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Accountability is the cornerstone of good governance. It ensures that public officials remain answerable to the people for their actions while in office, fostering trust and encouraging responsible use of resources. Against this backdrop, Governor Monday Okpebholo’s decision to probe the administration of his predecessor, Godwin Obaseki, should not be hastily labeled as a political vendetta or a distraction. Instead, it should be viewed as a bold step toward institutionalizing accountability and setting a higher standard for governance in Edo State.

However, recent reactions, particularly from Crusoe Osagie, former media aide to Obaseki, paint the probe as a smokescreen for incompetence and a diversion from pressing developmental issues. While skepticism may arise in the political arena, dismissing the probe outright as partisan is counterproductive and denies Edo State the potential benefits of a transparent review of its governance history.

Probes, when conducted transparently and judiciously, are vital tools for promoting accountability. They allow the new administration to uncover systemic weaknesses, identify potential mismanagement, and set the stage for reforms that benefit the public. In a democracy, it is essential to periodically audit past actions to ensure the responsible use of resources and adherence to legal frameworks.

 

Governor Okpebholo’s probe into Obaseki’s administration is not an indictment of the former governor’s intentions or character but rather a routine governance practice aimed at safeguarding public interest. Such reviews help establish benchmarks, clarify administrative decisions, and provide insights for future leadership. This process should be embraced, not vilified.

One of the significant challenges of governance transitions in Nigeria is the tendency to politicize accountability. Probes are often dismissed as witch-hunts by supporters of the previous administration, while proponents of the new government may use them as tools to settle scores. This politicization undermines the essence of the process, making it difficult to achieve meaningful results.

The current reactions from Obaseki’s camp risk falling into this trap. Crusoe Osagie’s claim that the probe is a diversionary tactic ignores the broader implications of transparency and accountability. By framing the exercise as a spectacle or a political vendetta, such rhetoric risks polarizing public opinion and derailing the genuine purpose of the investigation.

 

It is important to recognize that Governor Okpebholo has just assumed office. Expecting him to roll out a comprehensive governance blueprint within weeks is unrealistic. Every leader requires time to assess the state of affairs, define priorities, and establish a roadmap for development. Conducting a probe is a logical first step in this process, as it allows the new administration to understand what it has inherited and identify areas requiring urgent attention.

Rather than casting aspersions, critics should give Okpebholo the benefit of the doubt and allow him the latitude to lead. Rushing to label him as incompetent or devoid of ideas not only undermines his administration but also sends a discouraging message to the people of Edo State, who are eager for progress and unity.

The Obaseki administration played a significant role in shaping Edo State’s trajectory during its tenure. If there are questions about decisions made or resources allocated, a probe provides an opportunity to address these issues comprehensively. This is not about diminishing Obaseki’s legacy but about ensuring that governance in Edo State is continuously improved.

 

Moreover, the probe has the potential to uncover lessons that can guide future administrations. Governance is a continuum, and understanding past successes and failures is crucial for sustainable progress. If the probe reveals instances of mismanagement, rectifying them will benefit the state as a whole. If it finds that the administration acted within the law and in the best interest of the people that too will enhance public trust.

Former Governor Obaseki and his allies, including Crusoe Osagie, have a critical role to play in this process. Rather than framing the probe as a personal attack, they should adopt a statesmanlike approach, cooperating fully and providing any necessary clarifications. Taking the probe in stride demonstrates confidence in their actions while in office and underscores their commitment to transparency.

Unhelpful rhetoric, on the other hand, risks inflaming tensions and distracting from the real issues at hand. Edo State’s progress should be the primary focus, not partisan bickering or political point-scoring. By resisting the temptation to obstruct the probe with negativity, Obaseki’s camp can contribute meaningfully to the state’s development, even from outside government.

 

The people of Edo State stand to gain significantly from a well-conducted probe. If mismanagement is uncovered, it could lead to the recovery of funds or assets that can be redirected toward critical development projects. If the probe clears Obaseki’s administration of any wrongdoing, it reinforces public trust in the integrity of leadership.

Ultimately, the probe should serve as a mechanism for improvement rather than a weapon of division. It is an opportunity to ensure that governance remains people-focused and that public resources are used effectively. For this to happen, all parties must approach the process with openness and a commitment to the greater good.

Edo State has immense potential, but realizing it requires unity and collaboration. Governor Okpebholo cannot succeed in isolation; he needs the support of all stakeholders, including those who may not share his political ideology. The probe is not an end in itself but a means to an end: building a stronger, more accountable Edo State.

 

The people of Edo State must rise above partisan loyalties and prioritize progress. This means supporting initiatives that promote accountability and development, regardless of their origin. It also means holding all leaders, past and present, accountable for their actions in a constructive and non-partisan manner.

Governor Okpebholo’s probe into Obaseki’s administration should not be painted with a partisan brush. It is a legitimate governance tool aimed at fostering transparency, accountability, and progress. For the sake of Edo State, it is imperative that all stakeholders approach this process with an open mind and a focus on the greater good.

Governor Okpebholo deserves the opportunity to lead without undue hindrance or premature judgment. Similarly, former Governor Obaseki and his allies should take the probe in stride, resisting the urge to obstruct progress with unhelpful rhetoric.

 

In the end, a transparent and judicious probe benefits everyone in Edo State. It strengthens governance, enhances public trust, and sets a precedent for accountability that future administrations will be compelled to uphold. Let us prioritize unity and progress, working together to build a better Edo State for generations to come.

President Bola Ahmed Adekunle Tinubu, Rivers State Remains Your Albatross: The Nation and Globe Know Only You Can Remove This Burden—Act Now

President Bola Tinubu: Your Approach to Rivers State Demands a Turn Toward Humanity—Tomorrow Promises No One

President Bola Tinubu’s approach to the Rivers State crisis has exposed a dangerous pattern of political maneuvers, risky alliances, and troubling silence. Rivers State is not just another state—it is Nigeria’s oil-rich economic backbone, the bedrock of national revenue, and the epicenter of Niger Delta politics. Yet your actions, Mr. President, and too often your inaction, have risked destabilizing this critical region, amplifying tensions, and threatening Nigeria’s democratic and economic stability.

 

Tinubu’s Troubled History of Intervening in Rivers State

When you intervened in Rivers State’s political crisis in 2023, your actions were widely criticized as one-sided and detrimental to Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s administration. The Rivers Elders and Leaders Forum saw your mediation as favoring Nyesom Wike while ridiculing Fubara. This perception deepened when you insisted that Fubara re-present the state budget to a reconstituted Rivers House of Assembly, a move many argued undermined his authority and legitimacy.

The October 2023 rift between Wike and Fubara offered a pivotal moment to demonstrate decisive, fair leadership. Instead, your intervention emboldened Wike, eroding democratic structures and exacerbating political divisions. These actions have not been forgotten, and they serve as a stark warning for your continued engagement, particularly if your decisions remain skewed toward one faction.

 

Mr. President, Humanity Calls You to Act

Since May 2023, the people of Rivers State have cried out under the weight of political manipulation, judicial overreach, and systemic instability. That is not months of ordinary suffering—it is months of compounded loss, fear, and despair. Their voices have grown hoarse from pleading for relief, and their tears have become the silent witness to a government that seems deaf to their plight.

Mr. President, I plea with you: go deep into your humanity. Feel the pain of the people you swore to serve. Their cries cannot wait for another day of indifference, another month of excuses, or another year of political gamesmanship. Tomorrow is promised to no one.

 

Rivers State needs leadership that transcends politics, alliances, and debts. It needs a leader who can restore hope, uphold justice, and protect the integrity of Nigeria’s democratic and economic future. Mr. President, that leader must be you. The time to act is now.

Tinubu’s Risky Gamble with Nigeria’s Economic Engine

Rivers State, as the premier oil-producing region in Nigeria, holds immense strategic importance. Its stability directly impacts national revenue, investor confidence, and overall economic unity. Yet, Tinubu’s silence in the face of the current crisis—marked by Wike’s aggressive maneuvers, allegations of judicial interference, and the Federal High Court’s ruling to freeze Rivers’ federal allocations—signals a dangerous gamble.

 

Critics argue that Tinubu’s reluctance to confront Wike stems from a perceived political debt. Allegedly, Wike played a pivotal role in securing Rivers State for Tinubu during the 2023 presidential election. By prioritizing personal loyalty over national interests, Tinubu risks alienating not only the people of Rivers State but also the broader Nigerian public.

The stakes in Rivers are far too high for political games. Any instability in the state threatens to disrupt oil production, reignite militancy in the Niger Delta, and weaken Nigeria’s already fragile economic recovery.

The Brewing Storm: Oil Wealth vs. Political Power

 

Rivers State’s role as the economic engine of Nigeria makes its stability non-negotiable. However, the political storm brewing between Governor Fubara and Wike has created a volatile situation. Wike’s alleged efforts to destabilize Fubara’s administration—ranging from influencing court rulings to exacerbating political divisions—have sent shockwaves through the state.

The Federal High Court’s decision to freeze federal allocations to Rivers, ostensibly to address constitutional violations in the 2024 budget, has only deepened the crisis. Elder statesman Chief Edwin Clark has condemned the ruling and urged Tinubu to act swiftly. He criticized the burning of the Rivers State House of Assembly and the violent treatment of Fubara as clear attempts to unseat the governor and install a Wike loyalist.

Chief Clark’s warning that “Rivers people have suffered enough” underscores the high stakes for the Niger Delta region and Nigeria’s economy. Tinubu’s silence is seen as a tacit endorsement of Wike’s destabilizing tactics, raising questions about the President’s commitment to justice and fairness.

 

A Legacy at Risk: Tinubu’s Dangerous Calculations

By failing to address Wike’s unchecked ambitions, Tinubu is playing a high-stakes game that could define his presidency. Rivers State is not just any state—it is the economic heart of Nigeria. Allowing Wike’s political ambitions to dictate Rivers’ future undermines the rule of law, weakens federal leadership, and risks reigniting instability in the Niger Delta.

Tinubu’s silence sends a dangerous message: that political debts and alliances outweigh the stability of Nigeria’s most critical state. Nigerians are watching, and the cost of inaction will be severe. The destabilization of Rivers threatens not only the state but also the nation’s economic backbone and democratic framework.

 

The Cost of Tinubu’s Silence

The perception that Tinubu is prioritizing Wike’s agenda over national stability erodes public trust. Chief Eze Chukwuemeka Eze’s warning is clear: the Rivers crisis is not just a local issue but a national emergency with profound implications for Nigeria’s democracy and economy. Elder statesman Edwin Clark has echoed these sentiments, cautioning that allowing Rivers to descend further into chaos will have catastrophic consequences for the Niger Delta and Nigeria’s oil-dependent economy.

Tinubu must abandon his silence and act decisively to stabilize Rivers. Anything less is a betrayal of his duty as President and a dangerous gamble with Nigeria’s future.

 

Wike’s Overreach and the Erosion of Governance

Wike’s unchecked actions—allegedly orchestrating judicial rulings, gifting houses to judges, and influencing federal decisions—have further destabilized Rivers. Human rights lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) has criticized these actions as compromising judicial independence and eroding public trust in governance. Combined with Wike’s controversial demolition policies in Abuja, which disproportionately target the poor, these actions paint a picture of leadership driven by ambition rather than accountability.

The escalating tensions in Rivers State demand urgent, transparent, and decisive leadership from President Bola Tinubu. Silence is no longer a viable strategy, and indifference to the turmoil gripping Nigeria’s most critical oil-producing state is a disservice to the nation. The world watches as Rivers State teeters on the brink of chaos, and history will judge whether Tinubu rises to the challenge or allows political gamesmanship to jeopardize Nigeria’s democracy and economic stability.

 

Tinubu’s Silence Is Not an Option

President Tinubu’s last indirect engagement with the Rivers crisis came through Ajuri Ngelale, his former spokesperson, who in May 2024 declared that the President would remain neutral. However, Ngelale’s resignation in September 2024 has left an ominous communication void, fueling perceptions of Tinubu’s complicity in Nyesom Wike’s increasingly destabilizing actions. This silence, deliberate or not, speaks volumes and is eroding public trust in Tinubu’s leadership.

The warnings from Chief Edwin Clark, Chief Eze Chukwuemeka Eze, and Asari-Dokubo are unambiguous. Rivers State is burning under Wike’s ambitions, and Tinubu’s refusal to act decisively risks plunging the state into deeper turmoil. If Rivers collapses into chaos, the blame will rest squarely on Tinubu’s shoulders. His leadership—or the lack thereof—will determine whether Rivers State emerges from this crisis intact or becomes a cautionary tale of failed governance.

 

The Fragility of Nigeria’s Democracy

The Rivers State crisis is a defining moment for Tinubu’s presidency and Nigeria’s democratic institutions. It is a litmus test of Tinubu’s commitment to justice, fairness, and the principles of governance. Yet, his silence raises troubling questions about whether political debts and alliances are being prioritized over the nation’s stability and democratic integrity.

Rivers State’s significance extends far beyond its borders. As the economic engine of Nigeria, its stability underpins national unity and prosperity. The ongoing crisis threatens not just the state but the entire Niger Delta region and Nigeria’s oil-dependent economy. Tinubu’s failure to address this crisis decisively could result in a domino effect of instability, weakening investor confidence, fueling militancy, and eroding trust in federal leadership.

 

The Time for Action Is Now

President Tinubu, Rivers State is your albatross—a burden that only you can remove. The nation and the world understand the weight of your responsibility, and the choice before you is stark. Will you act with the decisiveness and moral clarity expected of a leader, or will you allow political expediency to dictate your actions?

The time for neutrality and silence is over. The stakes are too high for further delay. Rivers State’s stability is non-negotiable, and the human cost of inaction is incalculable. Families, communities, and livelihoods are at risk, and every moment of inaction fuels the perception of federal complicity in Wike’s destructive agenda.

 

A Brutal Truth About Leadership and Legacy

Leadership is not about convenience but conviction. History is ruthless to leaders who fail to act in moments of crisis. If Rivers State descends further into chaos, Tinubu’s legacy will be forever tarnished as the President who allowed Nigeria’s most critical state to burn under his watch. Nigerians will not forgive a leader who prioritized political debts over national interests.

Chief Edwin Clark’s warning resonates deeply: “A word is enough for the wise.” Tinubu must heed this wisdom and act decisively to restore trust, fairness, and the rule of law. The time for political calculations is over. What is at stake is not just Rivers State but the future of Nigeria’s democracy, economy, and global standing.

 

An Appeal to Tinubu’s Humanity

President Tinubu, the crisis in Rivers is not just about power; it is about people. It is about the market women who struggle to feed their families, the children who dream of a stable future, and the communities that depend on your leadership to shield them from despair. This is a moment to transcend political rivalries and personal debts and to embrace the humanity that defines true leadership.

Your silence has consequences, and your actions—or lack thereof—will echo through generations. The world knows that only you can remove this burden. Act now, not just as a President but as a protector of Nigeria’s soul. Rivers State, the nation, and the globe are watching. It is time to lead.

 

President Bola Tinubu, your leadership shone when you ordered the release of 29 minors unlawfully detained and facing the death penalty. That action was a reminder of your ability to rise above political maneuvering to address grave injustices. Now, the Rivers State crisis demands the same decisive intervention.

Rivers State is not just entangled in a political battle—it is a state under siege by collusion between political actors like your FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, and a judiciary increasingly seen as compromised. The courts have been weaponized, and Rivers is being destabilized to serve egos and ambitions, eroding trust in Nigeria’s institutions

As the nation’s leader, you cannot remain silent while Rivers, Nigeria’s oil-rich lifeline, teeters on chaos. The same decisive action you took for the detained minors must now be applied to rein in those undermining the Rivers government and the judiciary itself

 

This is not about dictating to the judiciary but ensuring it operates free from manipulation. Attorney General Lateef Fagbemi and Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun must restore judicial independence and stop political actors from hijacking the courts.

President Tinubu, Rivers is your albatross. Your legacy depends on whether you act to stabilize Nigeria’s most critical state or let it collapse under political debts and unchecked ambition. Rivers, the nation, and the world are watching. Act now, for justice and for Nigeria’s future.

In the present era, international relations are often framed as if there were only two possible outcomes for States: to dominate, or to be dominated; to vassalize, or to be vassalized.

Nations are supposed to make a choice in favour of this or that hegemon, this or that bloc. The lesson we are learning from our experience as Heads of State of two countries whose bilateral relationship has been deepening over the last twenty-five years is quite different.

From our shared perspectives, we can very confidently say that we see our relationship as a partnership between equals. Indeed, there are moments in history when countries find themselves driven by shared interests that are well understood and recognized by all. France and Nigeria find themselves at such a pivotal moment.

When we have mutual interests, we work together. It is in our mutual interest to encourage private sector investment between our two countries.

It is in our mutual interest to develop thriving creative and cultural industries that will generate jobs for Nigerian and French young people.

It is in our mutual interest to make sure that the Gulf of Guinea is safe for all economic activities.

It is in our mutual interest to strengthen our food systems so that they are stable, secure and not over-reliant on imports.

We are glad that Nigeria and France are trusted partners, to each other and to many countries all over the world. This trust is invaluable. This trust rules out constraint or pressure.

It rules out systematic alignment.

 It rules out over-reliance. It leads us to respect the vision that our two countries have of their respective strategic autonomy.

We define strategic autonomy as the ability for States to pursue their own interests without over-reliance on another State, particularly with regard to their national security and foreign policy; to choose a future for itself without foreign interference.

Although the term is fairly recent, the principle of strategic autonomy is deeply rooted in the history of France and Nigeria.

It is also a principle that is widely supported by the citizens of both our countries.

Today, we want to reiterate our firm commitment to promoting this principle of strategic autonomy, not only for our two countries, but also within the framework of the strategic vision that we are putting forward, as Nigeria, for Africa, and as France, for Europe.

We will not meet the challenges of today’s world by building blocs.

We will meet these challenges by reforming and renewing global governance, by adapting existing frameworks so that they enable us to work together more effectively, to reach consensus and to focus resources on solving the crucial challenges that we face.

To achieve this, we need global governance to be more inclusive and participatory. Even though progress has been made, more needs to be done to ensure that the entire world population, and particularly the African continent, feels truly represented in all fora.

We need this renewed and reformed global governance to protect the achievements of previous generations such as the body of international humanitarian law that exists today and should be implemented in the same way, whether in Gaza, in Sudan or in Ukraine.

We need it to step up our efforts to establish stronger health systems, education for all, sustainable and legal migration pathways.

We need it to strengthen our resilience to climate change and to better protect biodiversity beyond national jurisdictions.

Nigeria and France are proud to reaffirm today their commitment to work together in order to achieve these objectives, and to help bring together all stakeholders, fully aware of our shared interests and horizons.

-Tinubu and Macron are both Presidents of Nigeria and France

Universities are meant to be the heart of a nation’s progress—places where the brightest minds are nurtured, and the moral compass of future leaders is set. These institutions should serve as sanctuaries of learning, innovation, and ethical development, embodying society’s hopes for a brighter future. In Nigeria, however, this ideal has been tragically compromised. What ought to be citadels of knowledge have devolved into hubs of indiscipline, corruption, academic malpractice, and moral decay. This is not just an education crisis; it is a national emergency. The rot within our universities threatens to unravel the very fabric of Nigerian society, jeopardizing the nation’s potential for progress and prosperity.

At the core of this malaise lies a failure to uphold the dual mission of education: the dissemination of knowledge and the cultivation of character. The consequences devastate the students and staff trapped in this dysfunctional system and the broader society that relies on these institutions to produce competent, ethical leaders. The urgent question is this: can Nigerian universities reclaim their purpose, or will they remain symbols of a society spiralling into moral and intellectual decline?

I must acknowledge that many great lecturers and students still uphold the moral and ethical sanctity of our citadels of higher learning. I express my gratitude to these heroes and encourage them to continue the good work because they are the foundation on which these institutions’ renewed hope and reform lie. However, these issues tarnish the global perception of Nigerian education, and urgent action is needed to restore its integrity.

Among the most disheartening contributors to this crisis are the lecturers, who occupy a sacred role as the custodians of knowledge and morality. Instead of uplifting students, many have become complicit in perpetuating a culture of decay. Forged qualifications among academic staff are not just statistical anomalies but glaring symbols of a system that has lost its way. Academic fraud, absenteeism, and exploitative practices have normalized unethical behaviour, leaving students vulnerable and society disillusioned. Students, who should be eager learners, are instead drawn into a culture of shortcuts, malpractice, and apathy. These patterns are not isolated incidents; they reflect a broader societal acceptance of corruption, fuelled by poverty, unemployment, and weak governance. In 2021, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) uncovered over 100 cases of academic fraud, exposing the systemic nature of this malfeasance.

Worse still is the endemic exploitation of students, particularly the predatory practice of sex-for-marks. The 2018 BBC exposé Sex for Grades brought global attention to the disturbing prevalence of lecturers demanding sexual favours in exchange for academic progress. What should be relationships built on mentorship and mutual respect have turned into transactions marked by abuse and power imbalances. The damage to the victims—primarily young women—is incalculable, leaving psychological scars and perpetuating gender inequalities.

The intellectual decline of Nigerian universities is also evident in their academic output. Research, the lifeblood of any institution of higher learning, has been relegated to the back burner. A 2019 National Universities Commission (NUC) report revealed that not many lecturers meet the required publication standards for academic promotion. This lack of engagement with research stifles innovation, diminishes Nigerian universities’ global competitiveness, and underscores the extent to which academic priorities have been abandoned.

Students, too, are enmeshed in this web of indiscipline. Once viewed as eager knowledge seekers, many now exhibit an alarming detachment from academic pursuits. Classrooms often sit half-empty as truancy becomes commonplace. Academic dishonesty, including exam malpractice, has been normalized, and 60% of students in a 2020 Exam Ethics Marshals International survey admitted to witnessing or participating in such acts. Having cheated through university, these students enter the workforce ill-prepared, perpetuating cycles of incompetence and corruption.

More concerning is the growing prevalence of drug abuse and transactional relationships among students. In a society where poverty and unemployment loom large, some students see little choice but to offer bribes—or their bodies—in exchange for grades. These behaviours, symptomatic of deeper socio-economic issues, reflect a profound loss of moral and academic purpose.

The crisis within universities mirrors the broader moral decline of Nigerian society. Poverty and unemployment, with the latter reaching a staggering 33.3% in 2023, create an environment where survival often takes precedence over ethics. In such conditions, it is unsurprising that corruption seeps into every facet of life, including higher education. Families, once the bedrock of moral instruction, are increasingly fractured, leaving young people without the guidance they need to develop strong ethical foundations.

Weak governance exacerbates these challenges. When those in power engage in unethical practices with impunity, they set a dangerous precedent for the rest of society. Nigeria’s consistently poor ranking on Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index—150th out of 180 countries in a recent report—is a sobering indicator of this systemic failure. Leaders who should serve as role models instead perpetuate the behaviours they ought to condemn, normalizing a culture of dishonesty and exploitation.

The absence of ethical role models compounds this moral vacuum. Who can young people look up to when those in authority are often implicated in scandals? The erosion of religious adherence further deepens this crisis, as faith-based moral teachings, once a cornerstone of Nigerian society, are increasingly sidelined. However, individuals and organizations are working tirelessly to address these issues, and their efforts should be acknowledged and supported to foster a sense of collective responsibility and encourage further action.

The normalization of immorality in Nigerian universities has devastating implications for the nation. Institutions that should uphold meritocracy and fairness produce graduates lacking the competence and ethical grounding needed to contribute meaningfully to society. These graduates enter critical sectors—healthcare, education, and governance—carrying the seeds of corruption and mediocrity. The result is a vicious cycle that undermines national development and perpetuates systemic inefficiencies.

The societal cost is immeasurable. When trust in institutions erodes, so does social cohesion. Citizens lose faith in the idea that hard work and integrity lead to success, fostering a culture of cynicism and despair. In such a society, progress becomes a distant dream, overshadowed by the grim reality of systemic decay.

Despite the bleakness of the current situation, hope persists. The recent actions of the Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, notably his zero-tolerance stance on malfeasance, underscore an awareness of the crisis’s severity. His decisive handling of the issues at Nnamdi Azikiwe University reflects a renewed commitment to swiftly addressing indiscipline and maladministration within our hallowed institutions. However, intentions and signaling alone will not suffice. To effect lasting change, policies must be fortified with robust enforcement mechanisms, including independent oversight bodies to investigate misconduct and safeguard whistleblowers.

Promoting ethical leadership within universities is paramount. Lecturers who embody integrity must be celebrated and elevated as role models. Simultaneously, students must be encouraged to embrace academic rigour and ethical behaviour through scholarships, mentorship programs, and strict penalties for malpractice.

Beyond the campus, families, religious institutions, and civil society must rally to restore Nigerian society’s moral fabric. Parents must reclaim their role as their children’s primary moral educators, while religious leaders should reassert the relevance of faith-based ethics in modern life.

Nigerian universities are at a crossroads. They can continue their descent into moral and intellectual decay or rise once more as citadels of learning and virtue. The latter path demands courage, collective effort, and an unwavering commitment to reform. It requires recognising that the stakes are nothing less than the nation’s future.

The systemic failure of Nigerian universities mirrors the nation’s broader challenges, from economic inequality to the erosion of family and religious values. Yet, within this crisis lies an opportunity to restore these institutions as beacons of excellence and integrity. The story of Nigerian universities is a microcosm of the nation’s struggles and aspirations. The indiscipline plaguing these institutions reflects the broader societal challenges of corruption, inequality, and moral decay. Yet, just as these universities have been complicit in perpetuating these challenges, they can also be at the forefront of addressing them.

Reforming Nigerian universities is not simply about improving education but about reclaiming the nation’s future. It is about producing leaders who value integrity over shortcuts, competence over mediocrity, and justice over corruption. The task is daunting, but it is not impossible. The call to action is clear: policymakers, educators, families, and civil society must unite to demand accountability, celebrate ethical leadership, and invest in the moral and intellectual renewal of these institutions. The stakes are nothing less than the soul of the nation. Nigeria cannot afford to let its universities remain citadels of indiscipline. They must be transformed into sanctuaries of learning and virtue—places where dreams are nurtured and the future is forged. Let us rise to this challenge with the urgency and determination it demands.

Nigerian universities can reclaim their rightful place as sanctuaries of knowledge and character by embracing integrity, enforcing accountability, and cultivating a culture of ethical leadership. Though the task is formidable, the reward—a generation of leaders committed to justice, fairness, and progress—is immeasurable. We must not surrender these institutions to the forces of decay. Instead, we must rise to the challenge, determined to restore their lost glory. In doing so, we will secure not only the future of our universities but also the future of Nigeria itself.

Monday, 25 November 2024 07:26

Murray Joins Djokovic’s Coaching Team

Retired Andy Murray has agreed to join Novak Djokovic’s team and will coach him at the Australian Open next year, the Serbian 24-times Grand Slam champion said on Saturday.

Briton Murray retired after this year’s Olympics in Paris where Djokovic won the gold medal.
The two 37-year-olds, both former world number ones, played each other 36 times, with Djokovic winning 25 matches on the ATP Tour.

“We have played each other since we were boys, 25 years of being rivals, of pushing each other beyond our limits,” Djokovic said.

“We had some of the most epic battles in our sport. They called us game changers, risk takers, history makers. I thought our story may be over, turns out it has one final chapter.

“It’s time for one of my toughest opponents to step into my corner. Welcome on board, coach Andy Murray.”
Djokovic won nine of his 24 Grand Slams with Goran Ivanisevic as his coach but the Croatian left his team in March.

“I’m going to be joining Novak’s team in the off season, helping him to prepare for the Australian Open,” said Murray, a three-times Grand Slam winner and twice Olympic gold medallist.

 

“I’m really excited for it and looking forward to spending time on the same side of the net as Novak for a change, helping him to achieve his goals.”

Djokovic did not win a major this year and has slipped to seventh in the world rankings.

[Leadership]

The Senate recently passed a resolution after purportedly relying on Section 157(1) of the 1999 Constitution to authorize President Bola Tinubu to dismiss the Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), Mr Danladi Umar.

The resolution followed the adoption of a motion sponsored by Senator Bamidele Opeyemi (APC-Ekiti).

“The Senate is aware of the overwhelming allegations against the Chairman. Mr President, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, has forwarded Mr Abdullahi Usman Bello’s name to the Senate for confirmation as the new chairman of the tribunal. The Senate plenary on Thursday, July 4, 2024, confirmed Bello’s appointment, thus necessitating the erstwhile chairman to vacate the office for the new Chairman to assume duties officially,” Senator Bamidele said.

The Chief Whip of the Senate, Mohammed Tahir Monguno, explained that the resolution was backed by 72 senators who registered their support at plenary and ten others engaged in committee meetings, making 82 senators.

However, a fact-check conducted by PR Nigeria found some lapses in the processes followed by the Senate to clear the road for the removal of the CCT boss.

The medium reviewed Section 157(1) of the 1999 Constitution to assess the constitutional basis cited by the Senate. This section pertains specifically to the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) and not the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), which are distinct entities.

Section 157(1) states: “Subject to the provisions of subsection (3) of this section, a person holding any of the offices to which this section applies may only be removed from that office by the President acting on an address supported by a two-thirds majority of the Senate…”

Subsection (2) further clarifies that this applies to specific positions, including those in the “Code of Conduct Bureau, Federal Civil Service Commission, Independent National Electoral Commission, and other executive bodies,” explicitly omitting the CCT, which operates within the judicial branch of government.

The Fact-Check revealed that instead of Section 157, the removal of the chairman or members of the CCT is governed by Paragraph 17(3) of the 5th Schedule to the 1999 Constitution as amended. This provision states: “A person holding the office of Chairman or member of the Code of Conduct Tribunal shall not be removed from his office or appointment by the President except upon an address supported by a two-thirds majority of each House of the National Assembly praying that he be so removed…. for contravention of this Code.”

Thus, the President can only remove such officials based on an address supported by a two-thirds majority from both Houses of the National Assembly (Senate and House of Representatives).

Another error on new appointment

The Fact-Check also showed that the senators equally misrepresented Mr Abdullahi Usman Bello’s appointment. Mr. Bello was appointed as Chairman of the CCB based on his qualifications as a forensic accountant and was cleared for that role by the Senate.

The appointment of the CCT Chairman is detailed in Paragraph 15 of the 5th Schedule to the Constitution: “The Chairman shall be a person who has held or is qualified to hold office as a Judge of a superior court of record in Nigeria… The President shall appoint the Chairman and members of the Code of Conduct Tribunal on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council (NJC).” Therefore, this cannot apply to Bello, who lacks the requisite judicial qualifications.

The Senators, therefore, erred in their assertion that their actions would facilitate Mr Abdullahi Usman Bello’s appointment as the new Chairman of the CCT. They overlooked that Bello currently serves as Chairman of the CCB, as President Tinubu recommended and by which the Senate themselves cleared him for that purpose.

Speaking to PRNigeria, a legal practitioner Yunus AbdulSalam, SAN, said: “The fact that the import of Section 157(2) of the Constitution eluded our lawmakers in the Senate is alarming and reflects poorly on our constitutional democracy. It sadly highlights a troubling lack of diligence and meticulous scrutiny in their legislative processes.”

[DailyTrust]

There is currently no end in sight to the leadership crisis rocking the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.

The move to remove the acting National Chairman of the party, Umar Damagum has continued to suffer setbacks following the continuous postponements of the National Executive Committee, NEC, meeting.

DAILY POST reports that for the umpteenth time, the main opposition party on Friday postponed its proposed NEC meeting meant to discuss some issues bedeviling the party and present a substantive National Chairman that would take over from Damagum and complete the tenure of the suspended Iyorchia Ayu.

Recall that at the 98th NEC meeting on April 18, the NEC fixed August 15 to resolve all lingering issues, but unfortunately, it was postponed and rescheduled for October 24.

As the plot to oust Damagum thickened, the meeting was further shifted from October 24 to November 28.

According to the party, the move was to ensure that it goes into the recently concluded Ondo gubernatorial elections with the unity and strength demanded to unseat the All Progressive Congress, APC, government in the state.

However, the hope to end the crisis rocking the party was again dashed on Friday when the PDP National Secretary, Sen Samuel Anyanwu announced the indefinite postponement of the much anticipated NEC meeting.

According to the party, the decision was taken to enable party leadership to attend the funeral of the late First Lady of Akwa Ibom State, Pastor Mrs. Patience Umo Eno, wife of Governor Pastor Umo Bassey Eno. The funeral is scheduled for November 27th-29th, 2024.

The development did not go well with some party members, who are alleging that the Damagum-led NWC was deliberately postponing the meeting to keep him on the seat until the party’s national convention scheduled for next year.

DAILY POST gathered that at least four out of the 13 Governors elected under the platform of the PDP are strongly behind Damagum, who is also a loyalist of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Nyesom Wike.

About six others from the camp of the former vice president, Atiku Abubakar have also vowed to kick the acting chairman out of the office before March 2025.

NEC postponement disrespect for the constitutional order of the party – North Central

Some party stakeholders from the North Central geo-political zone said the continuous postponement of the NEC by the Damagum’s NWC was against the party’s constitution.

A NEC member from the region and former National Publicity Secretary of the PDP, Kola Ologbondiyan, who addressed North Central youths in Abuja, said the development was an “aberration that shows a huge disrespect for the constitutional order of the party.”

According to him, “it is trite wisdom that as long as Damagum is being encouraged to continue to sit on the position of North Central, the concept of fixing the PDP will be mere lip service. “

He stated that respecting the party’s constitution by allowing a member from the North Central to complete Ayu’s tenure was the “only way to address the challenges facing the PDP and also fixing Nigeria.

“Anything outside of this demand will end up an exercise in futility,” he warned.

They want to officially hand PDP to APC – Rep Ugochinyere

A member of the House of Representatives, Ikenga Ugochinyere (PDP, Imo) while reacting to the indefinite postponement, accused the NWC of making moves to collapse the main opposition party into the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC.

In a post on his official X handle, the lawmaker alleged that Damagum, and the National Secretary secretly met with the ruling party recently.

The lawmaker said the alleged meeting signals an irredeemable doom in the party, calling for the immediate removal of those involved in anti-party activities.

He wrote, “When the national chairman and secretary of a political party meet secretly with the ruling govt, you will know that irredeemable doom awaits that political party if they don’t rise and chase these political outlaws away.

“Now they want to officially handover the PDP to the APC without any shame just for a pot of porridge.

“The end story of ANPP, AD will be better than PDP if we don’t stop these shameless political traitors”.

When the PDP governors are ready to remove Damagum, they know what to do – PDP chieftain, Okai

Meanwhile, a chieftain of the party, Austin Okai told DAILY POST on Saturday that the leadership crisis in the party continued lingering due to the 2027 ambition of some of the PDP governors.

The Kogi-born political activist accused the governors of playing double standards, stressing that they are both fighting for their selfish interests.

According to him, “both the acting National Chairman and the National Secretary have to go; they are not doing anything. We also don’t have a national legal adviser at the moment. None of them are currently functioning.

“Some of us from the North Central have fought for Damagum’s removal to allow a member from the region to take over but we were not supported by the leaders. I am one of the North Central stakeholders and nobody is calling us for any meeting.

“The governor of Plateau State and the former governors are supposed to hold meetings but they are not doing anything. When Bala Mohammed was pushing for Damagum’s removal, some of the leaders were silent.

“They are fighting for 2027. Some of the governors are either eyeing the presidency or vice presidency. They forget that they need to first put the interest of the party at heart.

“So if the governors are really serious, they know what to do. They are obviously not serious yet.”

Okai, however, stated that “what some of the governors are doing is to ensure that they bring in a neutral person to replace Damagum. Somebody who is not a loyalist of Atiku or Wike.”

He admitted that “there is a hand of APC in all these issues. Some of these governors are meeting with the president. The president knows that he is performing badly and if PDP is doing well, he will have a problem.

“They are destroying PDP, Labour Party and even the New Nigerian Peoples Party, NNPP. Our party is currently losing relevance because the public sees Damagum as a part of the APC.

“Damagum must go but the governors should do the needful, they should stop the politics for 2027 and fix the party first”.

However, the PDP governors rose from their meeting on Saturday with a “strong advice” for the Umar Damagum-led NWC to call for the NEC meeting of the party latest by February.

A communique read to journalists by Governor Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State, who is also the chairman of the PDP Governors’ Forum, said, “The Forum is strongly advising the NWC to call NEC latest by the first week of February 2025 to allow for elaborate consultations with critical stakeholders of the Party.

“The period between November and February is to address the existential problems confronting the Party, with a deliberate timeline of activities within the period under review to address issues of leadership and litigations confronting the party.”

[DailyPost]

Monday, 25 November 2024 07:18

Petrol price slashed by Dangote Refinery

A slash in the pump price of petrol is likely following Dangote Refinery’s reduction of its ex-depot price from N990 to N970 per litre.

The refinery conveyed the new price regime in a statement by its Group Chief Branding and Communication Officer, Anthony Chiejina.

The statement said: “Dangote Petroleum Refinery has effected a reduction in the prevailing price of its Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) from N990/litre to N970/Iitre for the marketers.

“As the year comes to an end, this is our way of appreciating the good people of Nigeria for their unwavering support in making the Refinery a dream come true.

“In addition, this is to thank the government for their support as this will complement the measures put in place to encourage domestic enterprise for our collective wellbeing.

“While the refinery would not compromise on the quality of its petroleum products, we assure you of best quality products that are environmentally friendly and sustainable.

“We are determined to keep ramping up production meet and surpass our domestic fuel consumption; thus, dispelling any fear of a shortfall in supply.”

As at yesterday, a litre of petrol sold for between N1,080 and N,1,090 at stations operated by the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) members in Lagos.

Major marketers sold it for between N1,060 and N1,080.

A litre of petrol was selling for N1,025 at NNPCL-run retail outlets as at yesterday.

The N20 cut in the Dangote Refinery’s ex-depot price is expected to reflect at the pumps soon.

PETROL retail marketers said they would respond to the cut accordingly.

The Petroleum Products Retail Outlet Owners of Nigeria (PETROAN) said it will work out the logistics before arriving at new pump prices following the reduction from the Dangote Refinery.

PETROAN National President Dr. Billy Harry said since it has to do with real value, the association will not rely on an armchair projection.

Asked how soon his members would respond to the ex-depot price cut, he said they would still meet with the management of the refinery before effecting the change.

He said: We cannot tell you now before the reduction we will work out the logistics and a lower price and the retail outlets will come up.

“We have to work out the logistics first. It is not an armchair projection. It is of real value. PETROAN is having a meeting with Dangote.”

The refinery and the association have been in talks on modalities for selling products to them directly instead of going through the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL).

The Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), National President, Alhaji Abubakar Maigandi could not be reached up till last night.

Last month, promoter of the refinery Aliko Dangote and President/Chief Executive of the Dangote Group, said his refinery had more than 500 million litres of petrol in stock.

Earlier this month, IPMAN called on the refinery to engage stakeholders and review its pricing strategy, saying the refinery prices were higher than other suppliers, making it difficult for independent marketers to sell products.

But last week, IPMAN reached a truce with the refinery to directly lift petroleum products for distribution to its members’ depots and retail outlets across the country.

[TheNation]

• Loan is an extra burden on government, Nigerians, minority caucus warns

• We will approve loan and ensure it is not diverted – Deputy spokesman

A showdown looms in the House of Representatives this week between lawmakers elected on the platform of the ruling party and their opposition counterparts over the $2.2m (N1.77tn) loan request by President Bola Tinubu.

This is as the Deputy Spokesperson of the House, Mr Philip Agbese has declared that the Green Chamber will have no trouble approving external borrowing request from President Bola Tinubu, Deputy Spokesman of the Green Chamber, Congressman Philip Agbese has said.

 

President Tinubu’s loan request was contained in a letter transmitted to the parliament and read by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, during Tuesday’s plenary.

If approved, the President said the loan would fund the N9.7tn deficit in the 2024 budget.

The Senate has already approved the loan request, with the House expected to debate same ahead of its approval later in the week.

Speaking exclusively with The PUNCH on Sunday, the Benue lawmaker who doubles as the Deputy Chairman, the Committee on Media and Publicity, advanced reasons the House will not hesitate to follow the footsteps of the Senate in granting the request of the President to borrow externally to fund the budget deficit.

According to him, the House will approve the loan request as long as it is meant for the execution of capital projects across the country as stipulated in the letter transmitted to the National Assembly by the President.

“The Tinubu-led government has been prudent with our resources. We will approve the loan request without hesitation,” he said, adding that the request will be treated in conformity with standing procedures.

“I can tell you that the relevant Standing Committees have commenced scrutiny of the loan request ahead of the consideration by the House. But I assure Nigerians that as their representatives, we will abide by strict standard procedures in doing our job as far as this request is concerned,” he said.

Debt burden

Although Nigeria’s total public debt currently stands at N136tn, Agbese justified the President’s quest to borrow more, saying, “The kind of critical infrastructure we have seen the current government investing their scarce resources on are encouraging. From the Honourable Minister of Finance to the Accountant General’s Office, we have seen fiscal policies that aim to safeguard taxpayers’ resources.”

He added that just as past approvals by the parliament were done in line with due consultation with other relevant stakeholders and experts, “The situation would not be different this time.”

On what has changed since the inauguration of the incumbent All Progressives Congress-led administration, Agbese who represents Ado/Ogbadibo/Okpokwu Federal Constituency of Benue State, noted that “the executive is enhancing our budget system in terms of priorities.”

While declaring that “it may not be far from the truth that past administrations took foreign loans to spend on disposables,” he insisted that “the 10th parliament is carrying out its oversight functions to see that every penny counts in the overall interest of our people.”

‘Govs change stand’

Reacting to an exclusive report by The PUNCH quoting some lawmakers saying that some state governors appeared to have changed their rigid stand on Tinubu’s tax reform bill, now before the parliament for consideration, the lawmaker added that the resilience of legislators may have informed the development.

“Many (governors) are doing so because they have seen the resilience of the parliament to do what is right for Nigerians. This is what you get where there’s patriotism above personal and selfish interest of just a few entities.

“The House of Representatives under the leadership of Rt Hon Tajudeen Abass has done something novel and Nigerians are equally commending his leadership. There’s no doubt that our approach to inviting the key drivers of the tax reforms in Nigeria and doing so at the same time with our in-house experts, has changed the narrative completely in Nigeria,” he added.

In a veiled jibe at former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who in July described the National Assembly as an enabler of executive recklessness, Agbese said Nigerians “don’t take him seriously, so, the parliament won’t be bothered about his opinion which was probably expressed from abroad or somewhere in Dubai.

“The only time that politician won an election was when another candidate from the south carried him on his back as a running mate. The only thing he sees about Nigeria is when an election will take place.”

The lawmaker assured Nigerians that when granted, the loan would be used for the intended purpose, saying, “The House of Representatives will ensure that such monies if approved are not diverted. What we understand the President is doing is repositioning critical institutions for optimum performance as well as delivering on infrastructure that will stand the test of time.

 

“It’s possible to extend the lifespan of the 2024 budget to ensure that ongoing critical projects receive the desired attention and are completed.”

Also speaking, an APC lawmaker from Imo State, Chike Okafor, said the loan request by the President was in order.

He said, “Our country in the past years suffered from under-investment in the very critical sectors that stimulate the economy. How much of our resources go to funding/financing infrastructure in such critical things like roads, health, education, and agriculture? Any economy that fails to sustain good investment in the above critical sections of the economy is creating short and long-term deficits in those areas.

“What do you do if/when your current revenue and receipts are inadequate to fund the necessary and required investments necessary to sustain the stimulation of your commerce and economy? You resort to borrowing, especially if/when you reserve the capacity to do so.”

He added, “What I do not support is borrowing to fund ordinary appetite. By this, I mean borrowing just to fund recurrent expenditures. Once a borrowing is geared towards the funding of critical capital items, then we’re moving in the right direction.”

Minority caucus warns

Meanwhile, the minority caucus of the House of Representatives has warned that the provision for deficit financing in the 2024 budget is not automatic, adding that borrowing should be the last option rather than the first resort.

Speaking with The PUNCH on Sunday, the leader of the Minority Caucus in the House, Kingsley Chinda, said, “We no doubt provided for the executive to borrow in the 2024 budget, but it’s not automatic. Borrowing should not be the first resort. It should be the last option, particularly when borrowing with interest.”

Chinda, who represents Obio/Akpor Federal Constituency of Rivers State, added that in activating the loan option, some questions need to be asked.

“What did we get as income, and how was it applied that we required borrowing? What efforts have we made to raise funds without borrowing and what are the results? Is the borrowing very necessary?”

He added, “What are the specific projects you intend to fund with the money? What are your repayment plans? This information must be cogent and verifiable.”

The Peoples Democratic Party lawmaker noted that “it is only when these questions are answered positively that we can consider the loan,” or else, “The loan will be an additional burden on the government, and the people of Nigeria and should be avoided as a fish should avoid a bait.”

 

On his part, the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee, Bamidele Salam, gave a condition to support the loan approval.

“I personally think that the best approach is to scrutinise the loan request. I will only support it if the loan terms are favourable and only if the money will be spent on urgent critical infrastructure for which funding cannot be sourced elsewhere,” he said.

Debt profile worrisome

On his part, a Labour Party federal lawmaker from Anambra State, Afam Oghene, also expressed worry over the nation’s growing debt profile.

He told The PUNCH, “Many Nigerians are worried about the Presidency’s repeated requests for loan approvals, as well as the country’s growing loan profile. The concern is not just about the loans themselves, but also about the transparency and integrity of how the funds are being deployed and the projects they are attached to.”

Oghene, who represents Ogbaru Federal Constituency of Anambra State, stated, “As of June 30, 2024, Nigeria’s total public debt stock stood at N87.38tn ($113.42bn). This is a significant increase from previous years, and it is understandable that many Nigerians are uneasy about the trend.”

He added that the opposition would continue to ask relevant questions in relation to the demands for good governance.

“The opposition parties are right to question the propriety of these loans, especially given the country’s economic difficulties. But you know that in a democracy, the majority always has its way. Regardless, it is crucial that the government exercises prudence and discipline in handling public funds and ensures accountability and integrity in managing the country’s wealth.

“Ultimately, however, it is up to the government to address these concerns and provide transparency about the loans and how they’re being used. As citizens, it is essential to continue demanding accountability and ensuring that the country’s resources are being managed in the best interest of the people,” he stated.

Oghene added, “As it stands today, it is the President Tinubu-led administration that exercises the mandate of the people until 2027, and all we can do, as opposition political leaders, is to offer alternate viewpoints regarding government policies and actions, so that the citizenry would, going forward, be in a position to make informed decisions when the next election cycle comes.

“In the Labour Party, we have always propagated the concept of borrowing for productive purposes, rather than for consumption. For instance, what specific projects are the latest borrowing plans tied to? In the face of the current hardship occasioned by the subsidy removal regime, would the people be subjected to further impoverishment, or will the loans be channelled to the economic rejuvenation of the country?”

[Punch]

A series of video recordings of men and officers of the Nigerian Army brutalising hapless Nigerians have in the past few weeks been making the rounds. The most disturbing, which a conscious institution should have by now made public either by its interim or full report, is that of a Major General in uniform supervising the brutality of a young couple who can be not be older than his youngest children.

Soldiers have become like improvised explosive devices, IEDs, in our streets with citizens unconsciously stepping on them.

Unlike in Nigeria, soldiers in many countries are respected, not feared; they inspire confidence and give an assuring presence and not a sense of panic.

 
 

Unfortunately, this is an institutional problem with the armed forces constantly issuing threats against the civil populace as it did over the EndBadGovernance protests, or being incriminated in extreme brutality during the EndSARS youth protests.

This may have to do with the colonial origins of the Nigerian military as an alienated institution established to beat the colonised civil populace into line.

In my 1996 assessment of the Nigerian military, I wrote that it was behaving like a dry fish that cannot be bent.

Tragically, a quarter of a century after it was forced back to the barracks and, governance restored to the civil populace, the military continues to exhibit the same symptoms.

On March 15, 2024, armed men with at least two in military uniform, abducted Mrs Oluwatosin Olatunji, the wife of FirstNews Editor, Segun Olatunji, and his one-year-old child. They forced her to take them to her home where they abducted the journalist.

After the Presidency, the National Security Adviser, Ministry of Defence, Army, Police and security agencies denied holding him, it seemed the Editor had simply vanished into thin air.

Specifically, the Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, and the Chief of Defence Intelligence, Major General Emmanuel Undiandeye, denied holding the Editor. Fortunately, the Nigerian Chapter of the International Press Institute , IPI, had irrefutable evidence that the two Generals, despite their denials, were holding the journalist. It made this public, including the exact location in Abuja Olatunji was being held. Cornered, the Generals released the journalist 12 days into his unlawful abduction.

Nobody is immune from brutalisation by the gentlemen and officers of the Nigerian military. The issue of esprit de corps does not seem to exist in their dictionary as some of their victims are policemen.

Just as hens pick on cockroaches, so do they sometimes also eat other hens of the same species. Similarly the Nigerian Military is known to feed on itself. This is why under military rule, batches of soldiers and officers were periodically executed for real or imagined coup plots.

Clearly for its development, the Nigeria military needs introspection, and the best way to begin is by being honest to itself, admitting its faults and submitting itself to re-orientation.

That was the point I tried making on November 5, 2024 as the chairperson of the launch of the book  Judicial Terrorism: A Macabre Trial and Death Sentences on Major General Zamani Lekwot and five others on the Zangon Kataf Crisis.

However, General Lucky Irabor, Chief of Defence Staff, 2021-2023, countered me, trying to exonerate the armed forces by arguing that the institution is different from its men and officers who overthrew governments, occupied political offices and committed the atrocities I talked about.

The book, written by Richard Akinnola, one of the best Judicial Editors in our history, had been crawling since 2017 when it was published until this month when it was made available to the public. The primary reason was because Lekwot  wanted tempers to cool in Zango Kataf so that the book, although based on facts, does not ignite another ethno-religious crisis in the area.

It is the sorry tale of Generals, led by Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, going after one of their own, throwing him in the prison rather than the tradition of placing Generals under house arrest, and after failing in the first attempt to convict him and five others, ordered a new trial which sentenced the victims to death.

I had in my address titled: ‘Military Terrorism In Judicial Robes’, argued that what we witnessed under military rule, especially from 1984 to 1999, was not so much of judicial terrorism. Rather, it was the military ambush of the judicial system. I posited that what the military regimes did was to terrorise the populace by issuing iniquitous decrees and establishing tribunals to enforce them. I pointed out that a primary factor in this military sense of justice was that the results were pre-conceived. The various tribunals were, in most cases, merely to provide judicial cover for decisions already taken outside the court room.

This was precisely what happened in the Zango Kataf case. So when Lekwot was brought back for his second trial before the pliant Justice Benedict Okadigbo, the former Military Governor of Rivers State and ex-Commandant of the Nigeria Defence College told the judge: “…This is your parade. I take orders from you…Obeying orders has been my professional duties for years…do what you were sent here to do, I leave the discretion to you.”

Citing the case of the 2019 illegal removal of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen, I concluded that while the Zango Kataf case was 32 years ago and, we are a quarter of a century into civil rule, our judicial system still has military parasites in its blood system.

Akinnola, now with 20 books under his belt, reflected that the conduct of Justice Okadigbo  during the trial “would go down as one of the lowest moments in our judicial history, an abhorrent and bizarre conduct; (so)current conducts of many judges, where they seem so pliable to politicians, should be a source of concern.” He added that: “Justice is rooted in public confidence but when this confidence is eroded by either acts of commission or omission, anarchy sets in.”

The reviewer of the 114-page book with seven chapters, Mr Femi Falana, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, had met Lekwot in Kuje Prison. He posited that the book “came at the right time when there is public perception of our judiciary being asphyxiated by political influences, a worrisome phenomenon that needs be urgently addressed.”

Many retired Generals turned out at the book launch; perhaps an indication that they did not support the extra-judicial attempt by the Babangida group to eliminate one of their own.

I came away with the impression that the attempt by General Irabor to play the ostrich was not popular.

The Nigeria military which has had some of the best officers in our contemporary world must introspect, be reborn and take a new trajectory into the future.