Since leaving office in May 2023, former Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari has evoked all manner of sentiments. While his die-hard supporters idolize him for his perceived integrity and simple mien, most Nigerians write him off as, perhaps, the most inept to ever lead Africa’s most populous Black nation. Indeed, very few people look back at Buhari’s tenure for inspiration or with any nostalgic feeling, not necessarily because the present administration has done substantially better, but because the systemic rot in the nation’s economy assumed a worse dimension on Buhari’s watch. 

Buhari sunk so low in the estimation of reasonable Nigerians that only a handful of those who served in his 8-year administration will defend it with any pride. And, as if he is aware of the public disdain for his low-energy performance, the former military strongman has tactfully remained out of public view, holed up mostly in his Daura village. 

The past month, however, was different. Not only was Buhari drawn into the public space once again by politicians seeking to benefit from whatever remains of his goodwill, but the flurry of activities connected to political realignments ahead of the 2027 elections thrust him into an undeserved positive spotlight. 

Like a bride, he is being gilded in gold; his flaws are being buried in the heap of eulogies by all manner of opportunistic politicians. The gilding has come from leaders of his APC desirous of using his influence to mend the cracks in the party, as well as opposition politicians who are interested in latching onto his famed popularity among the North’s talakawa.

The visit by governors of the ruling All Progressives Congress at his newly renovated Kaduna home threw up similar visits by leaders of the fledgling coalition of opposition politicians led by Atiku Abubakar and Nasir el-Rufai, as well as the APC National Working Committee, led by its National Chairman, Alhaji Umar Ganduje. But it was the governors’ visit and the overly patronizing words of their leader, Governor Hope Uzodinma, that agitated many Nigerians. 

Ostensibly for the Eid-el-Fitr celebrations, the visit had all the trappings of partisan politics following the disquiet in the APC over President Tinubu’s lopsided appointments that relegated members of Buhari’s faction in the APC, the Congress for Progressive Change. 

After praising Buhari for publicly affirming that the APC remains his party, despite CPC members’ grumblings, Governor Uzodinma of Imo State, who is also the Chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum (PGF), went on a mission to gild the man in gold. He claimed, without offering evidence, that Buhari’s handling of the nation’s affairs during his presidency, specifically security, the economy, and anti-corruption, was outstanding and commendable. He was quoted in a statement by Garba Shehu, Buhari’s media aide, as saying “Your Excellency, your legacy in Nigeria’s history is secure…Your administration gave expression to our party’s core principles through your focus on security, economic recovery, and anti-corruption. Your efforts reclaimed territory from insurgents, extended social investment programs … and ushered in road and rail revolution that is still bearing fruit…” 

Uzodimma was either massaging Buhari’s ego or he was genuinely trying to rewrite history. He did not bother to elaborate on the nation’s security gains when he was in power, nor the positives of whatever economic policies he initiated. But, since the scars of Buhari’s poor handling of those two national issues – security and the economy – are still fresh, it is important to interrogate Uzodinma’s claim against the reality of our experiences.

Buhari was in charge when the Global Terrorism Index shockingly ranked Nigeria as the third most insecure nation on Earth, a designation that highlighted the alarming levels of violence and instability that plagued the country. On his watch, terrorists displayed a brazen audacity, carrying out attacks on a wide range of targets, from strategic national institutions to elite military formations, leaving many citizens feeling vulnerable and unsafe in their homeland. 

In what seems to be an attempt to rewrite our recent history, it appears that he has conveniently forgotten, perhaps deliberately, some of the most egregious incidents that marked the era of terrorism. A few reminders will suffice. Notably, over a hundred armed terrorists on motorcycles launched a daring assault on Kuje Prison, successfully freeing nearly a thousand of their associates who were held behind bars. This audacious breach of security not only exposed the vulnerabilities in our correctional facilities but also raised critical questions about the effectiveness of the national security apparatus under Buhari.

To further illustrate the poor security climate, in 2021, terrorists shockingly invaded the prestigious Nigerian Defence Academy, a key institution responsible for training the nation’s military leaders. In this attack, they killed two soldiers. Even the Brigade of Guards, the elite team assigned to protect the President himself, faced a serious security breach, shamefully so for a regime headed by a retired army general. 

So what was the basis of Governor Uzodinma’s outlandish claims? 

If Buhari’s handling of the nation’s security was poor, his economic policies were nothing short of disastrous. And to call him a prudent man and an anti-corruption hero would be to distort the realities of his administration. For a leader who inherited a debt profile of just over 10 billion dollars, it is astonishing to note that Nigeria’s debt soared to nearly 45 billion dollars during his tenure, a steep increase that raised serious questions about the administration’s fiscal prudence.

It was under Buhari’s administration that the controversial policy of upfront payment for proceeds from the country’s oil was introduced. This practice, novel in its absurdity, seriously undermined the financial stability of the nation, the scars of which exist till today.. 

In addition to these absurdities, the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2007 was brazenly contravened as the Central Bank of Nigeria was exposed to trillions of Naira through that dubious mechanism known as Ways and Means. Like many of his policies, this ultimately jeopardised the nation’s financial health, with all its negative impact that still torment hapless Nigerians to this day.

It was political opportunism at its best for the governors to seize such a visit, ostensibly for the Eid-el-Fitr, to turn facts on their head. 

I can understand President Bola Tinubu’s continued pandering to Buhari, including the reported renovation of his Kaduna home. Although their relationship has occasionally been viewed as politically transactional, Tinubu has made deliberate efforts to maintain close ties with Buhari for broader strategic aims, especially in preventing the emergence of a rival APC faction around Buhari. 

He owes his emergence to the former President, but he hasn’t bothered to praise him unduly, mainly because, in saner climes, Buhari ought to still be with anti-corruption agencies rendering account of what was generally adjudged a disastrous tenure. It is Tinubu’s aides that find it expedient once in a while to take swipes at Buhari, blaming him for the mess they met on the ground in 2023.

The plaudits on Buhari are not only misplaced, they are fundamentally disconnected from the lived experiences of Nigerians. While one may not begrudge Governor Uzodinma the right to promote his party and its leaders by painting them in whatever bright colours he finds necessary, decency demands that he does so without insulting the sensibilities of other Nigerians. 

Nigeria, this Thursday, May 29, 2025,  marks its 26th anniversary ending brutal military rule, and embarking on the road to democracy.  I am reminded, on this occasion, of three political figures who contributed to this situation.

President  Bola  Ahmed Tinubu emerged into  national consciousness in 1992  when he was elected the Senator representing the Lagos West Constituency.  The following year when the June 12 presidential election, won by Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, was annulled by the Babangida junta, he became one of the major advocates of de-annulment.  He was like Abiola, a good social  mixer  and seemed to have friends in high places. Also, when shortly after the Abacha coup and the head of the junta needed to meet Abiola for secret discussions, they each had a witness: Abacha had General Oladipo Diya  who was his  Deputy, while Abiola had Tinubu. Abiola and Tinubu were populists and shared Abiola’s  political agenda: “Hope ’93, Farewell To Poverty: How to make Nigeria a better place for all.”  

When six years later, he ran for gubernatorial election in Lagos State, Tinubu seemed to have dusted up that manifesto. At his inauguration as Governor, he promised  Lagosians  a better life and assured them of “a good economic programme that will eradicate poverty and provide employment for the jobless…” Equally, Rauf  Aregbesola, when, in 2007, he ran for the gubernatorial election in Osun State,  unfolded a similar programme.  His  Six-Point Agenda promised to promote functional education, banish poverty, banish unemployment, restore healthy living, banish hunger and, enhance communal peace and progress.

When the Abacha regime cracked  down on pro-democracy activists, Tinubu went into exile in 1994 and returned in 1998 after the dictator’s death. Abiola had died in detention under controversial circumstances on July 7, 1998. On his return from exile, Tinubu ran for the gubernatorial election of Lagos State  in January 1999 and won. The Director  of his campaign team, the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Campaign Organisation, BATCO,    was Aregbesola. The latter had ran for the House of Representatives in 1992 while  Tinubu ran  for Senate in the same Lagos West area. Tinubu had won  while Aregbesola lost, but that campaign  had brought them together.  When in 2003, Tinubu ran for re-election, Aregbesola was, again, the Director of his campaign team that ensured victory.

After Tinubu’s  1999 victory as governor,  his team penned down Aregbesola as Senior Special Adviser  to the Lagos State House of Assembly. But when  the list of the  new cabinet  in the state was announced on radio, Aregbesola was amongst the commissioners named.  Apparently, Tinubu had put  his foot down, insisting that the former should be in his new cabinet.  Aregbesola was named Commissioner for Works  and Infrastructure.  He spent eight years during which the salutary work of the Ministry in executing huge  road construction  and building  massive public works,  was one of the undeniable achievements of the Tinubu administration. This partly  led to the contested claims that: “Tinubu built Lagos”.

Aregbesola’s  demonstrable competence, knowledge and commitment were so  visible in his first four years as Commissioner, that Governor Bisi Akande  of Osun State approached Tinubu to allow Aregesola become his running mate in his 2003 bid for re- election.  Aregbesola did not want to cut short his  service in Lagos State and, clearly, Tinubu  still needed the services of the latter, not just in his cabinet but also for his re-election for a second term. Besides, Tinubu’s    re-election promised to be quite tough because he had openly  confronted the dictatorial tendencies of President Olusegun Obasanjo.

For instance, following  clashes between the police and a militant ethnic group,  the Oodua People’s Congress, OPC,    Obasanjo    on January 13, 2000, wrote Tinubu a letter threatening to impose emergency rule on Lagos State. Obasanjo told Tinubu: “When either by utterance, action or indeed inaction, a Chief Executive shows a loss of control in the maintenance of law and order in his state, it becomes incumbent on the Federal Government to take appropriate action to arrest the situation, usually in the form of the imposition of a State of Emergency.   “Mr. Governor, I regret that I have not seen any action on your part in the recent past to suggest that you are in control of the security situation in Lagos State. On the contrary there is evidence of increasing disorder, loss of lives and property and a general sense of fear among the citizens of Lagos State. This is an intolerable situation.”

Tinubu had responded, blaming the Obasanjo administration for the insecurity.  The latter, he wrote, ran a Police which was  “undermanned, ill-equipped, poorly motivated and demoralised”.  He advised it to either live up to its responsibilities or “allow for the necessary constitutional amendment to allow the states to bear their own cross”. Also, Tinubu had rejected the overt directives of Yoruba leaders that the six states in Western Nigeria, including Lagos State, should back the 2003 re-election bid  of President Obasanjo. The states had been  run by the opposition Alliance for Democracy, AD.  Clearly, the Presidency was displeased by Tinubu’s opposition and he knew he had an uphill task in his hands. So, Akande’s  request that Aregbesola became  his running mate in Osun State could not be met.  

As it turned out,  in the South-West, only Tinubu was returned in the gubernatorial election as his  five other colleagues, fell to the onslaught of  Obasanjo’s    Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.   Once he became the Governor of  Osun State, Aregbesola    displayed    the spirit  of Tinubu’s  relatively outstanding performance in Lagos. When at the expiration of his tenure in Osun State, he returned to Lagos, his  GRA Ikeja home was called “Second Bourdillion” in reference to his closeness to Tinubu who lived on Bourdillion Road, Ikoyi, Lagos.  It was an indication that some saw Aregbesola as Tinubu’s deputy in politics, at least in  the politics of  South-Western Nigeria.

Tinubu was carrying on the populist vision of Abiola and Aregbesola was helping to realise that vision. But politically, the three politicians had some divergent positions. Abiola  was a populist of the Right, Tinubu was Centre Right,  while Aregbesola  was Left.  Abiola was very close to the military top brass.  Tinubu did not wholly embrace military rule but worked closely with Abiola for the birth  of the Abacha  military regime. In contrast,  Aregbesola distanced himself from the military. Given his role in the 1978 student uprising against military rule, he disliked the latter.  He,  like many in the Left, viewed the military  as political usurpers. So, while Abiola and Tinubu might have had some confidence that the military would agree to disengage and willingly return to the barracks, Aregbesola thought the Generals had a hidden agenda. All three have played  major roles in the contemporary politics of the country.

FORMER Vice President Atiku Abubakar and the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, yesterday, dismissed recent endorsements for President Bola Tinubu by governors and stakeholders of the All Progressives Congress, APC, calling them a sign of panic and desperation.

While the former Vice President expressed confidence in the coalition’s ability to defeat the APC in the 2027 elections, the PDP pointed to widespread dissatisfaction with Tinubu’s governance and economic policies.

Mazi Paul Ibe, Media Adviser to Atiku Abubakar, stated that the coalition remains unfazed by the endorsements, likening the situation to a student who has prepared thoroughly for an examination.

He said: “When you’ve prepared diligently for an exam, you can sleep soundly the night before, waking up assured of success. That’s the position of our coalition.

“Nigerians are the ultimate judges. Their endorsements will determine the outcome, not the political manoeuvrings of the ruling party. The recent endorsements reveal the panicked state of this administration. Insecurity is at an unprecedented level, with territories being reclaimed by insurgents in Borno State and other regions. The cost of living is unbearable. Families struggle to feed themselves, access healthcare, or send their children to school. As school fees are due, many are weighed down by these burdens. Yet, the government has done little to address these challenges, choosing instead to focus on political games.”

He also accused Tinubu’s administration of using anti-corruption agencies to pressure opposition figures into joining the APC.

“These defections are not driven by ideology or preference for the APC. Politicians are being held hostage and compelled to defect. Some of these individuals are being targeted for corruption, both by former governors and the current administration. They are being pressured to pay a ransom, which manifests as defections. This is what happened in Delta State and elsewhere. Even the so-called ‘quiet bomb’ that has been hinted at is a result of crimes committed by their predecessors. These are being used as leverage to shake them down, hold them hostage, and negotiate their defection to the ruling party.”

On his part, the National Organising Secretary of the PDP, Alhaji Umar Bature, said endorsements don’t guarantee victory.

He recalled that former President Goodluck Jonathan had the endorsements of 21 governors in 2014 but still lost the election.

Bature said: “Tinubu has 22 endorsements. There’s nothing to worry about. It’s just a matter of time. The issue isn’t endorsement; the issue is whether you’ve done the right thing for the country. Endorsements are merely cosmetic. People resort to them when they know they’re not serving the interests of the people they claim to represent.

“There is no crisis. Members are simply expressing their views. If they say they want to leave the party, time will tell. These matters will resolve themselves.”

[Vanguard]

The conferment of an honorary doctorate degree on the wife of the Anambra State Governor, Mrs. Nonye Soludo, during the combined 11th to 15th convocation ceremonies of Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University (COOU), was more than a ceremonial highlight—it reflected the Soludo administration’s people-centered development model that integrates health, education, and community empowerment.

Held at the university’s Igbariam campus, the event marked a historic milestone in the life of the institution, as it celebrated 25 years of academic excellence. Dignitaries, faculty members, students, alumni, and state officials gathered to honour graduating students and reflect on the evolution of the university over the years.

In his address, Anambra State Governor, Prof. Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, used the occasion to reflect on the transformation of COOU since his assumption of office. “The university is far different from what it used to be since my last time here,” he noted, emphasizing that government alone cannot fast-track development. Instead, he advocated for strong partnerships with the private sector and local communities to drive innovation and growth.

Governor Soludo paid tribute to the founder of the university, the late Governor Dr. Chinwoke Mbadinuju, noting that his legacy must not go unnoticed. “Late Dr. Mbadinuju is not celebrated enough here. We must find something significant to immortalize him,” the governor stressed. He also extended commendations to other past leaders and stakeholders who have contributed to the university’s development, affirming, “I celebrate all men of goodwill who love and believe in education as the bridge to the future.”

The Acting Vice Chancellor, Prof. Kate Omenugha expressed pride in the university's stable and uninterrupted academic calendar over the past several years. “We are proud to combine five years of academic success into this celebration,” she remarked. “This stable academic calendar is a legacy we intend to sustain as we move forward.” Prof. Omenugha also lauded Governor Soludo for his numerous contributions to the university community and welcomed continued partnerships to enhance educational opportunities. “We appreciate the governor for his unwavering commitment to our institution,” she said.

Also speaking at the event, the Pro-Chancellor of COOU, Prof. Chidi Odinkalu emphasized the university’s commitment to community engagement and progressive ideas. “We have celebrated our heritage this week, and we intend to forge a vibrant future for this university,” he said, describing the university community as a place where differing views can coexist in a spirit of mutual respect. "I encourage everyone to join in and actively participate in this journey,” he added.

The Commissioner for Education, Prof. Ngozi Chuma-Udeh echoed these sentiments, applauding the governor’s prioritization of education as a foundational pillar for progress in Anambra State. “Governor Soludo’s government remains unwavering in its mission to elevate education in our state,” she affirmed.

The highlight of the day, however, was the conferment of an honorary doctorate degree in science and food nutrition to Mrs. Nonye Soludo, in recognition of her outstanding contributions to health and nutrition, particularly through her flagship initiative, Healthy Living with Nonye Soludo. The programme, which promotes nutrition education, clean eating, and wellness advocacy across communities in the state, has become a grassroots movement, aligning perfectly with her husband’s development vision.

In her remarks, the Governor’s wife expressed deep appreciation for the honour bestowed on her by the university. “This honour belongs to every caregiver, every woman working daily to raise healthy families. I thank the university and our people for supporting our journey,” she said. Her award also signals the university’s recognition of wellness advocacy as a critical aspect of educational and human development.

The event drew an impressive crowd of dignitaries, including Deputy Governor, Dr. Onyekachukwu Ibezim; Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Somtochukwu Udeze; House of Representatives member representing Ihiala, Dr. Paschal Agbodike; traditional rulers, and other high-ranking officials.

As COOU celebrates a quarter century of academic excellence, the Soludo administration’s multi-sectoral investment in human capital—spanning education, health, and youth development—continues to redefine governance in Anambra. Mrs. Soludo’s award, while honorary in form, carries the weight of real impact, offering a powerful statement that in Anambra State, development starts with the people.

Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University (COOU) celebrated its 11th to 15th combined convocation ceremonies, marking a significant milestone in the university's history.

The event, held at the university campus, Igbariam, gathered dignitaries, faculty, students, and alumni to honour the achievements of graduates and reflect on the institution's strides in recent years.

In his address, Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, reflected on the transformation of COOU since his administration took office. “The university is far different from what it used to be since my last time here,” he stated, reinforcing the need for partnerships with the private sector and local communities to expedite development.

The Governor stated that government alone cannot fast track the speed of development without partnerships with the private sector and communities. He celebrated the former Governor, Dr. Chinwoke Mbadinuju, who founded the University, as well as his predecessors and others who made various contributions to the university.

"Late Dr. Mbadinuju is not celebrated enough here. We must find something significant to immortalize him.

“I celebrate all men of goodwill who love and believe in education as the bridge to the future,” Governor Soludo further added

Acting Vice Chancellor, Prof. Kate Omenugha highlighted the university's stable academic calendar, which has remained uninterrupted for several years. “We are proud to combine five years of academic success into this celebration,” Omenugha said. “This stable academic calendar is a legacy we intend to sustain as we move forward.”

Prof. Omenugha expressed gratitude to Governor Chukwuma Soludo for his numerous support to the university community, underscoring openness to partnerships that can enhance educational opportunities. “We appreciate the governor for his unwavering commitment to our institution,” she noted.

Also addressing the audience, Pro-Chancellor of COOU, Prof. Chidi Odinkalu emphasized the importance of communal engagement and forward-thinking in education. “We have celebrated our heritage this week, and we intend to forge a vibrant future for this university,” he said, identifying a university community as an environment where disagreement can occur in a spirit of cordiality. "I encourage everyone to join in and actively participate in this journey.”

The Commissioner for Education, Prof. Ngozi Chuma-Udeh commended the governor’s administration for prioritizing education as a foundation for progress. “Governor Soludo’s government remains unwavering in its mission to elevate education in our state,” she affirmed.

A highlight of the event was the conferment of an honorary doctorate degree in food science and nutrition to Mrs. Nonye Soludo, the governor's wife, in recognition of her outstanding contributions to the field, a field she is passionately dedicated to, especially with her "Healthy living with Nonye Soludo"

In her remarks, the Governor's wife thanked the institution for the award and also expressed her profound gratitude to all for their support 

The ceremony was well-attended, with notable figures such as Deputy Governor Dr. Onyekachukwu Ibezim, Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Somtochukwu Udeze, Hosue of Rep member representing Ihiala, Dr Paschal Agbodike, traditional rulers, and other dignitaries.

As a reporter, writer, editorialist and columnist, I love good books and I have invested in a lot of them. So, when I see good books on any subjects, I buy anywhere I go. I have bought a lot through big brothers abroad and now the Amazon. That is how so many bookstores including ‘Glendora’ ‘Readers Are Leaders’ bookshops have somewhat made me ‘richer’, anyway. I will collect my long- patronage discount from them anytime soon.

And so I have just looked into the seeds of our times and I have seen another good book in the works by one of Nigeria’s finest and most significant academics in Nigeria’s mainstream civil service, Dr. Goke Adegoroye. He retired as a federal permanent secretary in 2010 and on the day of retirement, he presented his first book, titled, ‘Beyond Yours Faithfully’. In 2015, he also presented his second book in two volumes. Yours sincerely wrote the Afterword for the first two books.

The new book titled, ‘Leadership in the Nigerian Civil Service: Five decades of lessons in performance, encounters and triumphs’ will be unveiled on June 4, 2025 in the nation’s capital, Abuja. I can tell you for free, the book smacks of “a good newspaper, which, Arthur Miller says, “is a nation talking to itself”. Wait for it.

And here is the thing, public officers and public servants will find the book useful for master class on ‘How to and how not to run a country’s civil service. Besides, the book will be good for public officers who would like to remember Nigeria as it used to be. What is more, it is a rich resource on rewriting manifestos for a new Nigeria where mediocrity and docility nurtured by corruption will no longer be tolerated. Wait for it. Let’s peep into the book through some excerpts below from the author’s preface and dedication:

Leadership in the Nigerian Civil Service: Five decades of lessons in performance, encounters and triumphs’, chronicles this leadership journey across five decades—from the 1970s to the present—covering my academic training, environmental work in the 1980s and 1990s, leadership in public administration in the 2000s, and my continued advocacy in retirement. 
 
Leadership remains the single important determinant in management and governance. It reflects vision, courage, and the capacity to steer an organization towards achieving its goals. Its scope spans managing resources, developing future leaders, overseeing change management, decision-making, communication, team building, and crisis response. 

Sadly, public perception of leadership within  the Nigerian civil service has been one of steady decline—marked by  eroding competence, weakened capacity and diminishing professionalism. The present is widely seen as a pale shadow of a more illustrious past, hence the persistent nostalgia for what are often termed the “glorious years” of the Nigerian civil service. Those years are associated with revered figures such as Simeon Adebo, Jerome Udoji, Sule Katagum, Abdul Aziz Attah, Ibrahim Damcida, Philip Asiodu, Allison Ayida—stalwarts of the pre-and immediate post-independence era. Their legacies, characterised by outstanding contributions to the development of the civil service have become benchmarks. Yet, the oft-repeated adulation of that era serves not only as a lament but as a critique of the subsequent generations of leadership and their capacity—or lack thereof—for mentorship and succession planning. 

In recent times, and in the absence of structured documentation, the narrative of the civil service has been shaped largely by the personal experiences of officers whose achievements, though notable, often reflect an ego-driven record of service. These tales—frequently amplified by the ego of the narrators and of their era’s leadership—tend to highlight luck rather than systemic merit. Conversely, in quieter tones, we encounter the anguish of devoted and honest officers, who, despite their commitment and patriotism, found themselves victims of a system that rewarded self-preservation over merit.  These individuals were often severely shortchanged by the very institutions they served with their heart and soul. 

Furthermore, the manipulation of public service rules by those in leadership, often to protect themselves, has impeded reform implementation. These conflicting realities present an opportunity for introspection, particularly for those of us who have walked the corridors of civil service leadership.  Our reflections must contribute to forging  a new path—one  anchored on justice, fairness, and most crucially, integrity.

Contrary to the perception of the civil service as a cult, its inner workings are not as secretive as presumed. Much of what happens within is common knowledge among civil servants, passed around in trusted circles and, increasingly, disseminated via social media.  Platforms such as WhatsApp now host these stories—some told in self-adulation by actors who, during their time, were part of the problem. These narratives, rich with potential insights, are often relegated to informal discourse and risk being lost to time or reduced to myth. If the civil service is to muster the courage to act with integrity, it must begin with regular, open, transparent and objective documentation of leadership conduct. By being confronted with accurate portrayals of their actions, today’s leaders —Permanent Secretaries and Heads of the Civil Service—may better align with integrity, knowing that their records will one day come under public scrutiny. In this regard, I draw inspiration from the extensive documentation of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s public service years in his memoirs, Not My Will (1990) and My Watch (2014), which detail his engagements with military peers, cabinet members and the civil service leaderships.

Leadership at the top tiers  —Heads of Service, Permanent Secretaries, and Civil Service Commission officials— is unique. These roles are not merely administrative; they are custodial. They are responsible for institutional renewal, the grooming of successors, and the general health of the service. The experiences and cases discussed in this book highlight both what works and what does not—and why. At the heart of these challenges are the screening and preparation of directorate-level officers, the methods for appointing them into leadership positions, and the quality of those who have held such offices since 1999. 

I have been fortunate to serve in diverse roles across the public sector: from academia to environmental management, from the Presidency to being the inaugural Director General and later Permanent Secretary of the Bureau of Public Service Reforms (BPSR). I also served in the Manpower Development Office (MDO) in the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (OHCSF); as well as in the Ministries of Education; Tourism, Culture and National Orientation; Interior; and finally the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA) where I retired. Guided by the biblical charge “Let your light so shine before men that they may see your good works and glorify your Father which is in heaven”, I anchored my service on a commitment to integrity as the foundation for leadership. 

My journey began in 1975 as a Graduate Assistant at the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University). Leadership in the Nigerian Civil Service: Five decades of lessons in performance, encounters and triumphs chronicles this leadership journey across five decades—from the 1970s to the present—covering my academic training, environmental work in the 1980s and 1990s, leadership in public administration in the 2000s, and my continued advocacy in retirement. 

Leadership is neither a straight path nor an easy sail. It is a continuous learning process—marked by growth, resilience, betrayal, and eventually, triumph. The leader must perform, inspire, endure, and ultimately prevail.

This book is the story of a 50-year journey through career and advocacy, offering lessons from the vantage point of one who has both observed and influenced leadership at the top. I write as a scientist using the civil service ecosystem as my laboratory—measuring real-time outcomes of policy and personnel decisions while those involved are still alive and the impacts are still observable. I write also in protest—against the entrenched culture of sycophancy in the service,  where narratives are twisted to please incumbents or vilify rivals. And I write with objectivity—choosing to observe as an outsider with insider knowledge, resisting the temptation to rely solely on personal interviews, knowing that others may someday present their side in their own memoirs. 

For Nigeria to achieve the greatness we envision, the civil service must become both the target and the tool for restoring good governance—provided elected leaders are willing to apply the necessary political will. My hope is that this book will offer practitioners and scholars of public administration the insight needed to interrogate the system more and develop solutions that will bring real transformation. 

To those whose names appear in these pages or whose interactions with me are cited—who may feel aggrieved— I tender a sincere apology.  My intention is not to cast aspersions but to use these cases illustratively, to provide learning material for today’s and tomorrow’s leaders. These events occurred during our shared stewardship. Their inclusion is a form of patriotic duty, for once we reach the apex of our careers, it is the least we owe the system we claim to love—especially if we are genuine about improving it. Indeed, these cases already exist in public memory and records as part of the broader narrative of our time in service.  

This book is a natural sequel to Restoring Good Governance in Nigeria: Volume 1 The Civil Service Pathway and Volume 2 Leadership and Political Will (published in 2015). It not only complements those volumes but elevates the discussion on leadership effectiveness a decade on. That my advocacy on the importance of integrity in the human resources management processes— appointment, promotion and discipline—and on the need for central government coordination still fails to move administrations to act is, in itself, a major justification for this work.

As with the previous volumes, Leadership in the Nigerian Civil Service: Five decades of lessons in performance, encounters and triumphs is written in simple free flowing prose, to ensure accessibility to practitioners, policymakers, and everyday citizens invested in Nigerian bureaucracy. It is a provocation—intended to stir the conscience of those who have wielded administrative power. It is a lesson in human relations, leadership and mentorship. It is a call for integrity in public service and a challenge to management training institutions to rethink their role in restoring public confidence.  

Will integrity in civil service leadership catalyse the emergence of good governance in Nigeria? Only time—and the choices of our political leaders—will tell…

Dedication
This book is dedicated to my country Nigeria with abiding faith in her manifest destiny and the potentials that leadership integrity in political office and the civil service holds for good governance; and to the coming generations of Nigerian civil servants, in the hope that the lives of those on the stage today may inspire you to dedicate yourselves to serve Nigeria in truth and in deed.

Suspected herdsmen have shot a Catholic priest along the volatile Makudi-Naka road in Benue State.

The Catholic priest, Rev Fr.Solomom Atongo was attacked on Saturday evening.

A statement by Rev.Joseph Beba, who is the Chairman, Diocesan Priests, revealed that Rev. Atongo was shot on Makurdi-Naka road on his way from Naka, headquarters of Gwer West Local Government Area.

The victim is the priest in charge of St Johns Quasi Parish, Jimba.

Rev Atongo was said to be in critical condition as he was immediately rushed to the hospital for treatment.

The Makurdi-Naka road has become the epicenter of herdsmen violence in the past two years.

The road has been abandoned due to the activities of hoodlums who kidnap and kill people on the road.

DAILY POST gathered that Fr. Atongo was in the company of two people when the hoodlums struck.

After shooting the priest and thinking he was dead, the herders reportedly whisked away the other persons to an unknown destination.

There is no information about their whereabouts as of the time of filing this report.

[DailyPost]

Former Chief Whip of the Senate, and Senator representing Borno South, Ali Ndume, has said the new appointment of northerners by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu into key government parastatals and agencies has addressed the imbalance in his previous appointments.

Recall that in the announcement on Friday, 12 individuals from the North were placed into strategic national positions.

They are Yazid Shehu Umar Danfulani (Zamfara) as Managing Director, Nigerian Agricultural Insurance Corporation (NAIC); Alhaji Hamza Ibrahim Baba (Kano) as Programme Manager, Government Enterprise and Empowerment Programme (GEEP); Alhaji Abubakar Umar Jarengol (Adamawa) Executive Director, Operations – Nigerian Agricultural Insurance Corporation (NAIC), Barrister Sama’ila Audu (Katsina).

Others are Executive Director, Administration – Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF), Professor Musa Garba Mai Tafsiri (Kebbi), Executive Secretary, National Commission for Mass Literacy, Adult and Non-Formal Education, Comrade Isa Aremu, (Kwara) and Director-General, Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies (MINILS).

Ndume in a statement on Saturday described the appointments as a reflection of President Tinubu’s commitment to inclusive governance.

Recall that Senator Ndume had last month expressed concerns over “lopsidedness” in the Tinubu administration’s appointments which he described as a clear violation of the Federal Character principle enshrined in the 1999 Constitution.

In his new statement, the senator said, “President Tinubu is someone who surrenders to constructive criticisms. I have known him to be a fair minded, cosmopolitan person. Yes, we are all bound to make mistakes. No one is infallible.

“The hallmark of a good leader and statesman is to quickly adjust when he takes a decision or makes a policy pronouncement that a large section of the people find unpopular and uncomfortable with.

“This recent appointment of Northerners into key positions in Federal parastatals and agencies was meant to address the imbalances thrown up by his previous appointments which left the North stranded.”

[DailyTrust]

In Nigeria, family planning is often considered a woman’s responsibility, and this gendered perception continues to shape reproductive health decisions across the country.

While modern contraceptive methods have the potential to ease population growth, improve maternal health, and reduce poverty, many Nigerian men remain sceptical or outright resistant to family planning.

Despite efforts by health organisations, the uptake of family planning remains relatively low, particularly among married women in Northern Nigeria.

According to the 2018 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey, the contraceptive prevalence rate among married women is just 17 per cent, with even lower rates in rural areas. Experts say this slow progress can be largely attributed to male opposition.

What exactly drives this resistance? To understand the roots of this opposition, one must explore a web of cultural, religious, social, economic, and psychological factors.

Nigeria’s population surge

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, is experiencing an explosive population surge that poses significant challenges for sustainable development.

According to the World Bank, Nigeria’s population, currently estimated at over 220 million, is projected to surpass 377 million by 2050, making it the third most populous country in the world after India and China.

This demographic trajectory, while offering potential in human capital, also presents critical risks if not matched with commensurate investments in healthcare, education, and economic infrastructure.

Among the most vulnerable to the consequences of unchecked population growth are rural communities, where access to reproductive health services remains limited and cultural resistance to family planning is often deeply entrenched.

The scale

According to data from the United Nations Population Fund, nearly 44 per cent of Nigeria’s population is under the age of 15.

The country’s fertility rate stands at approximately 5.3 births per woman, with rural areas often recording higher rates due to limited contraceptive use and poor access to maternal health services.

This creates pressure on local resources, education systems, and employment opportunities.

UNICEF Nigeria has warned that unless urgent steps are taken to manage population growth through voluntary family planning, the country risks exacerbating poverty, food insecurity, and healthcare shortfalls.

Rural communities bear the brunt of Nigeria’s population boom. In states such as Niger, Zamfara, and Kebbi, large families are common, often viewed as a sign of wealth or divine blessing. In many of these areas, women have little say in reproductive decisions, with patriarchal norms dominating household choices.

Mrs Grace Tanko, a midwife serving in the FCT, noted that many rural women are not aware of modern contraceptive methods.

“In many villages, family planning is still seen as a foreign concept, or worse, as an attempt to reduce the African population,” she noted. “Some women want to space or limit births but are afraid of their husbands or community backlash.”

Cultural norms, patriarchy

Nigeria’s patriarchal society bestows significant decision-making power on men, especially in the family unit.

According to a public health physician, Dr Chinyere Mbachu, “In many homes, men make all major decisions, including those regarding reproduction.”

In some ethnic groups, a man’s wealth and status are measured by the number of children he has. Among the Hausa and Fulani in the North, and even among parts of the Igbo and Yoruba ethnicities, large families are seen as a sign of strength, blessing, and social security.

Anthropologist Mercy Ifijeh explains that many men believe that children are assets: labour on farms, inheritors of lineage, and caretakers in old age.

“This belief fuels resistance to family planning, which is seen as limiting blessings,” she added.

Misinformation, fear of side effects

Another key reason for male resistance is the widespread misinformation about contraceptives. “There is a common myth among men that family planning will make their wives promiscuous or infertile,” says Dr Ifeoma Ezike, a physician.

Some men also fear that hormonal contraceptives could cause long-term health complications. While minor side effects like weight gain or mood changes can occur, they are usually manageable.

Yet, due to inadequate counselling and education, these fears often go unchallenged.

A 2020 study published in Contraception and Reproductive Medicine showed that over 45 per cent of Nigerian men surveyed believed that family planning leads to permanent infertility. This false belief fuels hostility.

Masculinity, sexual control

For some men, resisting family planning is about control over sex, reproduction, and their partners. 

“There’s this idea that if a woman is on birth control, she won’t fear getting pregnant and will be more likely to cheat,” says counsellor Ngozi Amadi, of the Women’s Rights and Health Project in Lagos.

This idea reflects deep-rooted insecurities about trust and fidelity, often tied to traditional gender roles.

In a society where many women rely economically on their husbands, men often feel threatened by anything that might give women more autonomy over their bodies.

Low male involvement in reproductive health

Despite being key decision-makers, many Nigerian men are not actively involved in family planning education.

Mbachu said, “Most campaigns are targeted at women, leaving men feeling excluded and suspicious.”

Only a few clinics have male-friendly reproductive health services. Male-focused education, either through community meetings or faith-based outreach, remains inadequate.

Economic considerations, poverty

Ironically, while large families are often pursued for economic reasons, they also strain limited household resources.

Yet the idea that more children equate to more income is persistent.

Economist Oladayo Adenubi notes, “In agrarian societies, children are seen as free labour. The idea is that you produce more children to help with farming, street trading, and other informal jobs.”

Family planning is wrongly seen as a luxury for the elite, rather than a tool for poverty reduction.

According to a 2022 report by the World Bank, countries with higher contraceptive prevalence generally have stronger maternal health indices and lower child mortality rates.

What some Nigerian men are saying

Some men have begun to speak out in favour of family planning.

In an interview with Sunday PUNCH, Lagos-based tailor Abdulrahman Adeyemo shared, “After our fourth child, I told my wife to go for family planning. We couldn’t keep up with school fees and rent.”

Likewise, a teacher in Anambra, Samuel Uzo, revealed, “I used to be against it. But my wife had back-to-back pregnancies. We agreed on the implant, and our lives are better now.”

However, several others said family planning makes women promiscuous.

A 42-year-old mechanic in Owerri, Imo State Chukwudi Dimkpa, insists he will never allow his wife to take contraceptives.

“Once a woman knows she can’t get pregnant, she starts misbehaving. Before you know it, she’ll be sleeping around because there’s no consequence,” he said.

Similarly, a trader in Kaduna, Mallam Idris, who spoke to our correspondent over the telephone, viewed contraception as a slippery slope.

“Islam says children are a blessing. But also, when a woman doesn’t fear pregnancy, she can forget her boundaries.”

In Lagos, a retired civil servant, Mr David Abayomi, sees birth control as an invitation to marital discord.

“You want your wife to be faithful, not to start feeling too free. If she’s not scared of getting pregnant, she may start experimenting. You don’t know these women,” he said in an interview with Sunday PUNCH.

Medics call for inclusive campaigns

Health experts argue that more inclusive, culturally sensitive campaigns are crucial to change the narrative.

According to Dr Amaka Eze of the Nigerian Urban Reproductive Health Initiative, “Men need to see family planning as beneficial to the family, not as a threat to masculinity.”

NURHI and other NGOs have begun organising couple-centred clinics where both partners receive counselling.

Faith-based organisations are also stepping in, like the Federation of Muslim Women’s Associations in Nigeria, which educates imams on medically acceptable forms of contraception.

Religious beliefs, doctrines

Religion plays a huge role in shaping attitudes toward contraception. In the North, where Islam predominates, some clerics preach that family planning interferes with divine will.

For example, a prominent Islamic cleric in Kano State, Sheik Ibrahim Khalil, once stated in a public sermon that “family planning encourages moral laxity and goes against the teachings of Islam.”

However, there are divergent views within the Islamic community. Some progressive scholars refer to the Prophet Muhammad’s allowance of ‘azl (coitus interruptus) as implicit approval of family planning under specific conditions. International Islamic authorities such as the Islamic Fiqh Academy, under the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, have issued fatwas permitting contraception, provided both spouses consent and no harm is caused.

Despite these theological flexibilities, many Muslim-majority states in Nigeria remain unreceptive, partly due to local clerics’ influence and the association of family planning with Western liberalism and perceived moral decay.

Christian views on family planning vary widely depending on denomination. The Roman Catholic Church maintains a firm stance against artificial birth control, promoting Natural Family Planning instead.

The Church’s teachings, based on the 1968 encyclical Humanae Vitae, assert that procreation must remain open in every sexual act.

Bishop Lucius Ugorji of the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria reaffirmed this view during a conference in Enugu, stating, “The use of contraceptives undermines the sanctity of human life and marriage.”

Pentecostal and Evangelical churches present a more varied picture. While some pastors endorse contraceptive use as a means of responsible parenting, others strongly oppose it.

Pastor Chris Okotie of the Household of God Church in Lagos, for instance, has spoken against contraceptives, associating them with promiscuity.

Yet there are prominent Christian voices in support. Reverend Father Anselm Adodo, a Benedictine monk and pharmacist, has written extensively on the importance of family planning to reduce maternal mortality and improve the quality of life.

“They say, ‘Why should you control what God has destined?”, says Reverend Godwin Okoh of Lagos.

This misunderstanding of religious texts has led many men to reject family planning.

According to the Guttmacher Institute, if all Nigerian women had access to modern contraceptive methods, unintended pregnancies would drop by 85 per cent, significantly reducing maternal and infant mortality.

For rural dwellers, this could mean fewer unsafe abortions, improved maternal health, and increased opportunities for women to participate in economic activities.

Policy, legal landscape

Contrary to popular belief, there is no law in Nigeria that limits the number of children a family may have.

However, several government policies encourage family planning as a means of achieving sustainable development.

The National Population Policy, revised in 2004 and again in 2019, promotes access to reproductive health services and aims to reduce fertility rates through voluntary methods.

Despite these efforts, implementation remains weak, particularly in rural regions.

Many local governments lack the infrastructure, trained personnel, and consistent funding to provide quality family planning services.

To address Nigeria’s population challenge, especially in underserved areas, a multipronged approach is essential.

Experts have advised that the government and NGOs invest in rural health centres and mobile outreach to deliver family planning tools and education.

Religious and traditional leaders have also been called upon to dispel myths and encourage dialogue.

[Punch]