siminalayi Fubara.

The Head of Service of the state, George Nwaeke, announced that Fubara granted the approval during a closed-door meeting with labour leaders and senior government officials.

Cross River

The Chief Press Secretary to Cross River State Governor, Gill Nsabasi, said the state government is still paying the N40,000 the governor, Senator Bassey Otu, announced on May Day this year.

He disclosed that negotiations were ongoing on the N70,000 the federal government and labour agreed,

“Once negotiations are concluded, the payment of the new minimum wage will commence,’’ Nsabasi stated.

South-East

Report from the South East, indicates that while states such as Ebonyi State is paying N75,000, Anambra promised to begin implementation in October, but failed to do so, though still paying N40,000 across board to all civil servants in the state.

Abia State started implementing in October, while Enugu State is implementing N80,000.

Imo State government agreed to pay the minimum wage, but the government said it is working out modalities for payment with labour.

Kano State

In Kano State, the implementation is expected to begin this November. Findings show that Kano State government has added N1,000 to the approved minimum wage, taking it up to N71, 000 as the least pay for the lowest worker in the state, with effect from this month.

Niger State

In the same vein, Niger State government announced N80,000 as minimum wage for all categories of its workers effective November.

The state governor, Muhammed Bago, who announced this, did not, however, state whether he would pay arrears to workers.

Kaduna State

Similarly, workers in Kaduna are to enjoy N2000 more than the national wage of N70,000, based on the approval given by Governor Uba Sani for Kaduna State civil servants, with effect from November 2024.

A statement issued by Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Malam Ibraheem Musa, said the decision is in line with advancement of the interests of workers and improvement in the living conditions of the poor, vulnerable and underserved in Kaduna State.

Kebbi State

The Kebbi State government stated implementing in October. Governor Nasir Idris approved and paid N75,000 as minimum wage to workers in the state.

Workers in Kebbi state received the new minimum wage after Governor Idris signed the edict giving effect to the new pay structure in the presence of the President of NLC, Joe Ajaero, and also directed the 21 local government councils in the state to pay the same to their workers.

Kogi State

Kogi State also started implementing of the new wage in October. Governor Usman Ododo announced the commencement of the payment of N72,500 minimum wage approved for workers in the state earlier in October.

Borno State

In Borno, Governor Babagana Zulum has started payment of N77,000 as minimum wage to its workers, with effect from October.

Jigawa State

In Jigawa State, jubilant workers got new salary alerts from their banks last Friday (November 1) and started praising the state governor for the payment.

Adamawa State

However, in Adamawa State, the payment started as early as August this year as the governor approved implementation as soon as the federal government sanctioned the new pay.

Nasarawa State

Governor Abdullahi Sule of Nasarawa has approved the payment of N70,000 minimum wage to civil servants in the state.

However, Senior Special Assistant to Governor on Public Affairs, Peter Ahemba, said a commencement date will be finalised with labour soon.

Kwara State

Kwara State government commenced the payment of the news minimum wage of N70, 000 to its workers in October but that did not cover parastatals in the state.

While the state government attributed the lapses to the ongoing data process which did not capture workers in the parastatals before the payment, Vanguard gathered from the state chapter of the Nigeria Labour Congress that it was due to paucity of funds.

Gombe State

In Gombe State, it was gathered that implementation started in October.

However, the fate of workers in Sokoto, Benue, Bauchi, Plateau, Zamfara, Nasarawa, Yobe and Taraba states, receiving the new minimum wage still hangs in the balance as the governments have remained silent on the matter.

Labour fumes, threaten recalcitrant states

Reacting to the development, one of the leaders of NLC said Organised Labour had given December 1 strike notice to make governance difficult for states unwilling to pay the new wage of N70,000.
An NLC official told Vanguard yesterday that “organised labour, especially the NLC, is eagerly waiting for December 1 to take on recalcitrant states.

“We want to use this medium to sound a very serious warning to states that do not want to pay. In fact, they do not have a choice. The earlier they conclude arrangements and start implementing, the better for them.

‘’It is a law and all of them are enjoying improved revenue from removal of fuel subsidy, among others.

‘’From our records, only about 12 states are implementing, while about six other states promised to pay in November. It is not about promises; it is about action by implementation. Mind you, the state must fully implement, not partial implementation.

‘’It is not about paying state public workers and not extending payment to local government employees. Once we get report of no compliance, we shall descend on such a state.

Dec 1 strike notice

Recall that NLC had directed state councils where the N70,000 new minimum wage is not being implemented in full to begin an indefinite strike from December 1, 2024.

NLC in a communiqué by its President, Joe Ajaero at the end of its National Executive Council, NEC, meeting in Port Harcourt Rivers State, said: “The NEC notes with deep frustration the persistent delay and outright refusal by some state governments to implement the 2024 National Minimum Wage Act.

“This betrayal by certain governors and government officials across the country flies in the face of both legality and morality, as workers continue to be denied their rightful wages amid rising economic hardship.

‘’It is a blatant disregard for the law and the lives of millions of Nigerian workers who are being exploited by the very leaders who swore to protect them.

“The NEC, therefore, resolves to set up a National Minimum Wage Implementation Committee that will, among others, commence a nationwide assessment, mobilization and sensitization campaign, educating workers and citizens on the need to resist this assault on their dignity and rights.

“Furthermore, the NLC shall initiate a series of industrial actions in all non-compliant states and shall not relent until the minimum wage is fully implemented across Nigeria. To this end, all state councils where the national minimum wage has not been fully implemented by the last day of November, 2024, have been directed to proceed on strike, beginning from the 1st day of December, 2024. Nigerian workers demand justice, and justice they shall have.”

Non-implementation, a violation of human rights — Wabba

Meanwhile, immediate past President of NLC, Ayuba Wabba, has described states dragging their feet on the N70,000 minimum wage as violators of human rights.

In an interview with the BBC Hausa Service, monitored by our correspondent yesterday, Wabba said it is common knowledge that since the President signed the minimum wage bill into law, the N70,000 minimum wage had become law in Nigeria.

“From the day the President signed, this shows the law becomes effective, with immediate effect and shall be applied to all categories of workers.

“Many states have implemented the new wage. In Borno State, the governor announced and implemented it, including that of teachers. But there are other states where there’s even no sign of when they would implement the new salary wage.

“Everyone knows the sorry state of the Nigerian economy. Workers have been pushed to the wall, it has even reached an extreme, “ he lamented.

Appointments of ambassadors or high commissioners by the president is a constitutional obligation. There should not be any delay in such appointments.

Section 171 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria states that “(1) Power to appoint persons to hold or act in the offices to which this section applies and to remove persons so appointed from any such office shall vest in the president.

(2) The offices to which this section applies are, namely – (a) Secretary to the Government of the Federation; (b) Head of the Civil Service of the Federation; (c) Ambassador, High Commissioner or other Principal Representative of Nigeria abroad; (d) Permanent Secretary in any Ministry or Head of any Extra-Ministerial Department of the Government of the Federation howsoever designated; and (e) any office on the personal staff of the President.

(3) An appointment to the office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation shall not be made except from among Permanent Secretaries or equivalent rank in the civil service of the Federation or of a State.

 

(4) An appointment to the office of Ambassador, High Commissioner or other Principal Representative of Nigeria abroad shall not have effect unless the appointment is confirmed by the Senate.

(5) In exercising his powers of appointment under this section, the President shall have regard to the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity.

(6) Any appointment made pursuant to paragraphs (a) and (e) of subsection (2) of this section shall be at the pleasure of the President and shall cease when the President ceases to hold office;

 

Provided that where a person has been appointed from a public service of the federation or a state, he shall be entitled to return to the public service of the Federation or of the State when the President ceases to hold office.”

The delay in appointing ambassadors mirrors the way this government think of the roles of ambassadors. Ambassadors actively manage and maintain diplomatic relations between the home country and the host. They engage in political and economic negotiations, promote bilateral cooperation and safeguard the home country’s interest in the host country.

Additionally, they supervise the functioning of consulates within their jurisdiction.

They are not just mere desk officers or protocol officers whose schedule is only to hire Uber vehicles for the president, their relatives and other top officials. They are an integral part of government.

 

Ambassadors also engage in delicate negotiations, representing their country’s policies while understanding others’ perspectives. This balancing act is crucial for successful international relations. Their work includes advocating for their home country’s political, economic, and cultural agendas abroad. Ambassadors are the voice of their nation in foreign lands, aiming to foster global partnerships.

How can we be chasing foreign investments when ambassadors who are to play prominent roles in such negotiations have not been appointed?

If ministers could be appointed and sworn in three months after the Presidential inauguration, why delay the appointments of ambassadors? At the 79th General Assembly of the United Nations, Nigeria made a legitimate demand for a permanent seat at the United Nations security council. At the time we made the demand, we had no permanent representative in the United Nations. What a contradiction. We undervalue the position of ambassadors in this country. We starve their embassies of funds and we pay little attention to their needs.

We acknowledged the efforts of Walter Carrington (24 July 1930-11 August 2020), the American ambassador to Nigeria between 1993-1997 and the role he played in standing for human rights during the General Sani Abacha years. He stood firm by his principles and he was resolute in defending human rights.

 

In other countries of the world, the ambassadorship is the training ground for leadership.

Otto Von Bismarck, in 1859 was the Prussian ambassador to Russia and later to Paris in 1862 in the court of Napoleon III, he later became Prime Minister. George H. W. Bush (12 June 1924 – 30 November 2018) was the 41st President of the United States of America. He was equally the 10th United States American ambassador to the United Nations from (1 March 1971-18 January 1973).

 

Benjamin William Mkapa (12 November 1938- 24 July 2020) was Tanzania’s ambassador to Nigeria in 1976. He was Tanzania’s minister for foreign affairs from 1977 to 1980. In 1982, he served as high commissioner to Canada and between 1983 and 1984 as Ambassador to the United States of America.

He returned home in 1984 where he was again appointed member of parliament and minister for foreign affairs. In 1992, he served as minister for science, technology and higher education, prior to being elected president in 1995, and chairman of his party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, (1996-2006). He was re-elected president in 2000 for another 5-year term.

 

There was Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki (82). He was the second post-apartheid South African president. He was the African National Congress(ANC) envoy in Nigeria between 1976 and 1978. He established the ANC presence that eclipsed that of its rival Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). While in Lagos, he formed strong friendships with the then head of state, General Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR and top civil servants, including Yahaya Abubakar, Permanent Secretary, CABINET OFFICE, Mr. Bisi Ogunniyi and others.

Likewise, there are examples of those who have served in leadership positions yet end up becoming ambassadors. Mr. Walter Frederick “Fritz” Mondale (5 January 1928-19 April 2021) was the 42nd Vice President of the United States of America and served from 1977 to 1981 under President Jimmy Carter. He became the United States of America’s ambassador to Japan between 1993 to 1996.

 

Salim Ahmed Salim was the Prime Minister of Tanzania between April 24, 1984, to November 5, 1985. He became the Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) between 1989 and 2001, and later the African Union special envoy on Darfur between 2004 and 2008. Mr. Kevin Rudd(67) is at present the 23rd Australian ambassador to the United States of America. He was the 26th Prime Minister of Australia and served between 27 June 2013 and 18 September 2018.

Nigeria in the past has never been short of outstanding ambassadors. Almost all of them represented Nigeria without blemish. At the risk of offending many, let me mention some ambassadors we have had in the past. Joe Iyala, Tokunbo Awolowo Dosunmu, Joe Keshi, Lawal Abdullahi Kazaure, B. A. T. Balewa, Olu Adeniji, Oladele Akadiri, Olusegun Apata, G. Dove-Edwin, H. Harriman J. N. Ukaegbu, L. A. Fabunmi, A. G. P. Omotayo, S. A. Otuyelu, Segun Olusola, Ebun Oyagbola, Tobi Ogundipe, Olujimi Jolaoso, Christopher Kolade, Florentina Adenike Ukonga, Uzoma Eminike, Martine Gereng-Sen, Oladele Abiodun, Ijeoma Bristol, Laraba Bhutto, Sifawu Momoh, Zainab Ali Kotoko, Chigozie Obi Nnadozie, Francisca Olaide Marinho, Isaac Aluko-Olokun, Ignatius Chukuemeka Olisemeka, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, Oladele Akadire, Dapo Fawora, Olu Saanu, Olu Ibunkun, etc. They are countless.

Let us dwell on the pioneer ambassadors.

Julius Momo Udochi was the first Nigerian Ambassador to the United States of America from 1960–1965. He was a teacher 1931–1938; a customs officer in the Nigerian Civil Service 1938–1945; assistant secretary, Nigerian Secretariat 1945–1947; Hon. Provincial Secretary Nigerian Civil Service Union, Co-Editor “The Nigerian Civil Servant” 1939–1945; Called to the English Bar as a Barrister at Law by the Middle Temple in 1950; He practiced Law 1950–1960; was Chairman of the Federal Non-Government Teacher’s Salary Commission and a member of the Mission to the World Bank, 1958; Hon. Secretary of the Nigerian Bar Association and Member of the Committee on Legal Education, 1955–1959; member of the house of representatives of Nigeria, 1954-1959 and 1965–1966; Hon. Attorney-General and Commissioner of Justice, Mid-Western State of Nigeria, 1967–1975.

Chief Jaja Anucha Ndubuisi Wachuku (1 January 1918 – 7 November 1996) was a Pan-Africanist and a statesman, lawyer, politician, diplomat and humanitarian. He was the first Speaker of the Nigerian House of Representatives; as well as the first Nigerian Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations. Also, Wachuku was the first Nigerian Minister for Foreign Affairs. Notably, Wachuku was a Royal Prince of Ngwaland, “descendant of 20 generations of African chiefs in the South East”. He was elected to the senate in 1979 on the platform of the NPP and became the leader of the NPP in the Senate. He later became the vice chairman of the senate committee on foreign affairs. During that period, I became his friend. Senator Nwachukwu had a lot of political experience.

From 1960 to 1961, Wachuku served as the first ambassador and permanent representative of Nigeria to the United Nations in New York, as well as the federal minister for economic development. He hoisted Nigeria’s flag as the 99th member of the United Nations on 7 October 1960. Accordingly, Wachuku was instrumental in Nigeria becoming the 58th member state of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) on Monday 14 November 1960. Also, as first ambassador of Nigeria to the United Nations, Wachuku represented the country at the independence celebrations of Tanganyika – now known as the United Republic of Tanzania.

At the United Nations, with support from UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld, the member nations elected Wachuku the first African to chair a United Nations Conciliation Commission, making him chairman of the Conciliation Commission for the Congo from January to March 1961. Initial proposal and nomination of Wachuku to be mediator in Congo came from Paul-Henri Spaak of Belgium, to which “Wachuku responded favorably on condition that U Thant, Cyrille Adoula and Moïse Tshombe agree.”

Simeon Olaosebikan Adebo (October 4, 1913 – September 30, 1994) had his secondary education at King’s College, Lagos in 1932 and studied law at the London School of Economics, where upon graduation he was admitted to the bar. Adebo worked at the federal ministry of finance and in 1961 became head of the civil service and chief secretary to the government of the then-Western Region. He was appointed Nigeria’s permanent representative at the United Nations from 1962 to 1967 and as United Nations under-secretary general and executive general of the United Nations Institute for Training and Research until 1972.

After the end of the Nigerian civil war, Nigerian head of state General Yakubu Gowon(90) GCFR instituted a commission to review wages and salaries of Nigerian workers and to look into means of ameliorating the economic conditions of workers, the importance of the commission was due to the rise in cost of living as a result of uncontrollable inflation during the civil war. Simeon Adebo was called to head the commission which later became known as the Adebo commission. Workers who had demanded wage increases were happy for the choice of Chief Adebo, he was seen as an apolitical administrator who could look thoroughly into workers’ plight and investigate the concerns of workers in the civil and private sector. An earlier government review of wages, which called for wage increases in 1964 had been followed by the private sector.

In its first report, the commission under Adebo recommended a COLA or cost of living award for all workers, ranging from $10 increases to $24.

Lawrence Odiata Victor Anionwu was the first Nigerian permanent secretary of the ministry of external affairs and the country’s first ambassador to Rome. Those achievements made Chief Anionwu outstanding in the history of administration in modern Nigeria, for he not only oversaw the work of an important government department during the formative years of Nigeria’s independent foreign policy but also rose to become one of the leading envoys of Nigeria.

Anionwu was at the Imperial Defence College in London, and on his return to Lagos, was posted to the ministry of external affairs where he served as the first Nigerian permanent secretary from 1960 until 1963. An able officer, he soon displayed the exemplary qualities that won the admiration and respect of his colleagues. Three years later he was given the task of opening the Nigerian embassy in Rome where he was the country’s first representative. He was to go to London as high commissioner in 1967 when civil war broke out in Nigeria, thus interrupting his diplomatic career.

Anionwu retired from the public service when the civil war ended in 1970, but continued to make generous contributions towards community development in his home town, Onitsha. Among the projects he was involved in was the reconstruction of the Emmanuel Church. He also served on the board of the Central Water Transportation Service based there. He died from a stroke in London, where he was visiting, in 1980.

Abdul Maliki was Nigeria’s first high commissioner to the United Kingdom. He was born in 1914 to the Attah of Igbirra Kingdom, traditional ruler of the Igbirra group in what is now known as Kogi state. He was educated at Katsina Training College. He taught at Okene Middle School in his home area from 1934-1935 and was then appointed supervisor of Native Authority Works, a post he held from 1936 to 1939.

He held other posts in a rapid rise in the service of the colonial administration in the northern provinces. In 1939-1940, he was a provincial clerk in Katsina, an important post for a Nigerian in the colonial government service at that time. In 1940, he was appointed he was appointed to an even more important post, that of Chief Executive Officer of Igbirra N.A. He also became chairman of Okene town council, the first elected municipal council in the former northern region. He was thus one of the most prominent members of the Igbirra (or Ebira) community, while in public service. He went on a local government course in Britain in 1950.

He was a member of the northern region house of assembly and then of the federal house of representatives from 1952 to 1955. He was a member of the Northern People’s Congress (NPC). In 1955, he was appointed commissioner to the United Kingdom for Northern Nigeria; he held this post until 1958, and during this time was made Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE).

He joined the federal diplomatic service in 1958. On the independence of Nigeria in 1960 he was appointed the first High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. He served for six years in what was then the most vital diplomatic post representing Nigeria overseas. In mid-1966 he was transferred to France as ambassador there, a difficult post because of France’s support for the secessionists in the civil war which was still raging. He died in the middle of 1969 while on leave at home.

Edwin Ogebe Ogbu was born on 28th December 1926 to Ogbu Iyanga, the paramount chief of Utonkon and Eje Ogbu in Benue state. He attended primary schools in Utonkon and Igumale before proceeding to the famous Methodist College Uzuakoli in 1938 where he excelled and came out with division one in the Cambridge School Certificate Examination (one of the precursors to modern-day senior school certificate examination) in 1945.

He later joined the northern region civil service and federal civil service.

In 1963, he was transferred to the federal ministry of finance as permanent secretary to help realise the objectives of the First National Development Plan (FNDP) introduced the previous year. Edwin Ogbu remained at the federal ministry of finance until after the military coups in 1966 when he moved to the federal ministry of external affairs as permanent secretary where he helped formulate the foreign policy of the new military government.

He was with the federal ministry of external affairs until February 1968 when the Federal Government of Nigeria posted him to the United Nations (UN) in New Year as Nigeria’s ambassador to the UN. This appointment was during the height of the Nigerian Civil War and it was evident that his diplomacy skills were needed to articulate Nigeria’s position as the war raged. Even after the war ended in 1970, he continued at the UN until September 1975 when he retired from public service, making him one of the longest-serving Nigeria’s ambassadors to the UN.

The achievements of Edwin Ogbu were also recognised by the Idoma people and in 1995, the Och’Idoma II, HRH Ajene Okpabi made him the “Ochojila K’Idoma” a traditional title which translates into the leader of Idoma people. The title was conferred on him in recognition of his contributions to the development of Idoma land.

Ogbu continued his service to Idoma community and when Ajene Okpabi passed away, he was made the chairman of the central planning committee of the transition of Och’Idoma following the death of Ajene Okpabi in late 1995.

When the search for a successor to Ajene Okpabi began, Ogbu was an overwhelming favourite to become Och’Idoma and it was no surprise when he was announced as the Och’Idoma III on 10th January 1996. His ascension to the throne gave the position of Och’Idoma more prestige and credibility due to the stature of Ogbu in world politics.

Unfortunately, Ogbu passed away in 1997 before he could really establish his mark as Och’Idoma. Ogbu has a place in Idoma folklore, as there is a popular saying that translates into “no matter how hard you study, you cannot be better educated than Dr Edwin Ogbu Iyanga”.

Major General Joseph Nanven Garba (17 July 1943 – 1 June 2002) served as president of the United Nations General Assembly from 1989 to 1990. He served as federal commissioner for external affairs from 1975 to 1978, commandant of the Nigerian Defence Academy from 1978 to 1979 and commander of the Brigade of Guards from 1968 to 1975.

Following the coup in 1975, Garba made a shift from the military to politics and diplomacy. In 1975 he was appointed Nigeria’s foreign minister (federal commissioner for external affairs) by General Murtala Mohammed, and continued in this role under General Olusẹgun Ọbasanjọ after the former was assassinated on February 13, 1976. Garba was the head of the Nigerian delegation to the United Nations General Assembly from 1975, culminating in his appointment as president of the United Nations Security Council in January 1978.

In 1978, as General Ọbasanjọ was preparing to hand rule of Nigeria over to civilians, Garba was reassigned to the role of commandant of the Nigerian Defence Academy. He held this position until 1980, when he left to study at the National Defence College in New Delhi, India. Following this, Garba studied as a fellow at Harvard Kennedy School at Harvard University, where he obtained a Master’s degree in Public Administration.

Returning to diplomatic life, Garba was appointed a Permanent Representative to the United Nations in 1984, a role he continued in until 1989. In 1989, he was elected President of the United Nations General Assembly for its forty-fourth session.

Mention must be named of Arthur Christopher Izuegbunam Mbanefo (94) who was born on 11 June 1930 in Onitsha, Anambra state. He had his education at the Government School, Ogwashi-Uku, 1937-1939, St. Mary’s School, Port Harcourt, 1940-1941, Christ the King School, Aba, 1942, Practicing School, Uyo, 1943-1944, Government School, Afikpo, 1944-1945, St. Benedict’s School, Ogoja, 1946, St. Patrick’s School, Calabar, 1947-1953, Accountancy Studies, England, 1962, Centre for Applied Management and Technology, Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan, USA, 1965-1966; Commissioner for Commerce and Industry, former Republic of Biafra, 1968-1970, became partner, Akintola Williams and Company, April 1965, also Managing Director, AW Consultants Limited, 1973, Chancellor, Obafemi Awolowo University(OAU), Ile-Ife, July 1986, fellow, Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria, director, Umarco Nigeria Limited since 1971, director, UACN of Nigeria Limited since 1978 and president, Institute of Chartered Accountant of Nigeria, 1978-1979.

He became Nigeria’s ambassador to the United Nations in the year 2000.

Maitama Yusuf Sule (1 October 1929 – 3 July 2017) had his education at the Shahuri Elementary School, Kano, 1937-1939, Kano Middle School, 1940-1942, Kaduna College, 1942-1946, Special Higher Elementary Teacher’s Course, Zaria, 1947, teacher, Kano Middle School, 1947-1954, visiting teacher, 1954-1955, chief information officer, Native Authority, 1955-1956, member, House of Representatives, 1954-1966, chief whip, Northern People’s Congress, 1955-1959, federal minister of Mines and Power, 1959-1966, state commissioner, Kano, 1967-1974, chairman, National Council for Arts and Culture, Lagos, 1974, chief public complaints commissioner for the federation, 1975, later permanent representative to the United Nation, 1981-1983, also elected chairman, United Nations Special Committee Against Apartheid, 1981-1983.

Ambassador Judith Sefiya Attah, a princess from Okene in Kogi state, was the minister of women affairs under General Ibrahim Babangida (83) GCFR. According to records, she is the first Ebira woman to obtain a university degree.

In 1987, she became the first female ambassador/permanent secretary (and later director-general) position up till 1991, when she was again posted as the first female ambassador to Italy with concurrent accreditation to Greece and Cyprus. Ambassador Attah was recalled in January 1995 to serve as the first minister of the newly- created federal ministry of women affairs and social welfare and member of the federal executive council (FEC).

Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari served as chief of staff to President Muhammadu Buhari from 2020 to 2023. He previously served as permanent representative of Nigeria to the United Nations from 1990 to 1999, and minister of external affairs from 1984 to 1985.

Professor Gambari was born on 24 November 1944 in Ilorin, Kwara state to a Fulani ruling class family. His nephew Ibrahim Sulu Gambari is the Emir of Ilorin.

Gambari attended King’s College, Lagos. He subsequently attended the London School of Economics where he obtained his B. Sc. (Economics) degree (1968) with specialisation in International Relations. He later obtained his M.A. (1970) and Ph. D. (1974) degrees from Columbia University, New York, United States in Political Science /International Relations.

Gambari began his teaching career in 1969 at the City University of New York before working at the University of Albany. Later, he taught at Ahmadu Bello University, in Zaria, Kaduna State. From 1986 to 1989, he was Visiting Professor at three universities in Washington, D.C.: Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, Georgetown University and Howard University. He has also been a research fellow at the Brookings Institution also in Washington, D.C. and a Resident Scholar at the Bellagio Study and Conference Center, the Rockefeller Foundation-run center in Italy. He has written so many books and published in reputable journals in foreign policy and international relations, such as ‘Theory and Reality in Foreign Policy: Nigeria after Second Republic’.

Professor Gambari served as the minister for external affairs between 1984 and 1985 under General Muhammadu Buhari’s military regime, after he was the director general of The Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). From 1990 to 1999, he holds the record of being the longest-serving Nigerian Ambassador to the United Nations, serving under five Heads of State and Presidents.

Gambari has held several positions in the United Nations. In 1999, he was the President of UNICEF and later became UN under-secretary-general and the first Special Adviser on Africa to the UN secretary-general Kofi Annan from 1999 to 2005. He was the under-secretary-general of the United Nations for Political Affairs from 2005 to 2007 under Secretary-General Kofi Annan and Ban Ki-moon. His last appointment in the UN was from January 2010 to July 2012, when he was appointed by Ban Ki-moon and the Chairperson of the African Union Commission as the Joint African Union-United Nations Special Representative for Darfur.

In terms of outstanding and reputable ambassadors, Nigeria is not in short supply, not at all. Too many of them are still around. They are our greatest contribution to the world of diplomacy. Ambassadors don’t suffer in comparison with other top government officials.

Nigeria is still one of the most important villages in the world.

 

US President-Elect Donald Trump has appointed Elon Musk, chief executive officer (CEO) of Tesla and SpaceX, to lead a soon to be established Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE).

Musk, owner of X, the microblogging platform previously known as Twitter, was an avid supporter of Trump during the electioneering leading up to the November 5 presidential election.

The former president defeated Vice-President Kamala Harris after securing more than 270 of the electoral college votes required to win the poll.

A statement on Tuesday said Musk would run DOGE alongside Vivek Ramaswamy, a politician and entrepreneur.

 

It said the duo “will pave the way for my Administration to dismantle Government Bureaucracy, slash excess regulations, cut wasteful expenditures, and restructure Federal Agencies Essential to the ‘Save America’ Movement’.

“I look forward to Elon and Vivek making changes to the Federal Bureaucracy with an eye on efficiency and, at the same time, making life better for all Americans,” the statement quoted the president-elect as saying.

“Importantly, we will drive out the massive waste and fraud which exists throughout our annual $6.5 Trillion Dollars of Government Spending.”

Trump will take office for a second and final term on January 25, 2025.

[TheCable]

In the African proverbial context, it is said that when the eyes shed tears, the nose also develops rhinorrhea (running nose). This timeless proverb holds deeper implications beyond its literal meaning. It reflects the interconnectedness of communities, nations, and even continents. When one nation faces a health crisis, it is often a signal that neighboring countries should take heed. The recent report warning Ghanaians about the growing prevalence of non-communicable diseases such as heart conditions, diabetes, and hypertension should serve as a wake-up call not just for Ghana, but for Nigeria as well. If Ghanaians are facing this looming epidemic, Nigerians cannot afford to be complacent.

The reason for the foregoing view cannot be farfetched as Nigeria and Ghana are like Siamese twins, bound by shared histories, cultures, and mutual challenges that shape their destinies. Both nations have rich legacies rooted in the West African sub region, from their colonial experiences to their enduring love for vibrant music, arts, and diverse cuisines. Their people share linguistic ties, with Pidgin English serving as a bridge for communication across borders, while their political and economic trajectories often mirror each other. Whether it is grappling with economic reforms, tackling corruption, or fostering democracy, the struggles and triumphs of one often ripple into the other’s story, making their bond inseparable.

The deep connection between the two nations is further highlighted by their intertwined social dynamics, with citizens frequently migrating between the countries for education, business, and even cultural exchange. In sports, particularly football, the rivalry on the pitch only strengthens their camaraderie off it, creating a unique relationship that is both competitive and cooperative. As Nigeria and Ghana continue to navigate the complexities of modern governance and development, their shared experiences as “Siamese twins” will remain a testament to the strength of their historical and cultural ties.

 

However, beyond the camaraderie that exists between both countries, there is a grim health warning from Ghana of recent, and which is no doubt an alarming statistics. According to a recent health report from Ghana, a staggering “60% of adult deaths are attributed to heart-related diseases. Furthermore, “6.5% of these deaths are linked to diabetes”, while “19% are due to hypertension”. These figures are sobering, especially when one considers that they represent preventable causes of death, primarily tied to lifestyle choices.

As gathered from Ghana News Agency (GNA), in a news report titled, “Ghanaians warned against lifestyles that could lead to heart problems”, Prof. Martin Tamatey, a heart surgeon and acting director of the National Cardiothoracic Center at Korle-Bu Teaching Hospital, has cautioned Ghanaians against adopting lifestyles that could lead to heart problem later in life.

Prof. Tamatey noted that not a few individuals over the age of 40 were increasingly reporting acquired heart diseases, in addition to the congenital cases seen at the hospital.  He made the disclosure during a donation event in Accra by the Ghana Airports Company Limited to support needy patients in need of heart surgery.

 

For the sake of clarity, “Congenital heart disease refers to birth defects that affect the heart’s normal function, while acquired heart-disease, or cardiovascular disease (CVD) develops after birth due to factors such as infections and pressure on heart.

“According to 2024 data from the National Cardiothoracic Center at Korle-Bu Teaching Hospital, CVD prevalence in Ghana ranges from 16 to 17 percent.

“The data also revealed that 60 percent of deaths among adults were due to heart-related diseases, with 6.5 percent of those deaths linked to diabetes and 19% of hypertension”.

 

The report highlights an urgent need for Ghanaians to adopt healthier lifestyles. However, the implications of this warning extend far beyond the borders of Ghana. For Nigeria, where similar lifestyle habits are prevalent, these alarming statistics should trigger concern and prompt action. With over 200 million people, Nigeria cannot afford to overlook such a warning. As an African giant, the nation should be leading by example, addressing the same lifestyle challenges that are now claiming lives in Ghana.

The proverb, “When the eyes shed tears, the nose also develops rhinorrhea,” speaks to the shared experiences of communities that are closely knit, whether by geography, culture, or shared socio-economic conditions. Nigeria and Ghana, two West African nations, are no strangers to the same challenges, poor healthcare infrastructure, limited access to medical resources, and an increasing shift toward unhealthy lifestyles driven by urbanization and economic pressures.

In recent years, the shift from traditional diets rich in natural, whole foods to processed, sugar-laden, and high-fat diets has contributed to a spike in lifestyle-related diseases in Africa. It is not just Ghanaians who are at risk; Nigerians are equally vulnerable. Fast food culture, sedentary lifestyles, and an over-reliance on imported, unhealthy food products are becoming the norm in major Nigerian cities like Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt.

 

The statistics from Ghana should be viewed as a mirror reflecting the reality Nigeria could soon face, or may already be facing. In Nigeria, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, and hypertension are on the rise. According to the World Health Organization, NCDs account for more than a quarter of all deaths in Nigeria, with heart disease and diabetes being significant contributors.

Lifestyle diseases are often dubbed “silent killers” because they develop gradually, with symptoms that are easy to ignore until it is too late. By the time many Nigerians seek medical attention, they are already at advanced stages of these conditions. For instance, hypertension, often called a “silent killer,” can remain undiagnosed for years due to a lack of regular health check-ups and awareness. Similarly, diabetes, if not properly managed, can lead to severe complications such as kidney failure, blindness, and even death.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to ask, “What Can Nigeria Learn from Ghana’s Experience?” The answer to the foregoing question cannot be farfetched. This is as the warnings from Ghana should be seen as a lesson for Nigeria to be proactive in tackling its own emerging crisis. Ghana’s report underscores the importance of early intervention, lifestyle changes, and public health education. Nigeria can take proactivesteps to prevent a similar health crisis.

 

In fact, the Nigerian government, in collaboration with non-governmental organizations, should launch nationwide awareness campaigns on the dangers of poor diets, smoking, alcohol consumption, and physical inactivity. These campaigns should be tailored to target both urban and rural populations.

In a similar vein, policies that promote healthy living should be prioritized. This could include incentives for businesses that provide healthy food options, as well as the creation of public spaces for exercise.

Also in a similar vein, free or subsidized health screenings for blood pressure, blood sugar, and cholesterol levels can help with early detection of lifestyle diseases. This can go a long way in reducing the number of preventable deaths.

 

Again, integrating health education into school curricula can instill lifelong habits in children, teaching them the importance of healthy eating, exercise, and regular check-ups.

Added to the foregoing is that Nigeria needs to invest in its healthcare infrastructure to manage the growing burden of NCDs. This includes training healthcare professionals, increasing access to diagnostic equipment, and improving the availability of essential medications.

If Nigeria does not take decisive action, it may face the same grim statistics that Ghana is currently grappling with. The warning is clear: lifestyle diseases are no longer problems confined to Western countries; they are becoming the leading cause of death in Africa. For a country like Nigeria, which already faces significant challenges in other areas, this is a burden it can ill afford.

 

The proverb about the eyes and nose is not just a metaphor but a reality in today’s interconnected world. If Ghana’s health statistics are raising alarms, Nigeria must take heed. The consequences of inaction will be dire, not just for the individuals affected but for the nation as a whole.

By taking proactive steps now, Nigeria can turn the tide against lifestyle diseases, ensuring a healthier future for its citizens. It is time for all Nigerians to embrace healthier lifestyles and for the government to take the lead in addressing the root causes of these preventable diseases. After all, when one neighbor’s house is on fire, it is only wise to protect your own.

On the day I registered for the law school, two names above mine on the list was Senator Dino Melaye. We saw later in the day as we went from one office to the other to conclude the registration. As we resumed lecture the day after, Senator Dino and I sat beside each other without prior planning. Our engagement and friendship grew as we exchanged notes, bought books and shared insights daily.

Dino and I had known each other since about 2005 and more closely since 2007 when he was my brother’s colleague in the House of Representatives. We were both key members of the Atiku Abubakar Campaign in 2023. So, we know ourselves reasonably well.

The main issue. In 2023, I was made the panel chairman to conduct the PDP primaries for the National Assembly in Kogi State, and Dino, TJ Yusuf and my good friend Hon Aro were all contestants for the Senatorial seat of Kogi West. I gave all aspirants equal access and agreed on the ground rules.

 

After the primaries, there was a tie between Dino and TJ Yusuf. Pressure came from all over the country to “help” one candidate one way or the other. I ignored. I got the candidates to agree on the day of the primaries. I printed and signed new ballot papers and set the ball for the rerun between them. At the end of the exercise, TJ Yusuf won, and Dino lost.

None of the candidates in all the senatorial zones, bar one in Kogi Central, protested the results. The process was open, transparent and fair. And here at Law School, we sat beside each other freely and with no malice. The effect of principled engagement.

At law school, I came to know another Dino beyond the singing and flashy ones I saw on social media. He was as bold as he was thoughtful. He had a public carefree image that belies his deep organisational skill.

 

The Dino I came to know at Law School proved what I had always known: success is underpinned by rigour and hard work, no matter the field. He tried to get me the slides if I was not in class. We took private lessons  in his room, and ate in my room without inhibition.

As the Chairman of the Elders Council of the 2024 set the projects he embarked on, as part of our community development effort, were unprecedented. I found Dino’s meticulous adherence to time and commitments impressive.

Dino’s zest for life and support for the needy students were infectious. Beyond physical projects he organised the elders to provide funding for students interested in acquiring cerifications as arbitrators but could not afford it.

 

I found him remarkable, dependable, astute and intelligent.

Now, think of it: had I collected money, buckled under pressure or malevolently acted unfairly to deny him victory to be hailed as a “good politician” capable of “delivering”? What would have been our relationship?

In Nigeria, while shamelessness and stealing is a “virtue” for perceived successful politicians, I have elected and remain resolute that I will act with conscience, treat people with fairness and act in a manner that my classmates in Singapore or the US will not wonder what is wrong with the black man.

 

At the end of your career, Governor, Minister, President, CEO, Manager or just a boss and you cannot walk the streets freely and look at people who you dealt with in your rise with pride or confidence that you discharged your duty with integrity and fairness, then you have failed.

In my view, finding ourselves (Dino and I) together in a small space for close to a year was a remarkable lesson on principled engagement. I took the lesson.

Chief Osita Chidoka is a former Minister of Aviation and Road Safety Boss

It is with a profound sense of duty that I stand before you today as we work to end the Palestinian conflict and realise the two-state solution. This aim is as essential as it is urgent.

The conflict in Palestine has persisted for far too long, inflicting immeasurable suffering on countless lives. As representatives of nations that value justice, dignity, and the sanctity of human life, we have a moral obligation to collectively bring about an immediate end to this conflict.

It is not enough to issue empty condemnations. The world must work towards an end to Israeli aggression in Gaza, which has persisted for far too long. No political aim, no military strategy, and no security concern should come at the expense of so many innocent lives.

In a rules-based international order, States have the right of self- defence. But self defence must take proportionality into account, in line with global legal, diplomatic – and moral – frameworks. An entire civilian population, their dreams and futures, cannot be dismissed as collateral.

Humanitarian aid is not a privilege — it is a basic human right. No individual, regardless of nationality, ethnicity, or religion, should be denied access to the aid in times of crisis. We must also ensure that humanitarian workers on the frontlines are safe to carry out their mission in Gaza.

The two-state solution stands as a beacon of hope, representing the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians to self-determination and peace. It is not just a diplomatic article of faith; it is a vision grounded in the principles of equality and mutual recognition.

 Achieving this vision requires a commitment to dialogue and respect for history. We all know this conflict did not begin on October 7th 2023. It can only be resolved through principled compromise, based on appreciation of the proper context. 

This conflict, in the cradle of history, is so visceral that the ripples of division spread far and quickly. The corrosive impact of the images of endless violence, repeated on a billion smart phones around the world is huge. We need to find new pathways to peace, without delay.

Nigeria has always championed the cause of peace and cooperation among nations. Our own experiences, domestically and regionally, have taught us that identity politics are no substitute for respecting the nuances of diversity. 

The path to reconciliation may be fraught with challenges, but it is through honest conversation that we can foster understanding. The international community has the opportunity to bring to bear new thinking on this most relentless challenge. It is our duty to engage in this dialogue with sincerity and resolve, recognising the complexities that each side faces.

Let us not forget the human cost of this conflict. We must prioritise the voices of the families torn apart, the children who grow up in fear, and the communities that long for stability. It is our responsibility to advocate for their rights and build a future where their dreams are no longer stifled by nightmares. 

I call upon all of us to come together in solidarity, to stand firm in our resolve, and to work towards peaceful coexistence, free from fear and violence. Together, we can turn the vision of a two-state solution into reality, one that embodies the promise of a better tomorrow for all.

Finally, Nigeria calls for the creation of a dedicated Secretariat comprised of selected Heads of Government (or their senior representatives) to travel globally, canvass support, oversee the implementation of the Summit’s resolutions and provide regular reports to the joint OIC-Arab leadership until permanent peace is achieved.

* Above are Excerpts from President Tinubu’s  statement at  the  Joint  Arab-Islamic Extraordinary  

Follow  Up Summit Held in  Riyadh , Saudi

Arabia.

QUOTE

“Let us not forget the human cost of this conflict. We must prioritise the voices of the families torn apart, the children who grow up in fear, and the communities that long for stability. It is our responsibility to advocate for their rights and build a future where their dreams are no longer stifled by nightmares”

The frequent nation-wide electricity grid collapse has become a major source of national embarrassment, with the grid collapsing nearly every week in recent times. This is totally unacceptable and unprecedented. And must, as a matter of urgency be brought to an end.
Nigeria's power sector stands at a crucial crossroads, with its struggles, which could be attributed to lack of capacity and funding, casting a long shadow over the nation's development and prosperity, particularly in this age of global artificial intelligence and technological advancement.

The challenges faced by the Nigerian electricity supply industry are not just technical; they reflect a deep-rooted need for a change in mindset among all stakeholders in Transforming Nigeria's power sector is not merely an option; it is a necessity to ensure a brighter future and in meeting some of the United Nations, Sustainable Development Goals for the one of Africa’s largest economies.

The pervasive issues within the power sector, such as the frequent Grid collapse, load shedding and vandalization of power infrastructure, are alarming and demand immediate and proactive actions.
Rampant corruption, insider trading, and inadequate funding have created a perfect challenging storm that hinders progress. For instance, the procurement practices within the sector have often been questionable, leading to the use of substandard products and equipment. This has not only resulted in financial losses but has also jeopardized the integrity of the entire electricity supply system. Individuals entrenched in the sector who warm and ingratiate themselves to every government in power have often benefited from contracts, that they often lack the capacity to execute, thereby creating a cycle of corruption that stifles development of the sector. Therefore, addressing these issues at the presidential level is essential for the restoration of capacity, efficiency and stability in the sector.

Declaring a state of emergency in the power sector has been long overdue and would signal a commitment to tackling these problems head-on. This declaration should be accompanied by the establishment of an Advisory Board made up of international development partners, with a proven track record in the power sector, representatives from the private sector, and knowledgeable/reputable former industry officials. Such a board would bring valuable experience and insights to the table, helping to identify and address the root causes of the sector's failures and challenges. An example of one of the sector’s malaise has to do with destructive practices. For instance, the former National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) had four helicopters designed for monitoring the national grid, yet allegations suggest these helicopters were vandalized and grounded at the Murtala Mohammed airport, Lagos to protect corrupt activities. A knowledgeable advisory board could help prevent such incidents, promote transparency, and restore preventive monitoring and maintenance.

The importance of transparency and accountability cannot be overstated for a critical sector. During my 4- year contract tenure as Executive Director of Finance and Accounts, in the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN), the experience of working there, without sounding immodest, demonstrated the positive impact of sound financial practices. The successful audit of TCN's accounts, which had never been conducted before by an external firm like PwC marked a significant milestone in the history of the company. This achievement was made possible by the hard work of dedicated professionals in my team and the support of the Board of Directors, and Professor Chinedu Nebo, the then Minister of Power, under the Goodluck Jonathan administration.

Witnessing the commitment of talented team members who worked tirelessly, often late into the night, highlighted the potential that exists within the sector. However, without effective leadership to guide these efforts, such potential may remain untapped, while the sector continues to flounder, with incessant power outages and system collapse.

Leadership is the cornerstone of any successful initiative, public or private sector, it does not matter which. The current administration would go down in history, and holds the key to leaving a significant legacy by prioritizing action over political considerations in fixing this behemoth power challenges which have bedeviled the country for decades. Forming an emergency Power Revival Committee would be one of the decisive steps towards revitalizing the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry (NESI). This committee should have a clear mandate to improve and ramp up electricity availability and establish a stable, reliable, and efficient grid. Which should be regionalized, improving the current Radial transmission system to the Loop system.

With over 200 million people in the country relying on a grid capacity barely reaching 6,000MW, the situation is both scandalous and unacceptable. A focused committee that either reports to the president or the vice president can generate the necessary momentum to bring about necessary change in the power sector.

In conclusion, Nigeria's power sector is in dire need of transformation. This has been the case since the 1960s days of the Electricity Corporation of Nigeria (ECN) Addressing corruption, establishing a technical advisory board, and fostering effective leadership are all critical steps toward revitalizing the industry. The commitment to change must come from all stakeholders, as the future of the entire nation development trajectory depends on the ability to provide consistent, stable and reliable electricity. Taking decisive action now will not only benefit the current generation and in conformity with some of the United Nations, Sustainable Development Goals, but will also lay a strong foundation for future growth and development, especially in the field of technological and vocational expertise.
The time for change is now; Nigeria's potential awaits realization. Nigeria’s renaissance, will certainly translate to Africa’s renaissance and respectability in the comity of nations.

Sonny Iroche was one time Executive Director, Finance & Accounts. Transmission Company of Nigeria.
He is currently in Post Graduate Studies in Artificial Intelligence at the Saïd Business School of the University of Oxford.
LinkedIn: http://linkedin.com/in/sonnyiroche

X (Twitter) : @IrocheSonny

Sonny Iroche- inspecting the four abandoned NEPA (TCN) helicopters at the Murtala Mohammed airport, Lagos in 2014. Photo courtesy: Sonny Iroche

“Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor, it must be demanded by the oppressed” (Martin Luther King, Jnr). Justice Walter Onnoghen who was unfairly disgraced out of office presumably as a crook by former dictator President, General Muhammadu Buhari, has just demonstrated this apophthegum through three appeals, namely CA/A/375/2019; CA/A/37/SC/2019 and CA/373C/2019. He valiantly fought for his freedom through these three appeals against his April 18, 2019 outrageous conviction which was schemed by Buhari and his kitchen cabinet to humiliate Onnoghen out of the Bench so as to make CJN, his preferred candidate (Justice Tanko Mohammed), CJN (rtd.) on the eve of the 2019 presidential election. Buhari knew he had performed dismally and would be rejected at the polls by angry and hungry Nigerians. So he went Judge-shopping. The rest as they say is history.  The legal saga of Justice Walter Onnoghen is not just the story of one man’s acquittal, but a larger commentary on the poor state of Nigeria’s judiciary and the ever-present tensions between political power wielders and judicial independence. It is a story fit for a Grammy Award movie. His acquittal on 4th November, 2024, by the Court of Appeal in Abuja, marked a significant chapter in Nigeria’s legal history, casting a powerful shadow of doubt and curious spotlight on the principles of separation of power, due process, the sanctity of judicial independence and the perils inherent in political intervention. The appeal that restored Justice Onnoghen’s hard-earned reputation and returned his assets to him is also a profound testament to the importance of procedural integrity and jurisdictional boundaries in any democratic society.

I had the opportunity in the nineties to appear before the brilliant Judex while he was a High Court Judge of the Cross River State Judiciary, Calabar. I know he was a man of integrity and character. During the infamous Onnoghen’s trial by ordeal, I made many interventions. In one, I said:

“A strong judiciary is one of the irreducible fundamental platforms for any meaningful constitutional democracy. If you terrorise, intimidate, harass and humiliate the judiciary, using strong hand and brute force, it is a stage set for bidding democracy farewell”- Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://dailytrust.com/ozekhome-charges-judiciary-to-shut-down-courts-over-onnoghen/). (13th January, 2019).

In a world where the judiciary stands as the final arbiter of justice, Justice Onnoghen’s story is one of a victim who faced unprecedented tribulations, endured a long    agonising path to redemption. He ultimately emerged victorious. The appeal process that culminated in his acquittal is a reminder that justice may sometimes be delayed, but it can never be forever denied.

HOW THE APPEAL COURT ACQUITED ONNOGHEN

The verdict by the Court of Appeal represented a turning point in a legal drama that had captivated Nigerians and raised profound questions about the nature and quality of justice in the country. On the 4th of November, 2024, a three-member panel led by Justice Abba Mohammed ruled in favour of the ex-CJN, Walter Onnoghen, acquitting him of the charges initially levied in 2019 by the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) in 2019. This decision not only vacated the earlier conviction but also ordered the unfreezing of all his bank accounts, thus restoring his financial freedom that had been denied him since the controversial trial began.

I have been overwhelmingly vindicated in all my angst and ventilations against the victimhood suffered by Onnoghen. Hear me:  

“The CJN can be removed from office either if he has been convicted or if under section 291 of the constitution, the Senate affirms a request by the President to remove him by two-third majority vote” - Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://www.pulse.ng/news/politics/mike-ozekhome-reacts-to-allegations-against-cjn-onnoghen/zdx9del). (12th January, 2019).

The acquittal judgement was predicated on a legal principle central to the Nigerian jurisprudence which articulates around jurisdiction. The Court of Appeal asserted that the CCT had no authority in the first instance to try and convict Justice Onnoghen having not passed through the National Judicial Council (NJC). This oversight, the appellate court argued, rendered the entire proceedings null and void. This requirement had been emphasized in Nigerian case law with decisions such as FRN v. NGANJIWA (2022) LPELR-58066(SC) and OPENE v. NJC & ORS (2011) LPELR-4795(CA), which clearly emphasise that judicial officers must first be vetted by the NJC before facing any criminal trial by a tribunal or court. This process is designed to protect the judiciary and its judexes from strong-hand politicians and political interference, thus ensuring that judges are treated with the respect, dignity and due process that their offices richly     deserve. I had angrily queried:

“...Our system of justice being Anglo-Saxon based, which is accusatorial, meaning that the innocence of a person is presumed. It is different from the criminal justice system of the French model which is inquisitorial, wherein the guilt of an accused person is presumed. This doctrine has been encapsulated in section 36 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, that the person’s innocence is presumed until he has been proven guilty. Assuming for example that Senator Bukola Saraki had been forced to resign his office when charges were brought against him before the same Code of Conduct Tribunal almost three years ago, what would have happened and what would have been his fate when the Supreme Court eventually discharged and acquitted him of the charge, following judgements and earlier order of the Court of Appeal and the Code of Conduct Tribunal itself? If you ask me, I sense serious political undertones oozing from this so-called imminent arraignment of the noble CJN. Question, when did they discover the alleged offence for which they now want to charge him on Monday? Was it just yesterday, was it last week, two weeks or six months ago? The CJN has been in office now for well over one year, how come that this misconduct or whatever offence that he is being alleged, was not seen up to now? How come, that it is just less than 40 days to the 2019 Presidential election, when the CJN is going to play the major role in constituting the Presidential election petition tribunal, that he is being moved against? Who is afraid of the Judiciary?  Who is afraid of Justice Onnoghen and his impartiality and straightforwardness?  How come we are reducing governance in Nigeria to one of impunity, one of despotism and one of absolutism. Don’t this people know that the world is laughing at us? Did we not see how Dino Melaye was yanked out from police hospital and taken to DSS quarters when he had no business or case with the DSS and DSS had no case against him. Did they not see Dino Melaye, a serving Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, sleeping in the open yesterday? Do they go on social media and do they watch international televisions? Do they know how the whole world is deriding us in this country? That governance has been reduced to mere witch-hunt, very opaque, very unaccountable, very un-transparent and very very fascist! Can’t they see that?”- Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://www.pulse.ng/news/politics/mike-ozekhome-reacts-to-allegations-against-cjn-onnoghen/zdx9del). (12th January, 2019).

My intervention as far back as 2019 served as a reality-check, pointing out that removing a Chief Justice can never be a whimsical decision; it is bound by the checks and balances that keep our justice system watered. My then reference to "impunity, despotism, and absolutism" hit like a huge hammer, evoking the imagery of a judiciary under siege of political transaintionists. By drawing parallels with then Senators Saraki and Dino Melaye’s own public tribulations, I attempted to paint a vivid picture of a prostrate justice system afflicted by power jackbootism. 

Justice Onnoghen’s acquittal is a clear victory for judicial integrity, independence and an affirmation that the judiciary cannot be used as a pawn on political chessboards. The ruling also reinforces the fact that procedural lapses, especially in matters bordering on citizens right and high-ranking judicial officers, are unacceptable and grossly violate the principle of fair trial. As the Bible counsels in Proverbs 31:9, “Speak up and judge fairly; defend the rights of the poor and needy.” This verse captures the essence of due process, emphasizing that justice must be dispensed with fairness and respect for established procedures. I did not mince words then in condemning the executive lawlessness unleashed on Onnoghen:

"It must be pointed out that this latest step by the CCT... appears to be teleguided by the dictatorial Executive, especially the presidency" - Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://dailypost.ng/2019/02/13/ozekhome-gives-nine-reasons-cct-arrest-order-onnoghen-cannot-stand/). (14th February, 2019).

The ugly circumstances surrounding Justice Onnoghen’s initial trial and conviction by the CCT underscore the potential dangers when procedural norms are bypassed. My passionate critique of the dastardly role played by the Buhari-led administration from 2015 to 2023 as regards Onnoghen’s trial by ordeal revealed the high stakes which were at play. By overstepping the NJC, I had warned then that unchecked executive power could encroach upon the independence of the judiciary which will ultimately undermine the very foundation of democracy.

THE PRECEDENT OF JURISDICTION AND JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE

Justice Walter Onnoghen’s acquittal by the Court of Appeal is not just a victory for one individual, but a landmark affirmation of a fundamental principle of law, that jurisdiction is the bedrock of any valid legal proceeding. Without proper jurisdiction, any judgement rendered is, as many legal scholars have agreed on, will merely be an exercise in futility. This principle is enshrined in our legal jurisprudence to protect the sanctity of judicial offices and prevent arbitrary persecution. The Court of Appeal’s decision to vacate Justice Walter Onnoghen’s conviction reaffirmed this core legal tenet, sending a clear message that the judiciary is not a toothless bulldog and tool to be wielded by the executive or any other arm of government.

“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere” – Martin Luther King Jr. The Nigerian legal framework, supported by landmark cases such as FRN v. NGANJIWA (Supra) and OPENE v. NJC & ORS (Supra), outlines that the NJC must first investigate and make recommendations regarding any allegations against judicial officers before any trial can commence at the CCT. This process serves as a bulwark against arbitrary trials, ensuring that judges are not subjected to undue pressure or political intimidation. I had also then warned about the dangers posed whenever these procedural safeguards are disregarded: “The CCT was unrelenting: it discarded its earlier precedents; ignored court rulings barring it from trying Onnoghen. It was the case of the falcon not hearing the falconer”- Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://www.thecable.ng/ozekhome-onnoghen-resigned-because-the-cabal-had-sealed-his-fate/). (6th April, 2019).

Thus, five years ago (2019), I was nothing short of prophetic. I had foreseen the critical blunders and overreaches that would compromise the integrity of the judiciary in the Onnoghen saga. My warnings were very clear then about the dangerous precedent that was being set in bypassing due process and using the judiciary as a tool for political manoeuvring. As events have now unfolded, my observations then have proven me to be a visionary critic who critiques (not criticises) a justice system that was then on the brink. I had cautioned against the erosion of judicial independence in the face of executive influence. I had given nine reasons why the CCT’s arrest order on and trial of Justice Onnoghen could not stand. See: 

(https://dailypost.ng/2019/02/13/ozekhome-gives-nine-reasons-cct-arrest-order-onnoghen-cannot-stand/).

My list was not just a check-list of procedural irregularities; it was also an indictment of a system seemingly hijacked by political buccaneers. Each point landed like a blow, revealing layers of oversight that were by-passed; up to the requirement for humane treatment under the ACJA that was ignored. I meticulously built my case, demonstrating that Onnoghen’s trials were not just about one man, but about the sanctity of the judicial process itself. It was persecution, not prosecution.

My vivid metaphor of the then CJN being “mob-lynched,” painted a grotesque picture of a judiciary cornered by hidoues forces intent on humiliation rather than achieving justice. 

Justice Onnoghen’s acquittal by the Court of Appeal thus serves as a reaffirmation of judicial independence, reminding all branches of government that the rule of law cannot be compromised for political expediency. As the Bible says in Psalm 82:3, “Defend the weak and the fatherless; uphold the cause of the poor and the oppressed.” These words resonate deeply in the context of Onnoghen’s trial, encapsulating the judiciary’s duty to protect the innocent from unwarranted persecution and uphold the principles of justice.

POLITICAL UNDERTONES AND THE QUEST FOR JUDICIAL AUTONOMY

Justice Walter Onnoghen’s journey from indictment to acquittal reflects a deeper narrative about the political undertones that permeated his trial. His suspension by then President Muhammadu Buhari which took place only weeks before the 2019 presidential election, had raised significant concerns about the timing and motivations behind the charges. Many saw it as an attempt to influence the judiciary ahead of a critical election, a sentiment I shared and eloquently captured in "Onnoghen... knew that his fate had been pre-determined by the cabal, signed, sealed and delivered"- Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://www.thecable.ng/ozekhome-onnoghen-resigned-because-the-cabal-had-sealed-his-fate/). (6th April, 2019)

The timing of the charges, as well as the swiftness with which Onnoghen was brought to trial, laid validation to public perception that Justice Onnoghen was merely targeted for his position and influence within the judiciary. Like I put it then, “Many facts bear this simple deduction out. The petitioner, an NGO, actually committed the Freudian slip by anchoring its petition on ‘bearing in mind the imminence of the 2019 general elections’" - Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://dailytrust.com/ozekhome-charges-judiciary-to-shut-down-courts-over-onnoghen/). (13th January, 2019).

The Bible, in Proverbs 21:15, declares, “When justice is done, it brings joy to the righteous but terror to evildoers.” The acquittal of Justice Onnoghen, in this light, is therefore not just a personal victory but a broader triumph for all who value justice and integrity. 

Like I noted then, “Justice Onnoghen’s removal was also an attempt by the executive arm of government to have a firm control of the nation’s judiciary”- Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://dailypost.ng/2019/02/13/ozekhome-gives-nine-reasons-cct-arrest-order-onnoghen-cannot-stand/). (13th February, 2019).

CONCLUSION

Ultimately, Justice Walter Onnoghen’s acquittal is a landmark victory for judicial independence and a testament to the enduring principles of justice and due process. His journey from indictment to acquittal serves as a potent reminder that the rule of law must remain inviolable, even in the face of political pressures. 

Onnoghen’s case will remain a watershed moment in Nigeria’s legal history, a vivid reminder that the judiciary’s role is to safeguard the rule of law, protect citizens’ rights and ensure that democracy even when faced with formidable forces of political influence, triumphs. It should be able to skillfully navigate through the ever present interplay of centripetal and centrifugal forces.

As Nigeria continues to evolve as a work-in-progress, Justice Onnoghen’s exoneration stands as a powerful reminder to us all that, in the words of Proverbs 21:3, “To do what is right and just is more acceptable to the Lord than sacrifice.” Congratulations, Milord. Enjoy your hard won-back integrity, honour and dignity.

 

 

 

 

 

 


It is amazing how time flies as Governor Godwin Nosakhare Obaseki of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP relinguishes power to his successor, Senator Monday Okpegholo of the All Progressives Congress (APC) on Tuesday, November 12, 2024.

This day is both bitter and sweet to both Obaseki and Okpegholo, akin to the transfer of power from incumbent President Joe Biden to President-Elect Donald Trump in the United States of America, USA, despite the bitter political fight that both waged against each other for their respective political parties to control the heart and soul of Americans. The good news about the U.S. transition, scheduled for January 20, 2025, is that it promises to be peaceful, as indicated by Biden’s extention of invitation to the White House to President-Elect Trump, the 45th president returning as the 47th to the White House.

In contrast, although in comparable circumstances, since the incumbent governor’s candidate also lost in the race, the path to political leadership transition in Edo State has been fraught with personality clashes between outgoing Governor Obaseki and Governor-Elect Okpegholo. In fact, the tension is very high to the extent that there is a likelihood that Governor Obaseki may not be present to officially hand over the baton, as his team alleges that he hasn’t received an invitation, while Okpegholo’s representatives claim that Obaseki has already vacated the government house ahead of inauguration day. This disagreement has affected the traditional handover ceremony, resulting in a less than ideal image for Nigerian democracy, which, after 25 years of continuous practice, should have moved beyond these early-stage challenges such threat of impeachment at the drop of a hat and handing over to puppets than can be played.

Unequivocably, one of the key issues facing Nigeria’s democratic process is the tendency of governors to choose successors who will cover up their tracks or be easily controlled. This week’s column is dedicated to examining the practice of godfatherism, especially the type where a godfather seeks to “serve” a third term indirectly by making a puppet of their successor.

The irony of the succession crisis in Edo State—centered on former Edo Governor and current Senator Adams Oshiomhole and his successor, the outgoing Governor Obaseki—is evident in a photograph of both of them sharing corn on the streets of Benin City. This image friends today enemies today common amongst political allies highlights the failure that often results from choosing a surrogate as a successor instead of allowing the electorate to exercise their civic rights to elect their governor freely. It is remarkable that , generally outside of the South-West, the bond between godfather and godson tends to break shortly after formation. The exception in the south-west is likely owed to the fact that their traditional rulers and elders who are highly respected in yoruba land, often mediate in conflicts between governors and their sucessors/surrogates, before the relationship degerates irreverseably.

The candid photo, which inspired part of this article’s title—“Eat Corn Today, Corn-flict Tomorrow”—was taken eight years ago when Oshiomhole, then incumbent governor, was campaigning with Obaseki as his chosen successor.

While an anonymous person had aptly tagged the scenario: “Be careful who you walk with: Eat corn today, corn-flict tomorrow,” I couldn’t resist adopting it as part of the title of this piece which is rather too long , but it is for the purpose of giving full context.

There is no doubt that the photo and caption will go down as one of the most creative and fitting representations of Edo State politics after the contentious September 21 gubernatorial elections. It also reflects the tendency of governors to impose surrogates , only to be dissappointed and clash with them after handing over power to their anointed candidates, who they were expecting will be puppets. From accrinonous outcomes of those who enter such unholy alliances, the need for our governors to seek more efficacius alternatives can not be overemphasized.

As we now know, the highly contested Edo State gubernatorial race resulted in APC candidate, Senator Monday Okpegholo, emerging as the winner and this outcome has left the outgoing Governor Obaseki and his chosen successor, Mr. Asue Ighodalo, dismayed.

The third candidate in the race, Mr. Olumide Akpata of the Labour Party (LP), lacked a powerful godfather, particularly as Mr. Peter Obi, the party leader who once had a cult-like following, has been somewhat “demystified.” This unravelling of Obi’s influence has been painful and somewhat humiliating, as some of the harshest criticism against him have come from his own constituency, which expects him to be more isolationist—a persistent challenge for any Igbo presidential candidate in Nigeria. Justifiably,Mr. Obi has intentionally tried to distance himself from this perception, yet some critics interpret gestures like his congratulatory message to former Head of State Gen. Yakubu Gowon on his 90th birthday as pandering. It is a tag that the LP presidential candidate in 2023 has vehemently rejected.

Returning to Edo State, godfatherism remains a defining feature of its politics. Since the return of multi party democracy in 1999, except for Governor Lucky Igbinedion, who served from 1999 to 2007 without a godfather, most other governors have had influential patrons. Igbinedion’s successor, Professor Osariemen Osunbor, was backed by the late Chief Tony Anenih, famously nicknamed “Mr. Fix It.”

Oshiomhole contested against Osunbor, challenging the election results and eventually winning in court. This victory elevated Oshiomhole as a “giant killer” in Edo politics, as he had triumphed over the highly respected and accomplished political leader, chief Anenih, the celebrated godfather. Oshiomhole even boasted that he had retired Anenih as a political force.

Ironically, the same Oshiomhole, who disrupted Anenih’s reign as the preeminent godfather in Edo State, later became a godfather himself, helping Obaseki secure the governorship eight years ago. It was during Oshiomhole’s 2016 campaign to promote Obaseki that the well-known photo of the two of them eating corn on the streets of Edo State was taken. This image was used as a photo opportunity to convey camaraderie and continuity in governance, portraying the godfather and godson as grassroots-oriented leaders.

It is unsurprising that the photo opportunity, meant to display Oshiomhole and his anointed successor, Obaseki, as populist and grassroots-friendly politicians, worked like magic, helping Obaseki easily secure the mandate of the people for his first term.

Ironically, this photo has now come back to haunt them, serving as an instructive and cautionary tale to politicians who aspire to governorship positions and to those preparing to leave office that they should becarefull of entering master-servant relationships.
There are allegations that Oshiomhole is poised to become a “third-term” governor by exerting influence over Governor-Elect Okpegholo, as he is perceived as the force behind Okpegholo’s success. But it is claimed that he has forcefully pushed back against.


In any case such is the game of politics everywhere in the world, where politicians often fallout due to a misalignment of interests between former allies who suddenly become foes. As such , the unfolding scenario in Edo State validates the popular aphorism: there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies in politics, only permanent interests.

Nevertheless, it would be a rare feat for Oshiomhole to assume the role of godfather a second time, having played that role during Obaseki’s first term in his two terms tenure and now potentially for Okpegholo, who assumes office today, November 12, 2024.

As experience has shown from events in Rivers State—between Governors Rotimi Amaechi and Nyesom Wike during Wike’s first term (2015-2019), and currently between Wike and Fubara (2023 to date)—the godfather/godson bond between Oshiomhole and Okpegholo may be short-lived. The romance seldom last beyond the first term.
This is especially likely if Oshiomhole decides to maintain a strong grip on Edo State’s affairs, much like Wike’s influence over Fubara in Rivers State and the consequential schism, which has wrought severe socioeconomic consequences on the state, leaving the citizens as victims. One can only hope that the people of Edo State will not experience a similar political fallout, if Oshiomhole and Okpegholo fail to read the ‘tea leaves’ and ‘thread the kneedle better to avoid the current unsavory experiences that have manifested especially in Kano and Rivers states.

As readers may be aware a major political power struggle threatens to stall Rivers state’s progress. This became apparent when “jungle don mature” (meaning “the jungle has matured”) became the rallying cry of Governor Fubara, signaling his break from his godfather, Wike, who is now the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Since then all hell has literally been let loose in Rivers state with allocations from federation account being ordered withheld by court based on legal infractions as determined by the ruling of the judge.

Assuming that INEC’s decision to declare Okpegholo the winner of the gubernatorial contest, currently being challenged in court, is upheld against the plan of Governor Obaseki and the PDP candidate Asue Ighodalo, (Obaseki’s preferred successor) who have insisted that Okpegholo’s victory is pyrrhic and must be overturned by the courts.

Perhaps due to the negative associations of godfatherism, Oshiomhole has denied any intention of becoming a godfather, a concept he previously denounced when he ran for governor of Edo State in 2007/2008. At that time, Oshiomhole faced significant opposition from figures like Anenih, an influential political leader, who supported Professor Osunbor as the next governor of Edo State.

Just as Governor Osunbor served as a surrogate of Anenih in 2007-2008, Senator Monday Okpegholo, the new governor of Edo State, can likewise be seen as a surrogate of Oshiomhole. This is evident in both words and actions, as the former labor leader and ex-governor frequently appeared on multiple media platforms—including television, radio, print, and social media—to campaign on behalf of Okpegholo, much as he did for Obaseki eight years ago.

One can only hope that Oshiomhole and Okpegholo will resist the temptation to enter a godfather/godson relationship, which has proven to be ineffective in the long run as both always fallout with dire consequences for the states that they govern with Rivers and Kano states as typical examples.

In reality, what is often derogatorily referred to as godfatherism in politics is actually a form of succession planning, which is critical for leadership continuity. In the private sector, a business leader’s foresight in grooming a successor is typically seen as a commendable virtue.

However, many Nigerians believe that the criteria for selecting successors in public governance are not always altruistic; rather, they are often driven by the personal agendas of politicians rather than patriotic goals or the greater good. Consequently, this practice has acquired a negative reputation. So,basically Nigerians have become wary of governors imposing their loyalists as successors, rather than basing their choices on objective principles. As a result, politicians who promote surrogates to succeed them are frequently labeled godfathers.

The strained relationships between former governors and the successors they handpick have become legendary in Nigeria. Although it’s common for godfathers and godsons to turn against each other after a period of initial cooperation, it is curious that the tendency to impose chosen successors has become even more entrenched in Nigerian politics, suggesting that few lessons have been learned by the new governors from the former ones.

This trend dates back to conflicts such as the one in Abia State, where current Senator Orji Uzor Kalu handpicked Theodore Orji another current senator as his successor as governor of Abia stater in 2007, later leading to friction when the godson turned against his godfather. Similarly, in Anambra State, the relationship between Mr. Peter Obi and his chosen successor, Willie Obiano, soured due to undue interference and antagonism between godson and godfather. Generally, such situations can be seen as a form of retribution against the questionable practice of installing successors to maintain influence or enjoy a third term by proxy rather than choosing a successor based on merit and ability to deliver superior performance.

A comparable godfather/godson conflict played out in Kano State, where Dr. Musa Kwankwaso, as governor, chose his former Chief of Staff, Prof. Umar Ganduje, as his successor. Not long after, both men found themselves in a prolonged struggle for power, with one outcome being the destabilization of the revered Kano emirate. For the first time in the history of this ancient emirate, there are two emirs, each having been deposed and reinstated, reflecting the political power struggles between former governors and their chosen successors.

In 2007, a similar scenario unfolded when then-President Olusegun Obasanjo, in the aftermath of a bitter political fallout with Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who intended to succeed him, did everything possible to prevent Abubakar’s ambition from materializing. Instead, Obasanjo supported former Katsina Governor Umaru Yar’Adua of blessed memory and who is the younger brother of Obasanjo’s political ally, the late Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, to become president.

Tragically, due to severe health issues, President Yar’Adua passed away in 2010, barely two years into his first term, leaving the country in a precarious situation, as this was the first time a sitting president had died under democratic rule. The military dictator, General Sanni Abacha had died while serving as a military head of state.
The National Assembly ultimately resolved the constitutional crisis created by that unprecedented situation by invoking the “Doctrine of Necessity,” allowing for a smooth transition of power.

Remarkably, before Yar’Adua’s passing, he was not following OBJ’s agenda. In fact, he had overturned the sale of NNPC refineries to private sector investors, including Dangote, and even reversed the privatization of the electricity sector—policies that the current administration under President Bola Tinubu appears to be reviving, as seen in recent fuel and gas policies shifting control of energy security to the private sector.
What the examples above underscore is that there is no evidence that engineering surrogates as successors as has long term benefits as such perfidous acts always backfire.

As I wish Senator Monday Okpegholo, who assumes office as governor of Edo State today, a successful tenure, I would also like to offer him counsel as a good friend of many years. He should be guided by the experiences of his predecessors in the godfather/godson dynamic that has shaped Edo State over the past few decades. This counsel is to help him draw lessons from history and establish guardrails against any such damaging relationships.

To my senior friend, the distinguished Senator Oshiomhole, I believe he understands the futility of playing the godfather role, having fought against it nearly two decades ago. God has blessed him with enough achievements in labor movement where he was at the helms of affairs as well as in politics as a governor and also empowered him to serve as a distinguished senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,so he should not descend from swimming in an ocean to playing in a puddle. He has demonstrated that he possesses sufficient political influence to impact who becomes governor of Edo State relying on the power of incumbency and also when he is not governor. So, the political prowess, once ascribed only to President Bola Tinubu as the former governor of Lagos State who still influenced the the choice who becomes governor of the state continuosly even after a couple of decades since he exited office, should be put to positive use. I trust that he will not follow the example of the politicians, who, after serving as governor still attempt to control governance in their home state, thereby causing instability and reflecting poorly on both democracy and politicians.
As for Obaseki and Ighodalo, who have been left holding the wrong end of the stick in the battle for the control of Dennis Osadebey house, Edo state seat of power, as a democracy advocate l urge them to continue to pursue justice in court to test the law and make democracy sturdier as it develops taproots in Nigeria.
That is one way that we can hand our children “a banner without stain” as captured in a stanza of our national anthem.

Magnus Onyibe is an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government. He sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

To continue this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.