...releases subvention to higher institutions 

Ekiti State Governor, Mr Biodun Oyebanji has approved the release of the sum of one billion naira as gratuity to State pensioners.

Similarly, the Governor has also approved payment of two months pension arrears to local government pensioners.

This is coming barely a month after the Governor distributed a total N3.5 billion in gratuity cheques to retirees in the state, in a bold effort aimed at offseting the backlog of outstanding gratuities.

Additionally, Governor Oyebanji has also approved payment of two months outstanding subvention to Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti and one month outstanding subvention each to Ekiti State University Teaching Hospital, (EKSUTH), Ado-Ekiti; Bamidele Olomilua University of Education, Science and Technology, Ikere-Ekiti; and College of Health Science and Technology, Ijero- Ekiti. 

Also, approved for release is one month outstanding subvention to the Judiciary.

The payments are in fulfilment of the Governor’s promise to priortise welfare and wellbeing of workers and retirees and ensure that all outstanding entitlements of workers and pensioners owed by previous administrations are paid to them in line with the continuity and shared prosperity agenda of the administration.

The Governor urges workers in the state to remain focused on excellent service delivery, assuring them of his administration’s commitment to their welfare as well as payment of all their entitlements.

Yinka Oyebode

Special Adviser (Media) to the Governor

07-11-2024

I understand wealthy US citizens and conservatives of the evangelical hue rooting for Donald Trump. The rich believe he would loosen regulations and protect them and their businesses from excessive taxation. Conservative evangelicals believe he is the bulwark against wokeism, especially the ultra-liberal variety. And white folks want their country back.

But Africans at home and in the Diaspora – what is their business supporting a guy who described their continent as a “shithole” and has worn his anti-immigrant rhetoric on his sleeves? It didn’t seem to make sense that anyone who saw Trump 1.0 would ever dream or wish for the second version. But now, he’s back. He even has the Supreme Court and the Senate in his Red corner as of press time.  

With the media (especially the major networks) awash with polls indicating a dead heat up to zero hours, I became more interested in the pro-Trump sentiment among Nigerians. I also checked in with friends elsewhere on the continent, and the feedback surprised me.

Trump, we want

Some friends told me Trump is just the man the US needs to purge itself of its hubris and arrogance. Once upon a time, the US was a moral force for good worldwide. Its exceptionalism didn’t often require bullying others to make the point.

It did many bad things during the Cold War, as did its arch-rival, the Soviet Union. But after that phase and with the fall of the Berlin Wall, many had hoped to see the emergence of a multipolar world, one in which, if you like, the lion and the lamb would lie side by side.

But that was not to be. From Cuba to Venezuela, Libya to the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, and right up to the old sphere of influence of the USSR, the US stoked—and still stokes—a zero-sumness that hardly brooks “live and let live.” Since then, the world has experienced fewer devastating wars, but it has wrestled with no fewer tensions of a new variety aided and abetted by technology.

Same difference?

Trump 2.0, these folks hope, will do at least two things for the world. It would further hasten the internal decay of the US by aggravating racial tensions and emboldening right-wing excesses. Two, Trump’s America First ultra-insularity and his off-the-fly foreign policy style will distance the US from its traditional allies and enable crazies around the world, like North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, to run amok.

This sounded more like saying that if US voters were happy to be seduced by their worst selves, they deserve what they get.

But that was not all. Some also wanted Trump’s victory as a stick to beat their leaders back home. On the eve of the election, Larry Madowo of CNN reported that Kenyans wanted Trump to win because “with him, you know where you stand.” The report contrasted Trump’s style with Kenya’s political elite, who could hardly be trusted.

Trumphobes

The CNN report might also have been about Nigeria, where Trumphobes wanted him to win for a slightly curiously different reason. They think his anti-immigration policy will force Nigerians and their government to fix their own country. In the US, Nigeria has the highest diaspora population of Africa, 327,000 citizens, followed by Ethiopia, 222,000, and Egypt, 192,000.

It didn’t matter much to the Trumphobes that Nigeria’s US diaspora sends home $20 billion yearly, an increasingly significant source of support for a distressed economy. What is at work is a reverse schadenfreude, which says that the fewer opportunities Nigerian immigrants have outside the country, the more seriously the government would be obliged to fix the country.

Someone even said to me that the “malicious support” for Trump was payback for the bad leaders that the US routinely propped and supported around the world, a list that included Saddam Hussein, Augusto Pinochet and Mobutu Seseko.

Republican African record

Some pro-Trump sentiments are, however, driven by facts. For example, Republicans have a far better record of engaging Africans than Democrats. The Republican Party opposed colonialism. Its support for African initiatives such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and efforts to combat AIDS contrasts with the Democrat’s preference for aid diplomacy.  

The hope is that Trump 2.0 will not be an exception. Here, Diasporans are not too far from their Black cousins in the US. A NAACP poll in September showed that one in four Black men under 50 supported Trump for president.

Trump 1.0 showed tough love towards Africa, but it was on his watch, for example, that the US finally authorised the sale to Nigeria of the much-needed fighter jets for the prosecution of the war on Boko Haram, which President Barack Obama had blocked for eight years. On his part, President Joe Biden will only make a brief visit – his first to Africa in four years – to Angola on his way out of the White House.

Better or worse?

Trump’s overwhelming victory might mean one of two things for his presidency: The weight of the responsibility could humble him and increase the likelihood that he would be more restrained than before. On the other hand, it could also bring out the worst in him – that feeling that he never really lost in 2020, that he was cheated of victory as he claimed, that it’s now time to take his pound of flesh with a vengeance.

We’ll have to wait and see. If Trump 2.0 means Africans who were not on the radar during the campaign will now have to look inward and find their way through an uncertain future, then so be it.

Ukraine and Gaza

Trump’s victory might hasten the end of the war in Ukraine and, hopefully, improve the protracted global supply chain crisis that has affected the supply of agricultural products and cooking oils to many African countries. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky knows he cannot depend on Trump to bear the cost of a war that has, for all purposes, become a meat grinder. The war in Ukraine might end sooner than later.

As for the Middle East, Trump. 1.0 moved the Embassy of the US from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem despite protests by the Palestinians and some Arab countries. If that means anything, it should suggest that Trump 2.0 will not walk on the eggshell of a two-state solution in his approach to the current war on Gaza. He’s flat-out pro-Netanyahu and big on oil deals with Gulf states.

I make no pretence of my dislike of Trump’s politics. Nor do I have any illusions that his second term would be significantly different from his first, which left the world holding its breath dangerously for four years. But if he’s the man American voters have chosen to lead them, so be it. Unfortunately, what America does – for good or ill – affects the rest of the world whether or not we cast a ballot.

Ishiekwene, Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP, is the author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It.

Donald Trump’s return to the White House as the 47th President of the United States, following a dramatic victory over Kamala Harris, brings new questions for Nigeria’s economic outlook.

Trump’s economic policies, built around “America First,” prioritize domestic energy production, tariffs on imports, and pushing for low interest rates.

These policies could have a significant impact on Nigeria’s economy, particularly in the areas of exchange rates, capital flows, inflation, and immigration. Below is an analysis of how these shifts could affect Nigeria’s economic landscape.

Key takeaways 

Donald Trump’s second term could have sweeping implications for Nigeria’s economy.

• A stronger dollar, potential capital outflows from the U.S., and low global oil prices may add to Nigeria’s exchange rate volatility, putting pressure on the naira and increasing inflation.
• Immigration restrictions could reduce remittance flows, while geopolitical shifts might reduce U.S. support for Nigeria’s security and development needs.
• Nigeria’s policymakers may need to consider alternative strategies, such as fostering regional trade, increasing non-oil exports, and pursuing structural reforms to counterbalance the potential challenges posed by Trump’s policies.

Exchange Rate pressures from a Stronger Dollar

Trump’s policies could lead to a stronger U.S. dollar, particularly if his administration imposes tariffs that increase demand for domestically produced goods and services.

• A stronger dollar generally makes it more expensive for emerging economies like Nigeria to acquire foreign exchange, potentially straining the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) efforts to stabilize the naira.
• Nigeria’s naira has depreciated by over 45% this year, and an appreciation of the dollar could further weaken the naira, impacting import costs, inflation, and purchasing power.
• A stronger dollar also increases Nigeria’s debt-servicing costs, as many of Nigeria’s obligations are dollar-denominated.
• Given Nigeria’s reliance on imports for fuel, raw materials, and consumer goods, additional dollar strength could heighten inflationary pressures on already high living costs.

Interest rates and Capital Flows into Nigeria 

Historically, Trump has favoured a low-interest-rate environment, pushing the Federal Reserve to maintain a loose monetary policy even during periods of economic growth.

• During Trump’s initial presidency, the Federal Reserve raised interest rates, peaking at 2.5% in 2018 before cutting them near zero by March 2020 to counteract the economic effects of COVID-19.
• Trump’s renewed pressure for lower interest rates could again influence the Federal Reserve’s policy direction.
• If the Federal Reserve keeps rates low, this could, in theory, result in capital outflows from the U.S. as investors seek higher returns in emerging markets.
• However, if dollar strength persists and other global markets remain volatile, investor sentiment may still favour U.S. assets as a haven.

From 2016 to 2020, Nigeria attracted approximately $58.1 billion in capital importation, with 2019 seeing the highest inflows at $23 billion.

• This was in part due to Nigeria offering high-yielding instruments like government bonds, which attracted foreign investors—including $4.69 billion from U.S. sources in that year.
• Should Trump’s policies create a continued low-yield environment in the U.S., Nigeria could once again attract U.S.-based capital looking for higher returns, particularly if Nigeria maintains attractive interest rates on its debt instruments.
• This capital inflow could help alleviate Nigeria’s foreign exchange pressures and support naira stability.

Inflation and Trump’s energy policies 

Trump’s focus on reducing U.S. energy costs by increasing domestic oil production and drilling on federal lands could mean sustained low global oil prices. In his first term,

• Trump’s policies and the COVID-19 pandemic led to WTI crude oil prices falling sharply to around $39.17 per barrel in 2020, compared to $65.20 per barrel in 2018.
• As Nigeria heavily relies on oil exports for government revenue and foreign exchange, prolonged low oil prices could impact budget stability and government spending, with knock-on effects on inflation and economic growth.
• Furthermore, Trump’s proposed tariffs on imports, including a 60% tariff on Chinese goods, could raise inflation within the U.S., which might trickle down to Nigeria by increasing the cost of imported goods and components.
• Since the U.S. is among Nigeria’s top trading partners (N2.2 trillion in imports and N2.8 trillion in exports in the first half of 2024), a U.S.-led price increase could influence Nigeria’s inflation through costlier imports of essential goods like machinery, pharmaceuticals, and agricultural products.

Immigration and Nigerian diaspora impact 

Trump’s return to office raises concerns for Nigerians regarding U.S. immigration policy. His administration previously imposed travel restrictions on Nigeria, citing national security risks, which disrupted the movement of students, professionals, and family members.

• If Trump reinstates such policies, it could dampen the ability of Nigerians to pursue educational and work opportunities in the U.S.
• This restriction would not only impact Nigerian nationals but could also reduce remittance flows, which are a major source of foreign exchange for Nigeria.
• In recent years, remittances from the Nigerian diaspora have contributed over $20 billion annually to Nigeria’s economy, helping to offset FX shortages.
• A decrease in remittance inflows would reduce domestic consumption and place additional pressure on Nigeria’s foreign reserves, which are already under strain.

Geopolitical dynamics and U.S. aid to Nigeria 

Under Trump’s “America First” foreign policy, military aid and development assistance to African nations were deprioritized in favour of reducing overseas commitments.

• For Nigeria, which partners with the U.S. in counter-terrorism and security, this could imply reduced military support.
• Nigeria has relied on U.S. assistance to combat Boko Haram and other insurgent groups, so any reduction in support could undermine Nigeria’s regional security efforts.
• A decline in aid could also impact Nigeria’s developmental projects and social programs funded by U.S. agencies.
• With high poverty rates and a significant need for investment in health, education, and infrastructure, a reduction in aid would necessitate increased spending by the Nigerian government, potentially redirecting funds away from other critical areas.

Trade Policies and Nigerian Exports to the U.S. 

Trump’s “Buy American” policy has often focused on reducing imports and increasing tariffs, which could impact Nigeria’s trade relationship with the U.S.

• In the first half of 2024, Nigeria recorded a trade surplus with the U.S., with imports at N1.9 trillion and exports at N3.1 trillion.
•  If Trump’s tariff policies discourage U.S. imports from Nigeria, this could negatively affect Nigeria’s export earnings, particularly for sectors like oil, minerals, and agricultural products.
• A decrease in exports to the U.S. might impact Nigeria’s current account balance, further complicating its exchange rate and foreign reserve challenges.

[Nairametrics]

A prominent Niger Delta elder and chieftain of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), Chief Edwin Clark, has called for an investigation into what he described as the misuse of oaths by lawmakers in the Rivers State House of Assembly, who are reportedly loyal to former Governor Nyesom Wike.

Martins Amawhule leads the legislators in question, Naija News reports.

In a statement released on Wednesday, Clark accused the lawmakers of contradictory declarations regarding their party loyalties while under oath.

He urged law enforcement authorities to thoroughly investigate the matter, emphasizing the seriousness of such discrepancies.

“Amawhule and his associates have made conflicting statements under oath, at times professing allegiance to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and at other moments aligning with different political groups,” Clark said, describing this as a grave issue requiring immediate police attention.

Clark’s statement also took aim at recent court rulings involving the Rivers State House of Assembly, denouncing the judgments as “obtained by fraud.”

He alleged that Amawhule and his colleagues withheld crucial information that influenced the outcomes of decisions made by Justice James Omotoso and the Court of Appeal.

The controversy dates back to December 11, 2023, when Amawhule and 26 other assembly members defected from the PDP to join the All Progressives Congress (APC).

According to Clark, this defection breached Section 109(1)(g) of the Nigerian Constitution, which mandates that any lawmaker who switches parties without just cause should forfeit their seat. He argued that by leaving the PDP, these lawmakers had effectively vacated their positions.

Following their defection, the lawmakers submitted legal documents containing inconsistent claims about their party membership.

Clark contended that these contradictions undermine the validity of a January 22, 2024, ruling by Justice Omotoso, who did not account for the constitutional provision regarding party defection and seat forfeiture.

Clark also raised concerns over the actions of Justice Okorowo, who blocked the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from initiating the process of replacing the defected lawmakers.

This decision, Clark noted, was issued shortly before Justice Okorowo’s elevation to the Court of Appeal, raising questions about the timing and implications of the judgment.

In addition to these criticisms, Clark expressed disappointment over recent remarks made by the Court of Appeal directed at Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, adding another layer of complexity to the ongoing political turmoil in Rivers State.

[NaijaNews]

The recent political journey of Kamala Harris, the United States’ first female Vice President, has brought new attention to an ongoing question: Is America truly ready for a female president? While Harris has broken significant barriers, her path to the highest office seems uncertain. In contrast, Africa, a continent often stereotyped as traditional and patriarchal, has seen a surprising number of women serve as presidents. African nations have placed trust in female leaders time and again, raising the question of why the United States, a self-styled global leader in democratic ideals, has been reluctant to fully embrace female leadership at the national level.

In light of these contrasting experiences, a thought-provoking picture emerges: Could African countries be more disposed to elect women as national leaders than the United States? This article examines the surprising openness in African nations to female presidents and the cultural, social, and historical factors that may make America more resistant to a woman leading the country.

Over the past few decades, a series of African countries have witnessed women rise to the highest political offices, often in circumstances that required decisive, unifying leadership. Some notable examples include Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in Liberia, Joyce Banda in Malawi, and Sahle-Work Zewde in Ethiopia. These leaders did not just serve as figureheads; they actively addressed national crises, implemented policies, and represented their countries on the world stage.

Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Africa’s first elected female head of state, came to power in 2006 and led Liberia through a period of post-civil war reconstruction. During her two terms, Johnson Sirleaf spearheaded efforts to stabilize the economy and foster peace. Similarly, Joyce Banda took office in Malawi during an economic downturn and implemented tough policies aimed at addressing corruption and revitalizing the economy. Sahle-Work Zewde, who left office in October 2024 served as Ethiopia’s president, and left Tanzania as the only African country with a female head of State. She was lauded for her work in diplomacy and peacekeeping, continuing the legacy of strong female African leaders.

While African women in leadership have faced obstacles, their ability to step into roles traditionally held by men highlights the continent’s unexpected openness to female presidents. Each leader brought unique strengths, often emphasizing social welfare, economic growth, and stability.

It will be recalled in this context that Kamala Harris’s election as Vice President marked a historic milestone. Not only did she shatter the glass ceiling as the first woman to serve in this role, but she also broke new ground as the first Black and South Asian individual to do so. Yet, despite her prominent position, Harris’s political journey underscores America’s complex relationship with gender and leadership. Despite her qualifications and visibility, her potential path to the presidency remains fraught with challenges, including public scrutiny, limited support within some voter groups, and a lingering societal reluctance toward electing a female head of state up to the moment she lost the presidential election.

Polling data and public opinion surveys repeatedly reveal Americans’ hesitancy to support a female president. While more Americans are open to the idea now than in the past, some still hold biases against female candidates. For instance, a 2023 Gallup poll showed that only around 60% of respondents would consider voting for a woman president, compared to nearly 90% who were open to male candidates. These attitudes suggest that many Americans still view a female president as a radical departure rather than an inevitable step forward.

Moreover, Harris has often been judged more harshly than her male counterparts, held to a standard that demands more than experience and competence. This scrutiny reflects a deeper cultural perception: while the idea of equality is celebrated, its realization in high office remains elusive.

Africa’s surprising readiness to embrace female leadership may stem from its complex cultural and historical contexts. While many African societies are traditionally patriarchal, women have historically played prominent roles as community leaders, queens, and spiritual figures. From Queen Nzinga in Angola to the Asantehemaa (Queen Mother) of the Ashanti Empire, Africa has long had a legacy of powerful women, even if these roles were not always political.

In contrast, America’s individualistic culture tends to emphasize qualities traditionally associated with male leadership, such as decisiveness and strength. These attributes, while valuable, may sometimes overshadow qualities like empathy and diplomacy that female leaders often bring to the table. This difference in cultural values may partially explain why African countries have been more willing to elect female leaders, especially in times of need.

Africa’s history of female presidents, though limited, is noteworthy. Beyond Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Joyce Banda, the continent has seen leaders like Sylvie Kinigi, who served as Burundi’s interim president in 1993 after the assassination of President Melchior Ndadaye. Catherine Samba-Panza took office in the Central African Republic in 2014 amid a violent civil conflict, guiding the nation through a difficult transitional period. Ethiopia’s current president, Sahle-Work Zewde, continues to break barriers as the country’s first female head of state, focusing on diplomacy and unity.

These examples demonstrate that African societies have repeatedly turned to women leaders, often valuing their unique contributions in times of need. Even in cases where female leaders held interim or acting positions, the trust placed in them signifies a broader societal acceptance of women as competent national leaders.

The United States’ reluctance to elect a female president reflects a broader societal bias that affects women in many professional fields. Studies on gender and leadership show that women are often viewed through a “double bind” lens: if they exhibit traditionally masculine traits like assertiveness, they may be perceived as unfeminine or aggressive; if they embody stereotypically feminine traits, they may be viewed as weak or unfit for leadership.

This double standard contributes to a challenging environment for female candidates, making it difficult for them to appeal to the broader electorate. For Kamala Harris and future female presidential hopefuls, the path to the White House is complicated by these longstanding biases, suggesting that America’s journey toward gender equality in leadership may still have a long way to go.

Africa’s experiences with female leadership offer valuable lessons for the United States. African countries have demonstrated that women can lead successfully in times of crisis and stability alike, bringing unique strengths that complement traditional notions of leadership. By examining Africa’s openness to female presidents, Americans might find inspiration to move past outdated stereotypes and embrace a future where gender is not a barrier to the presidency.

The notion that Africa, often labeled as “conservative”, could be more progressive in this respect than the United States highlights the need for introspection. For a nation that prides itself on democratic ideals, America’s resistance to a female president is a stark contrast to the progress made in many African countries.

In fact, while Kamala Harris’s failed attempt to become American President for now, is regrettable, it is no doubt a step forward, even as it also underscores a deeper societal hesitation in America. Meanwhile, Africa’s acceptance of female presidents serves as a powerful example that gender does not determine one’s capacity to lead. By learning from African nations, America can move closer to achieving true equality in its highest offices, paving the way for a future where female presidents are as common as their male counterparts.

During a brief meeting between father and son, the late President John Kennedy reportedly asked: “Dad, can you lend me some money?” Seeing the look of disapproval from his father to what had evidently become incessant demand, Kennedy was said to have added: “Don’t worry dad, this time I will pay back.” The late ambassador Joe Kennedy (Sr) laughed and said to his son occupying the White House: “That will be the day!” What I took from the story is that U.S. constitutional constraints and the strength of their institutions, limit what a United States President can do, even for himself when confronted with personal challenges.

We may argue that American public officials, no matter how highly placed, cannot shun accountability without consequences, but many of the assumptions that people around the world have about their democracy have been shattered in recent years. But first, let me congratulate President Donald Trump whose rise, fall and rise (again) is beyond remarkable. Following his defeat in 2020, many publications wrote his political obituary and perhaps only a few incurable optimists believed at the time that Trump would ever return to the White House. He was dragged before many courts. His mug shot was taken like any common felon even before he was eventually convicted. At some point, Trump was also ostracised by social media mogul. Twitter (now X) was the first to de-platform him (ironically, the new owner, Elon Musk became his biggest supporter and financer in this election) before Facebook, Snapchat, Instagram and Twitch followed and YouTube removed many of his videos. To cap it all, Parler, the app where most of his supporters were then camped, was yanked off by Amazon Web Services (AWS). Despite all these, Trump took the Republican ticket with ease and has now won the election with larger margins than he did the last time.

In the months and years ahead, there will be books (and movies) not only on how Trump rebuilt the Republic Party in his own image to become an electoral winning machine but also on how he has exploited the weaknesses in the Democratic Party whose majority in American politics was once considered unassailable. Interestingly, last November, John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira released “one of the most influential political books of the 21st century”, according to New York Times but the lessons were ignored. Titled, ‘Where Have the Democrats Gone? The Soul of the Party in the Age of Extremes’, the authors revealed how the party has alienated its critical constituencies: the industrial working class, the small towns, the newly immigrated, the Christian community etc. The authors—who in 2002 wrote ‘The Emerging Democratic Majority’—also argue that the party has been hijacked by shadowy interests that now call the shots with their Woke agenda. “Controversial views on social issues had begun to surface during Obama’s second term—not so much in Washington, but on college campuses and social media and in the foundations, publications, and groups that were aligned with the Democratic Party,” they wrote. In her review of the book last December, Jessica T. Mathews, an American international affairs expert, wrote that the issues driving most Democratic voters away include “trade policies that led to factory closures; spending bills that seemed to primarily benefit the poor at the price of higher taxes; immigration; and cultural issues such as abortion, guns, and furores over sexual identity.”

The issue of sexual identity is indeed the deal-breaker for some Democrats. There was a hint of that in the social media post by Kamaru Usman (globally renowned as a Nigerian-American professional mixed martial artist) on Tuesday. Born in Auchi, Edo State to a retired Major in the Nigerian army, Kamaru emigrated with his parents to the United States at age eight. This was the message posted on his X (formerly Twitter) platform with a photo of himself and Trump on election day: “Growing up Democrat and starting to understand the state of politics over the last few decades I know how I want to live and how to raise my family.” Trump responded to the message, viewed by more than 30 million people: “A great honor, from a great fighter. Thank you!”

Since most Americans vote for different reasons, as it should be, Kamaru was only expressing the kind of sentiment that swayed some people against the Democratic Party. The idea that your child can go to school a son and return as daughter, leaving you helpless, is a sore point for this category of voters. But there are other concerns. As Teixeira and Judis wrote in their book, the party has alienated those who see its leadership as supporting “strict gun control” in a country where many love their guns, opposing “measures that might reduce illegal immigration” at a period when nationalism is rising not to mention its “insistence on eliminating fossil fuels” which is taking away jobs, especially from rural America. The situation was not helped by how Vice President Kamala Harris appeared quite unprepared for the office to which she aspired, perhaps due to the way she emerged the presidential candidate in the first place.

Now that Trump is returning to the White House, what should Americans and the world expect? Eight years ago, I was in the United States in the days preceding his first election in November 2016, for a ‘Fellows Alumni Reunion Conference’ of the Harvard University Weatherhead Centre for International Affairs with the theme, “Confronting New Realities in an Uncertain World”. At that period, there was a great deal of apprehension about what could happen should Trump win. I recall Prof. Joseph Nye prefacing his dinner speech with a report in New York Times of that day that Hillary Clinton had 83 percent chance of winning: “That is 5/6 but who is going to feel comfortable if, like Russia Roulette, they put a gun to your head and say you have 1/6 possibility of your head being blown off?”, the former American Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs asked.

As it turned out, most of the fears about what Trump would do as president turned out to be misplaced. But if democracy is about healthy debate, respectful discourse and freedom of choice, Trump remains a threat to the American brand. In June 2020 while Trump was campaigning for re-election which he eventually lost, Wendy R. Sherman, a Harvard Kennedy School professor and former American undersecretary of State for political affairs (2011-15) wrote on the shrinking “moral authority of America”. This assigned role, according to Sherman, who led U.S. negotiations on the Iran nuclear deal, include “calling out human rights abuses, engaging with the world and the institutions of the world to be better; to fight for democratic values, to welcome people fleeing torture and death…to help ensure a better, more just world.”

The interesting thing is that Trump really does not care much about the rest of the world. Since he came on the scene a decade ago, he has shown clearly that he has little or no interest outside the United States which means that playing the role of a global cop is not for him. In his interview with New York Times before the 2016 election which he eventually won, his view was sought about Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s order to detain thousands of Turkish citizens. Asked whether he would press Erdogan “to make sure the rule of law applies,” Trump responded: “When it comes to civil liberties, our country has a lot of problems, and I think it’s very hard for us to get involved in other countries when we don’t know what we are doing, and we can’t see straight in our own country.”

It is safe to conclude that Trump will have no time sermonising about civility, rule of law etc. anywhere there are elections in other countries. We saw during this election cycle and the two previous ones he participated in, that Trump was expecting nothing short of victory. Any other outcome would have been because he was ‘rigged out’. Meanwhile, throughout this campaign, as he did for most of his presidency, nobody was too high or low to demonise. He ‘elevated’ his main opponent and Democratic Party candidate from being ‘phony Kamala’ to ‘Radical Left Lunatic’ and he never forgot to throw jabs at others, including ‘Sleepy Creepy Joe’ (Biden), ‘Nasty Nancy’ (Pelosi), ‘Crooked Hillary’ (Clinton), ‘Foul Mouthed (Ilhan) Omar’, ‘Crazy Arnold’ (Schwarzenegger), ‘Brainbird’ Nikki Haley, Gavin ‘Newscum’ Newsom, even though he had ‘Lying Ted’ (Cruz) on his side this time.

He may have contested for, and won a democratic election, Trump uses the template of autocrats. But this ‘end justifies the means’ approach to politics has twice been validated by American voters so who are we to query him? The problem, however, is that in words and deeds, he has jeopardized the ‘moral authority’ that has for decades factored Washington into the calculation of principal actors at every election cycle in numerous countries, most especially in Africa. In the world in which we live, I don’t know whether that is good or bad.

As stated earlier, it is remarkable that Trump is going back to the White House despite everything that has happened in the last four years. But in his piece, ‘We Are, Officially, Doing This Again’, respected American political writer, Jim Newell wrote yesterday that Trump’s victory came as no surprise because “incumbent party had never won in an instance where so many Americans felt things were on the wrong track, and didn’t this time, either.” Democrats, according to Newell, tried for eight years to argue that Trump is a danger to the country and its democracy. “The case was made. And the voters who decided this election either didn’t buy it or concluded that it was worth the risk. Now we all get to find out together.”

No doubt, interesting days are ahead for the United States. And the rest of the world.

Remembering Ngozi Anyaegbunam

When I learnt last weekend that Dr Ngozi Anyaegbunam had passed, I felt a deep sense of loss. About three weeks ago, I just remembered that I had not spoken with her for more than a year (she used to call me occasionally, especially after reading my column) and I made a mental note to call her the next day. It was late at the time. Somehow, I forgot to make the call until I heard about her passage. An accomplished professional and a fantastic human being, Anyaegbunam was at different times a lecturer at the University of Calabar (UNICAL) and a respected editor both at Daily Times and Champion newspapers. In her memory, I am republishing my column of 11 January 2007, ‘But the Cactus Survived’, which she provoked.

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Tugging at my shirt last Monday afternoon, Dr. Ngozi Anyaegbunam said, “eh, Segun, just look at that. You can trust the cactus to survive the fire.” Anyaegbunam and I were at the ruins of what used to be the penthouse of the THISDAY headquarters razed by fire last weekend. Incidentally, I had been there several times with other visitors but for the first time, I noticed that the building was not all ruins, there were ‘survivors’ in the tragedy that consumed everything on the floor that had served as office to our chairman, Mr.Nduka Obaigbena.

While remains of books, computers, films, glasses, even bottles of champagne, littered the ground, you could still see evidence of life in the cactus plant that stood defiantly amid the rubble. Anyaegbunam said she usually looks out for seemingly innocuous things that make meaning after such tragedy, and she gave me a brief lecture on cactus plants which adapt to the desert by holding a lot of water for a long time. In fact, cactus is actually called desert plant by virtue of its capacity to survive in hostile environment.

As Anyaegbunam and I examined the rubbles and looked out for tit bits that may in their own way help explain the tragedy, I could not but reflect on the lesson from that cactus plant. Intense heat, searing sun, and lack of water are just a few of the challenges facing desert plants but the cactus, from what I have read, somehow manages to survive these harsh conditions. How do they do it? First, their leaves are adapted to conserve water because they are extremely tiny.

This is the way it is explained by botanists: In normal plants, small pores in leaves, that is the stomata, take in carbon dioxide to produce carbohydrate in the process called photosynthesis. These stomata also provide an exit route for the water vapour inside the leaf. A plant with many leaves therefore presents a large surface area capable of losing water vapour. In the desert, a leafy plant would quickly exhaust its water reserves. The secret of the cactus plants is that they carry on photosynthesis inside the stem instead of inside leaves. The stem then becomes the plant’s main photosynthetic organ and is used for water storage.

From all that we can see, the cactus is a rugged plant designed essentially to survive however hostile the environment might be. What cactus therefore teaches us is that life is not a bed of roses, and we should be prepared for the changing circumstances. That is the lesson of life anyway. In the last couple of days, we have received several visitors here at THISDAY, men and women who come to commiserate with us on the fire incident and the death, before that, of Mr. Godwin Agbroko, Chairman, editorial board. As usual, almost everyone feels that one needs to ‘be careful’. A good counsel, especially in times like this, but as the irrepressible Vanguard publisher, Mr. Sam Amuka Pemu (Uncle Sam), ever so witty, would say: “something has to kill you”.

So, it really does not matter whether the fire that gutted THISDAY office so soon after the death of Agbroko was an accident or arson. The reality of the situation is that reporters have their job to do and must do it. In any case, every job has its own hazards. Anyaegbunam blessed me last Monday with her observation on the cactus plant which conveys a rather instructive message. I have repeatedly gone back to look at all the plants that braved the intense fire and survived, at least initially. By yesterday afternoon, the conditions of most of the plants had started deteriorating with the leaves turning brown. I noticed that some of the flowers had started withering and the palm fronds too were going. The beauty of the cactus is that it would have little problem with photosynthesis since the stem and not the leaves help for that process. Even if other plants in that rubble eventually die, as they are likely to, the cactus will remain!

The lesson in that is simple. Inability to exercise strength in difficult times is one of the great human failings which means that perseverance is one lesson we can take from cactus plants. If we can reflect on our lives, we would probably recall instances where we felt helpless, vulnerable, and powerless; or otherwise, did not have the strength to meet sometimes harsh realities. In retrospect also, if we are honest, we will realise some of these situations were avoidable if only we had taken time to prepare to face these challenges. The cactus was able to withstand the fire and still stood. Because it has prepared itself for such conditions.

If we take the lesson from cactus plants to reflect on our country, we cannot but realise that we fail essentially because we do not plan ahead. We go for major football tournaments and still expect to win even while we go unprepared. Students take examinations they don’t read for and still expect to pass. We go into critical elections that we know four years ago we would conduct without doing the correct thing and still expect credible results. We hardly prepare for anything except to rely on last-minute miracles. That perhaps explains why, when the fire started raging on our premises last Saturday morning, all the fire fighters that came and could have limited the damage, hadn’t the requisite equipment to fight it. That is not the way of cactus plants.

In Nigeria today, we need the spirit of the cactus to survive the numerous problems that we contend with—even the ones that are self-inflicted. To do that, we need to care about the small details that most often make all the difference. Amid the ruins of the penthouse of our office, I have learnt significant lessons about plants that would serve us well in Nigeria today but one that seems more immediately appropriate is that notwithstanding the problems we contend with as a nation, if we persevere and prepare, we will overcome. If we have not started doing that, we need to begin to prepare like the cactus plants given that the environment, all factors considered, is equally harsh.

For business and politics, the Nigerian terrain is a rather difficult ones for those who would play by the rules. But that is no excuse for failure. If anything, it should toughen us for greater challenges. In my research into cactus plants, I came across this interesting internet story of a man who had four sons and wanted them to learn not to judge things too quickly. To achieve his aim, he sent them each on a quest, in tum, to go and look at a pear tree that was a great distance away. The first son went in the winter, the second in the spring, the third in summer, and the youngest son in the fall.

When they had all gone and come back, he called them together to describe what they had seen. The first son said that the tree was ugly, bent, and twisted. The second son said no it was covered with green buds and full of promise. The third son disagreed; he said it was laden with blossoms that smelled so sweet and looked so beautiful and that it was the most graceful thing he had ever seen. The last son disagreed with all of them. He said it was ripe and drooping with fruit, full of life and fulfillment. The man then explained to his sons that they were all right, because they had each seen but only one season in the tree’s life. He told them that you cannot judge a tree, or a person, by only one season, and that the essence of who they are and the pleasure, joy, and love that come from that life can only be measured at the end, when all the seasons are up. I have to add that you also cannot judge a nation by a season!

He concluded: “If you give up when it’s winter, you will miss the promise of your spring, the beauty of your summer, and the fulfillment of your fall. Don’t let the pain of one season destroy the joy of all the rest. Don’t judge life by one difficult season. Persevere through the difficult patches and better times are sure to come.” 

Cactus plants have learnt to adapt to difficult situations to survive and that would serve all our people, especially in times like this. We must persevere. We must be resilient. We must never give up. And we should never forget Nigeria belongs to all of us.

NOTE: I wrote that column almost 18 years ago based on the observation of the late Dr Ngozi Anyaegbunam. And I still find it very instructive as I read it again. May God comfort the family she left behind.

• You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com 

On Monday, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, came down hard on the All Progressives Congress, APC-led government of President Bola Tinubu, insisting that the prevailing economic hardship in the country was a direct outcome of Tinubu’s incoherent plan, a development he equally attributed to the President’s hasty assumption of power without a clear cut policy direction.

Atiku was responding to the Presidency’s dismissal of his earlier submission on Sunday, regarding what he would have done differently if he had won the 2023 presidential election to keep the economy in a good standing.

He had insisted that the Federal Government cannot tax its way out of the present economic crisis in the country.

In a statement, “What we would have done differently,” Atiku had criticised the way the Federal Government managed the fuel subsidy removal, as well as the fiscal and monetary policies of President Tinubu’s administration, and outlined a set of policies he could have pursued if he were the President.

However, reacting through the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the Presidency dismissed Atiku’s alternatives, saying it was lacking in detail.

Onanuga noted that had the former Vice President won the 2023 presidential polls, he would have plunged the country into a worse economic situation or overseen a regime of cronyism.

Atiku was quoted to have said: “Like many fellow Nigerians, I firmly believe that we find ourselves in this current economic turmoil due to the current administration’s hasty ascent to power, devoid of a coherent plan.

“In stark contrast, my team not only devised a comprehensive recovery plan, but also welcomed significant input from Nigerians, ensuring that our approach was inclusive and well-considered.

“Is it not fascinating how the so-called tested Tinubu administration’s only policy response seems to be a national prayer led by the First Lady and the National Security Adviser, NSA, just a mere 24 hours after I proposed my alternative solutions? What a bold strategy!”

He mocked the Tinubu’s administration for its failures to address the hardship in the land, saying, “While prayer is a noble path to follow, the scriptures prescribe diligent labour and hard work.”

He maintained that many countries have emerged as strong economies by encouraging economic growth through low taxes, and wondered why Tinubu’s government was fixated on inflicting further hardship upon an already struggling populace.

“We cannot hope to tax our way out of the economic quagmire wrought by these misguided experimental policies of a novice administration.

“Numerous nations, such as the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Monaco, among many others, have emerged as economic powerhouses by fostering growth through lower taxation.

“One can only speculate that Tinubu’s government is anchored to a mere Tea-plan, which can only lead to a T-pain.

“Furthermore, let me emphasise that the citizens who cast their votes in the 2023 presidential election are well aware that I did not lose; rather, we found ourselves in this predicament because the election was criminally stolen from the Nigerian people.

“It is, therefore, uncharitable for Tinubu’s team to claim that my proposals remained untested. What remains unproven is the erratic, trial-and-error nature of the policies so far implemented by this administration, which elucidates our present predicament,” he submitted.

The former vice president went ahead to buttress his argument with what he had done in the past, while in government.

He said: “Let us not forget that under our economic stewardship between 1999 and 2003, Nigeria soared to the pinnacle of Africa’s economies, while their administration has relegated us to a disheartening fourth position.

“The average GDP rate under the Obasanjo administration that I served in was 6.59 percent and peaked at 15 percent in 2002; 7.98 percent under the late Yar’Adua administration and 4.8 percent under Jonathan compared to the dismal 2.8 percent of the so-called “tested” Tinubu era.”

Painting a picture of what Nigeria has become in recent time, a Katsina State-based educationist, Mallam Sabiu Fago said: “The cloud is gathering and becoming darker by the day. Danger lurks around as hunger and starvation bite harder.

“Nigerians are running out of patience with the government, and if urgent steps are not taken to arrest the ugly trend, something disastrous might happen.

“The people are saying that they can no longer bear the pains of the government’s economic policies, which have made life unbearable and hellish for them.

“They said most households can no longer afford to buy food in the market as prices keep rising at an astronomical rate and on a daily basis; a situation they claimed has rendered them less than humans.

“Prices of staple foods like maize, rice, millet, guinea corn, garri and other food items, like beans, have all hit the roof top, such that hunger and starvation have become the order of the day.

“To make matters worse, the people are also under heavy attacks by various armed groups, ranging from Boko Haram Islamists sect to Fulani herdsmen militia, bandits and kidnappers, without any hope in sight. Kidnapping for ransom has become a big business.”

He likened the current realities in Nigeria to an English philosopher, Thomas Hobbes’ picture of a state of nature where life is poor, nasty, short and brutish.

Throwing his weight behind the former vice president, a former lawmaker in Katsina State, Yusuf Shehu agreed that Nigerians were actually passing through hell due to the thoughtless economic policies of the current administration, particularly the removal of subsidy on petrol products, without an alternatives arrangement to cushion its effect on the masses.

“Atiku is right in what he has said. How can the president just announce that the subsidy was gone even when he had not entered the office to even see the books and study them?

“No visionary leader will make a policy pronouncement without first looking through the books to even understand what the problems are.

“If you check very well, you will agree with me that from that very moment when he made that announcement on May 29, 2023, till today, Nigerians have known no peace. It has been suffering all the way and I don’t even see a sign of respite in the nearest future.

“So, Atiku is 100 percent correct in what he has said, and I would advise the Presidency to look inward and see what it can do to change the economic fortunes of Nigerians rather than attacking Atiku or dismissing his suggestions.”

He wondered why Tinubu has not been able to bring the Port Harcourt Refinery to operation since he removed subsidy from petrol.

“One would think that the President, having pronounced that the subsidy was gone, would do everything possible to fix our refineries.

“Recall that since he assumed office, Nigerians have been told, at least four times, that the PH Refinery would be operational at four different times, but none of the promises ever materialised; it has been all politics. We can’t continue like this,” he stated.

He warned that Atiku’s statement should be taken seriously to avert possible danger.

He said: “Imagine the situation before Buhari came to power and the situation today; it is an embarrassment. We are already sitting on a time bomb.

“The protests that happened in countries like Kenya will be a child’s play compared to what will likely come out from the northern part of the country when the people feel they have been pushed to the wall and they can no longer bear the hardship.

“Don’t forget that over time, the north has suffered from poverty, hunger, deprivation and a lot of other ills from our so-called leaders, who never and probably may never look out for the welfare of their people as their paramount responsibilities.

“Under this situation, you don’t expect people to respect the law. People cannot be kept under this atmosphere and you expect things to be good.

“People cannot be in this situation and you expect the crime rate to be low. It is going to be worse because everybody is going to be a victim whether you are rich or poor.

“So, the earlier the government realises the poverty of the situation and brings a short term solution, shoving bureaucracy aside, the better for all of us, otherwise we will wake up one day, and there will be no country called Nigeria.”

President of the Middle Belt Forum (MBF), Dr Pogu Bitrus, also agreed with Atiku, saying that the current administration’s twin economic policies of subsidy removal from petrol and floating of the Naira were responsible for the hardship in the land.

“I am surprised that the presidency would be attacking Atiku for saying he would have done better with the economy if he were the president.

“I don’t know if he would have done better, anyway, but the truth remains that the current administration’s economic policies are anti-people.

“There is no way things will be the same with the subsidy removal. You can’t just do that without adequate alternative arrangements like fixing the existing refineries in the country, so that at least, importation of fuel will stop, and expect things not to get tough for the masses.

“If we are not importing fuel, that is if we are refining fuel locally, the price would automatically crash and it would also spread to every aspect of the people’s lives,” he told DAILY POST.

Also speaking, Abdullahi Fago, an educationist based in Maiduwa Local Government Area of Katsina State, equally agreed with Atiku’s position.

He advised the presidency to concentrate on providing good governance to the people, instead of tackling people who express honest opinions about the true situation of things in the country.

He lamented that there is acute hunger across Nigeria; a situation he said has been worsened by the growing insecurity in the country.

He, however, warned that if the government does not respond urgently to halt the trend, it would escalate to something more worrisome.

“A stitch in time saves nine. The government should do everything possible to avoid the looming danger.

“They should not allow the situation to degenerate beyond what is currently on ground, otherwise, what would follow is what nobody can imagine accurately,” he warned.

A Lagos-based lawyer and public affairs analyst, Marcellus Onah, equally condemned the Presidency’s reaction to Atiku’s comment, saying “Atiku was just speaking the minds of Nigerians.

“He is just stating the obvious. Who doesn’t know that the current hardship was caused by the fuel subsidy removal and the floating of Naira?

“There was so much hope for this government but unfortunately, this is what we get. People are suffering.

“People are dying of hunger everyday and crime is on the increase due to poverty and lack of legitimate job opportunities, especially for the youth.

“My heart bleeds when I see people roaming to find food unsuccessfully for their families,” he said.

[DailyPost]

At least 22 miners are presumed dead following the collapse of a mining pit at an illegal mining site located within a national game reserve spanning Gashaka Local Government Area in Taraba State and Toungo Local Government Area in Adamawa State.

Adamu Jamtare, a miner from Gashaka, explained that many of the deceased were from Jamtare town in Gashaka LGA.

“They were mining gold in an area known as the Buffa zone within the Gashaka-Gumti National Park, covering parts of both Gashaka and Toungo. All 22 miners trapped in the pit are presumed dead,” he said.

Chairman of Toungo LGA, Engineer Suleiman Toungo, confirmed that five miners had been found dead, though he was uncertain of the exact number still buried.

He said the incident, involving miners from various parts of Nigeria, including Zamfara and Adamawa, occurred almost a month ago.

Despite the area being patrolled by rangers, illegal mining activities continued, often conducted covertly at night. “Five bodies have been recovered so far,” he said.

The national game reserve, known for its mineral resources, has seen multiple fatalities over recent years due to unregulated mining activities.

A Tila village resident, speaking anonymously, disclosed that approximately 70 miners lost their lives in similar incidents last year, though these events remain largely unreported.

Adamawa Police Public Relations Officer SP Suleiman Yahaya Nguroje confirmed two recent reports of fatalities from pit collapses.

He said in one incident, four miners perished, while in another, six miners were involved, with two confirmed dead and four sustaining injuries.

SP Nguroje stated that the police are collaborating with the Gumti National Park authorities to apprehend the illegal miners involved.

 [DailyTrust]

The Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, has ordered officers and men of the Nigeria Police Force to wear black bands for a seven-day mourning period in honour of the late Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Taoreed Lagbaja.

The police boss gave the directive in a statement issued on Thursday by the Force Public Relations Officer, Muyiwa Adejobi.

Adejobi said the directive is to honour Lagbaja, who showed gallantry, dedication, and passion in the fight against insurgency in the country during his lifetime.

The statement reads, “Following the demise of the late Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Taoreed Lagbaja, the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, Ph.D., NPM, has ordered officers and men of the Nigeria Police Force to wear black band throughout the 7 day mourning period.

“This directive is to pay tribute and honour the late General who has shown gallantry, dedication, and passion for fighting violent crimes and insurgency in Nigeria. He was a great leader who deserves to be honoured by all means.

“May the soul of the late COAS rest in peace.”

PUNCH Online reports that the late army chief, appointed by President Bola Tinubu on June 19, 2023, died on Tuesday at the age of 56 night after a prolonged illness.

Following his death, the president, on Wednesday, directed that Nigeria’s national flags be flown at half mast for seven days across the country to mourn the passing of the late army chief.

The President’s directive was conveyed through a statement signed by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, titled “Announcement of the Passing of Chief of Army Staff, Lt General Taoreed Abiodun Lagbaja.”

[Punch]

ON Wednesday, November 6, Donald Trump, the 45th U.S. President, pulled off what, to all intents and purposes, is an extraordinary political comeback – an exceptional feat that has catapulted him once again to the enviable position of the president-in-waiting. On January 20, 2025, he will take another oath of office as the 47th U.S. President.

When Americans went to the polls on Tuesday, November 5, to elect President Joe Biden’s successor, the odds weighed against Trump. Here is a president who was impeached twice during his presidency, refused to accept electoral defeat four years ago, sparked a violent insurrection at the U.S. Capitol before vacating the White House and was subsequently convicted of felony charges.

But with this victory, Trump has chalked up many firsts: first former president to return to power since Grover Cleveland regained the White House in the 1892 election, first person convicted of a felony to be elected president and, at 78, the oldest person elected to the office.

This is despite the fact that Trump never pretended to be who he is not. He said things no other politician before him dared to say. I doubt if anyone after him will dare play the Trumpian game. But because Trump will always be Trump, he promised to launch the largest deportation effort in the nation’s history, use the Justice Department to punish his enemies and dramatically expand the use of tariffs. Yet, the people rooted for him.

In the course of the campaign, much to the chagrin of his campaign managers who wanted him to be politically correct, Trump acted the political gadfly. Without mincing words, he warned that he would deploy the military to target political opponents he labelled the “enemy from within,” hinted about suspending the Constitution, even as he threatened to take action against some news outlets.

Yet, in spite of all these, Americans preferred him to Kamala Harris, the Democratic presidential candidate. And on January 20, 2025, he will return to the White House with powers to do what no other American president could contemplate with the U.S. Supreme Court, early this year, giving judgement that afforded presidents broad immunity from prosecution.

Warts and all, this is what democracy is all about – the people’s choice. It is in this sense that Joseph De Maistre, one of the forefathers of conservatism, once said that: “In a democracy, the people end up with the government and leaders they deserve.”

I have stated here many times that democracy does not guarantee that the best will be elected to govern. But for any system of government to be deemed democratic, the people must be the critical mass that will, at all times, determine what happens.

And that is exactly what one of Trump’s predecessors, Abraham Lincoln, the 16th president of the U.S. meant when he defined democracy as government of the people, by the people and for the people.

The beauty of democracy is the fact that though it does not guarantee that the people will always make the right choice, the periodic elections afford them the opportunity to self-correct. So, democracy comes with an in-built guardrail that ensures the people end up with the government and leaders they deserve.

Now, look at it this way. Eight years ago, a certain Donald Trump, a Washington outsider, happened on the political scene, picked up the Republican Party’s ticket and squared up against Hillary Clinton, a Washington insider, former First Lady and powerful Secretary of State under President Barak Obama. Everyone expected that Clinton will win the election easily but when the result was announced, Trump came out tops in the all-important Electoral College votes even when Clinton won the popular votes.

Many reasons were canvassed why Clinton lost. Having had a Democratic President for eight years, some said Americans wanted a change and rooted for the candidate of the Grand Old Party, GOP, who happened to be Donald Trump. There were some others who reasoned that a Clinton Presidency would have been a third term for Obama and, therefore, opted for the outsider not corrupted by Washington. There was also the factor of masculine America not being ready for a female president. Whatever was the case, the fact was that Trump won and became the 45th president of the most powerful country in the world.

But four years thence, when it was time to renew the mandate in 2024, the same electorate snubbed Trump and went back to the Democrats. In just four years, they had had enough of the Washington outsider and his very unorthodox ways.

Biden did his bit and four years after when it was time to either renew or withdraw the mandate, Americans flipped. It all boils down to the all-important question: Are you better off today than you were four years ago? Americans said no and this time gave a bigger mandate to the man they rejected four years ago. Unlike in 2016, Trump won both the popular and Electoral College votes.

That is the colour of democracy, a very beautiful colour, indeed. All the attention was on the people. The candidates did all they could to convince the electorate to look their way. Up until the last minute, even as people were voting, the candidates were working the phones, encouraging the undecided to go out and vote.

The stakes in Tuesday’s election were so high and the candidates and their political parties threw everything into the ring to convince the electorate. With a total $15.9 billion contributions, the election is the most expensive in history, surpassing the $15.1 billion spent in 2020 and $6.5 billion in 2016.

Much of this money went into advertisement and sundry logistics. But it was all about the people, to whom power belongs in a democracy. And Americans have spoken loudly and nothing else matters. And because leaders who emerge through this process know that there is always a day of reckoning, they prioritise the welfare and well-being of the people who have the inalienable right to decide their fate in the next election. That is the beauty of democracy.

In his September 19, 1796 farewell address, George Washington, who took office as the first U.S. president in 1789, warned that with obstruction of the government’s integrity, “cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.” He also cautioned against “the spirit of encroachment (that) tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism.”

That is the ditch that Nigeria’s democracy has run into; a gully where the people quotient of the democratic equation has been completely thrown overboard. The result is the rule of strong men who believe that they don’t need the people to either win election or remain in power.  

What the U.S. election has demonstrated once again is that democracy is not a rocket science. Even if it were, we are not reinventing the wheels. All that is required is to allow the electoral will of the people determine who gets elected. You may like or hate Donald Trump. But he is the people’s choice. That is the only thing needed to become the 47th U.S. president. That is the true colour of democracy.