Many Nigerians experience visa refusal daily. They don’t need the National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu, to invoke hell against any country to make the point.

Unfortunately, Ribadu’s fury after the Canadian High Commission refused visas to Chief of Defence Staff General Christopher Musa and other officials for the winter Invictus Games in Vancouver Whistler was directed at an unlikely target. Canada can be criticised for many things, but Ottawa’s faults do not include consular meanness.

In the last five years, Canada has been the third-biggest destination for Nigerian immigrants, especially students, after the US and the UK. Multiple sources, including reports by Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC), suggest that Canada, New Zealand, and the United Arab Emirates have relatively friendly visa policies for Africans.

Schengen refusals

If Ribadu needs any idea of what a visa hell looks like, he should look at Europe, specifically the Schengen area. According to a BusinessDay report, Nigeria ranked among the top five countries globally for Schengen visa refusals between 2022 and 2023.

Nigerian applicants submitted 86,815 requests three years ago, with 39,189 rejected—a 45.1 percent refusal rate. By 2023, the number of applications had increased to 105,926, but 42,920 were denied, reflecting a slightly lower rejection rate of 40.8 percent. At the rate at which President Donald Trump is going, sooner than later, the US might upstage Schengen as the world’s meanest visa gateway.

There will hardly be anyone to speak up for the casualties. When ordinary citizens are denied visas, they must deserve it, right? But General Musa is not an ordinary citizen. He is the jewel of Nigeria’s military top brass and should receive full consular courtesies on a good day without a fuss.

What happened?

So, what happened? Why did the Canadian High Commission refuse to issue visas to General Musa and the delegation of military officers for the Invictus Games? Let’s dial back.

Many years ago, citizens didn’t need visas to visit other Commonwealth countries, at least for the first 60 days.

Even by 1962, when many of these countries imposed visa requirements due to immigration pressures, a few, including Canada, maintained visa-free policies longer than most. It still maintains a visa-free policy for a few Commonwealth countries, while Britain has a much longer list of visa exemptions for some Commonwealth countries, including Malawi and Botswana.

Africa talks the talk

Today, even intra-African travel is a big struggle for Nigerian passport holders, despite all the talk by AU about visas on arrival. Thanks to the shameful conduct of a few desperadoes who have elevated the risk factor of the green passport and successive irresponsible governments that have plunged the country into the current mess, travelling with a Nigerian passport is not easy.

If the country’s status has moved from visa-on-arrival up to the early 1970s in many Commonwealth (and even non-Commonwealth countries) to a status of cautious admission and even outright hostility toward ranking government officials, Ribadu does not need to invoke hell. It’s a metaphor that painfully reminds us of our odyssey.  Why was a four-star general in the Nigerian army denied a visa in a manner that has turned into a street brawl?

Cracks within

A few days after Ribadu asked the Canadian High Commission to “go to hell”—an expression that might have shocked even the hosts of hell’s consular services—it came to light that the refusal may have had more to do with the tardiness of a desk officer at the army’s protocol department than with the Canadian High Commission in Abuja.

The Nation newspaper quoted competent sources as saying that the Army failed to attach the note verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that should have accompanied the visa applications.

If that is correct – and the military authorities have not denied the report – how was that Canada’s fault? The question still needs to be asked: How did 14 of the 21 soldiers enrolled get visas when the officials and delegation leader could not be processed?

Calm down…

Ribadu is not just another government official. He would be justified in feeling slighted about a perceived diplomatic slight on Nigeria’s contingent, even if it was a contingent attending the Munich beer festival. But his office demands a sober and dignified response, not the sort of thing Idi-Amin might have said on the eve of evicting thousands of Asians from Uganda.

The report of official tardiness was sobering enough, but the purpose was no less puzzling. Of course, Prince Harry’s brilliant idea of the Invictus is to give wounded servicemen and veterans a chance to connect and bond with others as they remind us of their sacrifices for our safety and security and rediscover meaning in a shared humanity. But since its start in 2014, Invictus has been a summer game.

Their winter games

If the organisers decided to extend it to the winter to include adaptive sports, such as alpine skiing, Nordic skiing, skeleton and wheelchair curling, among others – hardly core Nigerian sports – that is fair enough. Yet, how any of these sports seriously concern Nigeria when only 15 African countries have participated in the Winter Olympics in 58 years between 1960 and 2022, and of this number, only seven have done so more than once, is another matter.

Winter is not our thing. The urgency of the task at home – a stubborn rise in the wave of insurgency in the Northeast and North West, despite reported gains in some areas – requires the full attention of the military’s top command. General Musa should have delegated attendance.

How not to be angry

Managing the refusal was no less scandalous. If a bunch of secondary school students on a Sudoku exhibition tour to Kathmandu was refused visas and decided to moan about it on TikTok, I can understand that.

But it defies common sense that Nigeria’s top security adviser would dramatise a matter well within his reach to investigate and take remedial steps, if necessary. Ribadu neither did himself nor General Musa any favours by his intemperate remarks. He gave ordinary folks something to jeer about and made the country look ridiculous.

Can’t stay down

Idiots may have brought the country to its knees, down from a place where Africa, the Commonwealth, and the rest of the world looked up to us and our passport ranked among the most respected. But nothing says we must stay there.

The job at hand is to dig us out of that hole, a significant point Ribadu made but sadly lost in his fit of anger. Modern consular diplomacy includes, among other things, a timely, trusted, and secure data-sharing system that gives parties to a transaction reasonable comfort. Where that fails, nasty surprises are inevitable.

Not much can get done by tantrums or by a false sense of entitlement.

Ishiekwene, Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP, is the author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It. 

One of the earliest University graduates to join the Nigerian Military and the first University Graduate to govern the old Western State, Brigadier-General Oluwole Rotimi turns 90 today.

A gentleman Officer and noiseless achiever General Christopher Oluwole Rotimi made remarkable achievements while he was at the helm of affairs in the Western State.

In addition to creating peaceful atmosphere in the state he devoted most of his energy on Agriculture and industrialization.

Born 20 February 1935, in Abeokuta, Rotimi attended Agooko Methodist School, Lisabi school, Olowogbowo Methodist School as well as Kings College Lagos, after which he earned a Bachelor of Arts degree at the University College Ibadan.

General Rotimi joined the Nigerian Army in 1960 and served as part of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He rose to become the first African Deputy Quartermaster General and the third non-white Quartermaster General of the Nigerian Army in 1966. 

During the Nigerian Civil War Oluwole Rotimi provided logistics support for the Federal Government's war efforts. He became the commander of the Ibadan Garrison between 1969 and 1970.

After the war Oluwole Rotimi became the Military Governor of Western State in 1971, under General Yakubu Gowon in succession to Major General Adeyinka Adebayo.

The Cement Factory at Sagamu, 

the Wire and Cable Factory in Ibadan,

the Ceramic Factory in Abeokuta,

the Wood Processing Factory in Ondo and the Palm oil Mill at Okitipupa.were some of the landmark projects established by his administration.

In 1975, Oluwole Rotimi was removed from office as governor of Western Nigeria after the 1975 coup d'état. The following administration led by General Murtala Mohammed, commissioned a panel to investigate corruption amongst the immediate past governors of the previous administration. Oluwole Rotimi, together with Mobolaji Johnson-Brigadier (Lagos State Governor) were the only two governors exonerated.

in retirement, General Rotimi was appointed Nigerian Ambassador to the United States by the Obasanjo administration in succession to Professor George Obiozor 

Happy Birthday ? and many happy returns in robust health.

In an era where speed often takes precedence over accuracy, journalism is facing a credibility crisis. The recent speculative reports surrounding the alleged resignation of Lagos State House of Assembly Speaker, Mojisola Meranda, exemplify how misinformation can erode public trust in the media. This brand of speculative journalism, which thrives on unverified sources and sensationalism, is not only a disservice to the public but also a blemish on the ethics of the profession.

Without a doubt, the Meranda’s resignation rumor has become a case study in speculative reporting. 

For instance, on February 19, 2025, today, being Wednesday, an online news platform reported that Speaker Mojisola Meranda had resigned from her position. This claim was based on an alleged circular dated February 17, 2025, which circulated widely on social media. However, closer examination revealed that the letter bore no signature, an immediate red flag indicating its dubious authenticity.

As gathered from a news report, specifically the Punch Newspaper of February 19, 2025, in its report headlined,  “UPDATED: Lagos Speaker Meranda denies resignation rumour”, it can be opined that the swift response from Meranda’s Chief Press Secretary, Segun Ajiboye, debunking the rumor should have put the matter to rest. Ajiboye categorically stated, “I’m in the office. The speaker is in the office. I don’t know where that is coming from.” Yet, the damage had already been done. The misinformation had already spread, sowing confusion and fueling political speculations at a time when the Lagos Assembly was already grappling with a leadership crisis following the removal of former Speaker Mudashiru Obasa.

This incident underscores a growing trend in contemporary journalism where the rush to break news outweighs the responsibility to verify facts. The dissemination of such unverified information is not just reckless but has broader implications for governance, stability, and the media’s own credibility.

Without a doubt, there are inherent perils in speculative journalism. The foregoing can be buttressed from perspective of the fact that speculative journalism is not a new phenomenon, and its impact has worsened with the rise of digital media. In fact, the tendency to publish sensational and often misleading headlines to generate traffic and engagement is harming the integrity of the press. The Meranda case is a textbook example of how this approach can have negative consequences.

One of the consequences is that speculative journalism erodes public trust, particularly when viewed from the fact that the fundamental role of the press is to inform the public with accurate and verified information. In fact, when media outlets publish unverified reports, they risk misleading the public, who rely on journalists for factual news. Once trust is broken, it becomes difficult to restore, and people begin to dismiss even legitimate reports as “fake news.”

Looking at this contextual element of unprofessionalism in the field of journalism as been practiced in Nigeria today, it becomes clearer to understand the fact that speculative journalism causes political destabilization. This is as misinformation, especially in politically sensitive situations, can have severe consequences. In a state like Lagos, where politics is highly dynamic and competitive. This is as a false report about the resignation of a sitting Speaker could have triggered unnecessary panic, political maneuvering, and unrest. Not only that, it could have also emboldened certain political factions to exploit the misinformation for their own gain, exacerbating an already volatile situation.

From the perspective of professional misconduct in Journalism, it can be said that the ethics of journalism dictate that every story must be thoroughly vetted before publication. In fact, Journalists’ Code of Ethics clearly states that journalists must “seek truth and report it” while ensuring accuracy and fairness. Therefore, the decision to publish unverified claims about Meranda’s resignation violates this core principle and reflects poorly on the standards of the profession.

Without resort to pointing accusing fingers at certain genre of Journalism, there is no denying the fact that the rapid dissemination of the fake resignation letter is a stark reminder of the dangers posed by social media in the age of digital journalism. While social media platforms have democratized information-sharing, they have also become breeding grounds for misinformation. With no editorial gatekeeping, false narratives spread like wildfire, making damage control an arduous task for legitimate news organizations.

In fact, Journalists and media houses must take extra caution in verifying information before amplifying it on their platforms. While the competition for online relevance is fierce, credibility should never be sacrificed at the altar of speed and engagement.

The question now is “What needs to be done?” The answer cannot be farfetched as to curb the menace of speculative journalism, Nigerian media practitioners must adopt a more responsible approach to news reporting. Against the foregoing backdrop, there are a few critical steps that can be taken, and they cut across strengthening verification processes, promoting accountability among Journalists, encouraging fact-checking mechanisms, sensitizing the public and adoption of legislative and industry regulations.

Before publishing a report, journalists must ensure that they have cross-checked their sources and verified the authenticity of any documents they cite. In the Meranda case, a simple attempt to contact her office for clarification before running the story would have prevented the misinformation from spreading.

In fact, news outlets must hold their reporters accountable for the accuracy of their stories. Journalists who consistently engage in speculative reporting should be subjected to disciplinary measures, including retractions and public apologies when necessary.

Also, Independent fact-checking organizations should play a more active role in verifying political news before it gains traction. Media houses should also integrate fact-checking desks into their newsrooms to scrutinize sensitive reports before publication.

In a similar vein, Journalists must also educate their audiences on the importance of media literacy, and as well encouraging readers to verify news from credible sources before sharing can help stem the tide of misinformation.

In fact, while press freedom must be protected, there is a need for regulatory bodies such as the Nigerian Press Council (NPC) and the Broadcasting Organizations of Nigeria (BON) to set clear standards against speculative journalism. This is as stricter adherence to the Nigerian Code of Ethics for Journalism will help restore credibility to the profession.

Without a doubt, the Lagos House of Assembly leadership crisis is an unfolding story, and journalists must ensure that they report facts, not speculation. The false report on Meranda’s resignation is a cautionary tale of how the rush for sensational news can compromise journalistic integrity. The media must uphold its role as the fourth estate by prioritizing accuracy over clickbait headlines.

If the profession is to regain public trust, journalists must return to the fundamental principles of truth, fairness, and responsibility. Only by doing so can we safeguard the credibility of the media and ensure that it remains a reliable source of information for the public.

The events of February 17, 2025, at the Lagos State House of Assembly were not just another political dispute—they were a dangerous miscalculation that put lives at risk. The viral footage that has now been seen around the world tells a story far deeper than any political battle—it reveals a moment when the very enforcers of state power, the uniformed officers of the Department of State Services (DSS), found themselves suffocating, physically overwhelmed, and almost crushed against the very doors they were sent to secure.

As a psychologist and police/prison scientist, my focus is not on the political games at play—politicians will always have their battles, their schemes, their fights for power. My concern is for the human beings caught in the middle, those men in uniform who were put in an impossible position, left with no exit, no strategy, no backup, and ultimately no control. That day, DSS operatives were not just defending the doors of the Assembly—they were trapped against them. They were pressured into becoming human barriers, their bodies locked between the force of determined lawmakers and the heavy wooden doors that stood behind them.

The video evidence that has now traveled across the world is painful to watch. It showed force—relentless, unstoppable force—coming from men and women pushing, pressing, and cornering these officers against the door, their bodies crushed in the battle for space. The officers, clad in black jackets, their faces covered, helmets weighing heavy on their heads, stood their ground—but for how long? Seconds stretched into eternity as they struggled, gasping, unable to move, unable to retreat, unable to control what was unfolding before them.

And then, it happened.

One by one, the officers were pushed back. Pressed. Overwhelmed. The mass of bodies forced them to lose ground. The final officer, still clinging to his post, looked lost—isolated, surrounded, eyes darting in disbelief, his body caught in a human tide he could no longer resist. He was pushed out, swallowed by the overwhelming power of those determined to reclaim the chamber. And then, the doors closed.

Just like that.

Sealed shut.

A uniformed officer, once standing at the door as the last line of defense, now found himself on the outside, locked out, cast aside like a fallen pawn in a game he did not create. It was a moment of defeat, a moment of finality, a moment that should haunt the leadership of the DSS.

What if he had been injured? What if the weight of the crowd had suffocated him? What if his body had given out from the sheer pressure of the force against him? Would his name have been remembered? Would DSS leadership have mourned him—or simply replaced him with another uniformed man, another body sent into another unwinnable battle?

What happened that day should deeply trouble anyone who understands tactical enforcement, security risk, and human vulnerability in moments of crisis. These were not riot control officers, not a heavily armored military detachment—these were DSS operatives, an intelligence-based security force, suddenly caught in an escalating physical confrontation they were never trained or prepared for.

And so I ask: what if one of them had gone down?

What if, in the crush of bodies, one of those officers had lost his footing and been trampled under the weight of the lawmakers forcing their way forward?

 What if, in the suffocating heat of the moment, an officer had collapsed from exhaustion, struggling for air under his helmet?

What if panic had set in, leading to a reactionary use of force—one wrong move that could have sparked uncontrollable violence?

What if, in that desperate, chaotic moment, the line between restraint and retaliation had been crossed?

Because let’s be clear—this was seconds away from becoming a deadly situation.

The official statement from the Lagos Assembly, signed by Ogundipe Olukayode, Chairman of the House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, laid out the undeniable facts:

 Yes, the DSS was invited for security—but not to block lawmakers from their own chamber.

Yes, the Clerk requested their presence—but not to physically seal the Speaker’s office.

Yes, there were security concerns—but the DSS itself became the biggest security threat that day.

How did it come to this? How did a force as elite as the DSS find itself not as the controller of the situation, but as its victim? Who within DSS command authorized this engagement without fully assessing the risks? Who believed that a handful of officers could physically hold back an entire legislative body without confrontation? Who, in DSS leadership, failed to recognize that their operatives were walking into a situation where brute force would not be enough?

This is not just a question of tactics—it is a question of responsibility.

DSS, you have the right to defend your institution. You can sue the media if you believe you were misrepresented. But while you do that, let’s not ignore the real question—why were your officers left gasping for air against those doors? The media did not press your officers against those doors.

The media did not send them into a mission without a strategy.

The journalists did not cause their distress, their exhaustion, their struggle to breathe.

This was a failure in planning.

And again, I ask—was it worth it?

Did the DSS succeed in stopping the legislative session? No.

Did the lawmakers back down? No.

Did the situation remain under DSS control? No.

Instead, the Speaker, Mojisola Meranda, still presided over the session.

The lawmakers still convened.

The Assembly still carried out its function.

And DSS? What did it gain?

Its operatives were humiliated in front of the nation.

It suffered reputational damage as an elite force caught in a political game.

It put its own officers in serious, life-threatening danger.

DSS is not a street enforcement unit. It is not a riot squad. It is not a tool to be thrown into political disputes. It is an intelligence-based security agency, built on precision, strategy, and operational foresight. But on this day, there was no strategy. There was no foresight. There was no precision. Instead, there were uniformed men, trapped at the doors of a legislative building, suffocating under the weight of a crisis they were never meant to fight.

If DSS does not reflect on what went wrong, the consequences next time will be irreversible.

Because next time, it may not just be distress on an officer’s face.

Next time, a uniformed man may not get back up.

Next time, there may be real casualties.

And who will take responsibility?

 Not the politicians who orchestrated it.

 Not the government officials who benefited from the chaos.

Not the power players who will move on to their next battle.

It will be the DSS operatives—the men in uniform—who will pay the price.

DSS must rethink its approach now. Not because of politics. Not because of media scrutiny. But because its own personnel are being placed in dangerous, unwinnable situations. No elite security force should find itself becoming the crisis instead of the solution.

DSS, the world saw what happened.

The risk to your officers was undeniable.

And this time, they survived it.

But next time?

Next time, the cost may be fatal.

Ignorance is not bliss; it is a burden. In a rapidly evolving world where knowledge and skills determine opportunities, those who choose to reject education, formal or informal, are at a severe disadvantage. In fact the dangers of embracing ignorance are unarguably numerous. Some of them cut across limited opportunities, social embarrassment, economic disadvantage coupled with manipulation and exploitation. 

Explanatorily put, education provides individuals with the skills and knowledge needed to explore various career paths. Without it, one’s options shrink drastically, often leaving individuals at the mercy of menial jobs and exploitative labor.

In a similar vein, there is no denying the fact that language and comprehension are crucial in social interactions. As seen in the viral joke, being unable to understand or respond appropriately in basic communication can lead to humiliating situations. This not only affects one’s confidence but also limits access to networking opportunities, which are essential for personal and professional growth.

Also, in today’s economy, high-paying jobs and career advancements are mostly reserved for those who possess specialized knowledge and skills. While some individuals without formal education may succeed through entrepreneurial ventures, the majority remain trapped in poverty due to a lack of marketable skills.

Also in a similar vein, an uneducated mind is easily manipulated. People who lack basic critical thinking skills fall prey to scams, misinformation, and political propaganda. This is why education is essential, not just for economic success, but for personal independence and informed decision-making.

In fact, education is not just about certificates.  Many who claim that education is a scam base their arguments on the fact that many university graduates remain unemployed. However, education is not merely about obtaining certificates; it is about acquiring knowledge, skills, and the ability to think critically. In today’s world, education has evolved beyond the four walls of a classroom. Self-education, vocational training, and skill acquisition all count as education. The most successful individuals are those who continuously learn, adapt, and improve themselves.

Beyond personal gain derivable from education, the role of education in National Development cannot be pooh-poohed with mere wave of the hands.  This is as a nation’s growth is directly tied to the quality of education its citizens receive. Countries that prioritize education experience rapid development, technological advancements, and a higher standard of living. On the other hand, nations that neglect education suffer from underdevelopment, high crime rates, and poor governance. Nigeria, for instance, faces numerous challenges due to the lack of widespread quality education. The culture of mediocrity, corruption, and misplaced priorities can be traced to an insufficiently educated populace that fails to demand accountability from its leaders.

Without a doubt, the reality of life without education is unappealing.  To those who believe education is a scam, it is important to examine the reality of life without it. Imagine navigating the world without the ability to read, write, or communicate effectively. Consider the difficulty of making financial decisions, signing contracts, or even using modern technology without basic literacy. Even the most menial jobs today require some level of education.

Furthermore, education extends beyond literacy; it includes problem-solving, adaptability, and innovation. Those who lack these skills are often the first to suffer when economic shifts occur. A factory worker without additional skills can be replaced by automation, while a literate and skilled worker can transition into a different career.

Give the foregoing arguments, it is germane to suggest in this context that the narrative that says education is a scam should be changed by those who have been mouthing it. At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “How can the narrative be changed?”

The answer to the foregoing cannot be farfetched as there is an urgent need to redefine education. Instead of seeing education as just school and certificates, young people should be encouraged to pursue knowledge in any form, be it vocational skills, online courses, or apprenticeships.

In a similar vein, there is need for the improvement of the Education System: The government and private sector must work towards an education system that is practical and aligned with modern economic realities. Schools should incorporate skill-based learning, entrepreneurship, and digital literacy.

Again, there is the need to encourage self-education.  This is as the internet has made learning more accessible than ever. From YouTube tutorials to online courses, there is no excuse for remaining ignorant. Anyone with a smartphone and internet access can acquire valuable knowledge and skills.

Not only that, there is also the need to change societal perception. This is as parents, educators, and policymakers must help reshape the mindset of young people. Instead of promoting the idea that only traditional white-collar jobs define success, alternative career paths such as vocational training, tech skills, and creative arts should be given equal respect.

The argument that education is a scam is deeply flawed. While the Nigerian educational system has its shortcomings, the solution is not to reject education entirely but to seek relevant and adaptable knowledge. Ignorance is far more costly than education. The viral joke about the young man at the embassy may have been meant for humor, but it serves as a cautionary tale for those who choose to remain uneducated. In the grand scheme of life, it is better to have education and struggle to succeed than to lack education and be left out of opportunities entirely.

If education is a scam, then ignorance is a disaster waiting to happen. Let us choose knowledge over ignorance, empowerment over embarrassment, and progress over stagnation.

In a shocking recent development, the Nigerian government has issued a stern warning that Colleges of Education with fewer than 1,000 students after three years of operation may lose their sponsorship from the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND).

This new criterion for funding threatens to further exacerbate the deepening crisis in these institutions, which have long struggled with underfunding, societal neglect, and negative stereotypes.

While some may argue that the decision is a necessary one to ensure accountability, the truth is far more complicated – and tragic. These colleges are not the problem, but a symptom of a broader malaise in Nigeria’s educational system.

The struggle for prestige and recognition

From the very beginning, Colleges of Education have faced an uphill battle for recognition. While universities have long been seen as the pinnacle of academic achievement, Colleges of Education have not attracted the same level of interest or respect. Many secondary school leavers –who are capable of entering either a university or a college–are often driven by the pursuit of a university degree, believing that it holds the key to a secure and prosperous future. In many ways, a university degree is seen as the ticket to a stable career in Nigerian society, whether in the public or private sector.

The societal bias against teaching as a profession is as old as the Nigerian education system itself. It is often said that “the teacher’s reward is in heaven”–a notion that continues to persist even as other professions like medicine, law, and engineering enjoy higher levels of respect and financial security. If teaching were a more financially rewarding career, surely it would attract more talented young Nigerians. But as things stand, the narrative is clear: teaching is a fallback option, not a profession of choice.

Adding to the issue is the role played by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB). The Board’s current allocation system disproportionately channels students who perform poorly in JAMB exams into Colleges of Education, further stigmatizing them. This practice reinforces the perception that Colleges of Education are a “dumping ground” for low-scoring candidates, rather than institutions dedicated to the serious training of educators.

In fact, according to a 2022 report by the National Universities Commission (NUC), a staggering 60% of applicants to Colleges of Education in Nigeria score below the minimum entry requirements for universities. This sends the signal to young Nigerians that the college route is for those who “didn’t make the cut,” further fuelling the perception that teaching is a less respectable career. As noted by an education expert, Professor Akintoye (2022), the lack of prestige associated with Colleges of Education is a critical issue that needs to be addressed, if we are to attract the best minds into the teaching profession. According to Akintoye, “A nation that does not prioritise the training of its educators will forever be shackled to mediocrity.”

A cultural shift: The need for change in perception

For any meaningful change to occur, there must be a cultural shift in how teaching and Colleges of Education are perceived. If teaching were to be elevated to the status of a prestigious and well-paid profession, more high-achieving students would choose to pursue education degrees. Teachers should be celebrated as the architects of the future, not relegated to the margins of society.

The reality in developed countries, where educators are some of the highest-paid professionals, starkly contrasts the situation in Nigeria. In countries like Finland, South Korea, and Singapore, teachers are highly respected and compensated for their pivotal role in shaping society. In Finland, for example, teachers are required to have Master’s degrees, and their salaries are among the highest in the public sector (Sahlberg, 2018). It is no wonder that these countries consistently top global education rankings. Nigeria, on the other hand, continues to view its teachers with disdain, offering them low wages, few incentives, and little recognition.

The lack of proper remuneration for Nigerian teachers is a grave injustice. While some may argue that increasing teachers’ salaries would be financially burdensome, it is important to recognise that investing in education is an investment in the future. Quality teaching yields better outcomes for students, which in turn leads to a more educated, productive workforce.

According to a 2020 report by the World Bank, countries that invest in education see long-term economic growth, increased innovation, and improved quality of life for their citizens. Thus, a commitment to better compensate teachers is not just an act of fairness – it is a strategic investment in the nation’s future.

The stark economic realities

At the heart of the issues bedevilling the teaching profession lies Nigeria’s economic reality. Teachers, despite their vital role, are often the most underpaid and overworked professionals in the country. The recent increase in the minimum wage has done little or nothing, to address the severe devaluation of the teacher’s purchasing power. With rising inflation, escalating cost of living, and stagnant wages, teachers’ salaries barely cover their basic needs. This grim situation has led many teachers to seek alternative means of supplementing their incomes, including unethical practices such as the sale of grades, commercialising project writing for students, general monetisation of students’ inadequacies in the course of pursuing their programmes, sexual exploitation, to mention but a few.

The government’s failure to address the root causes of teacher dissatisfaction and underfunding only compounds the issue. By placing the burden of low enrollment numbers in Colleges of Education squarely on the shoulders of the institutions themselves, the government is simply ignoring the systemic factors that contribute to this issue. The recent decision to withhold TETFUND sponsorship from Colleges of Education with fewer than 1,000 students is a misguided response that fails to address the structural and societal challenges facing these institutions.

The role of JAMB and the crisis of under-enrolment

The current crisis in Nigerian Colleges of Education is also deeply connected to JAMB’s admission policies. Despite its mandate to guide students into appropriate tertiary institutions, JAMB has largely ignored the needs of the Colleges of Education. In the current system, students who are unable to gain admission to universities are often funneled into these colleges, without consideration for the interests of the students or the colleges themselves. 

JAMB’s distribution mechanism also fails to prioritise Colleges of Education, making it difficult for these institutions to attract the necessary number of students. Colleges of Education are left to contend with low enrolment numbers, despite their efforts to make education more accessible and relevant. The recent report from the Ministry of Education highlighted that several newly established Colleges of Education in remote areas, such as the Kogi State College of Education, have struggled with low enrolment due to regional security issues, ethnic clashes, and poor infrastructure (Federal Ministry of Education, 2023).

These challenges are compounded by the nationwide issue of underfunding, making it nearly impossible for these institutions to attract the desired number of students. However, the Federal College of Education (Technical), Ekiadolor, Benin, Edo State, Federal College of Education (FCE), Omu-Aran, Kwara State, Federal College of Education (FCE), Jalingo, Taraba State, Federal College of Education (FCE), Yola, Adamawa State, to mention but a few, are the real endangered species, more or less far below the 1,000 population threshold, on the brink of losing out on the beneficence of TETFUND sponsorship. Rather than penalising these institutions for factors beyond their control, the government should focus on finding solutions to address the systemic challenges that hinder enrolment. With the right support, these colleges can play a pivotal role in ensuring that Nigeria’s educational needs are met.

The call for reform and a vision for the future

In response to these challenges, the recent legalization of the status of the Colleges of Education to commence the Diploma and Degree programmes, popularly known as the Dual Mode, is a step in the right direction, to step up the game of these beleaguered colleges. Also, the ongoing discussions in the National Assembly, to transform Colleges of Education into Universities of Education, is another boost that may likely end the enrolment issue of the Colleges of Education, when the bill eventually becomes law. This move would help remove the stigma attached to these institutions and elevate their status in the eyes of prospective students.

Renaming these colleges as universities would symbolise a cultural shift in the way Nigerians perceive the profession of teaching, aligning it with other professions that are seen as prestigious and financially rewarding.

However, this rebranding alone will not be enough to solve the deeper issues plaguing these institutions. To truly revive Nigerian Colleges of Education, we must prioritise the following reforms:

(i) Increased funding and resources: Colleges of Education must be adequately funded to ensure that they have the resources necessary to deliver quality education. This includes better facilities, up-to-date curricula, and well-trained faculty members.

(ii) Teacher salaries: Teachers and teacher-lecturers must receive salaries that reflect their importance to society. Higher salaries will attract the best candidates into the profession and help retain experienced educators.

(iii) JAMB reform: JAMB must adjust its admission policies to ensure that Colleges of Education receive a fair share of applicants. Colleges should not be relegated to the sidelines but rather be given the resources and students they need to thrive.

(iv) Public awareness campaigns: The government and educational stakeholders should launch campaigns to raise awareness about the importance of the teaching profession. This could help change public attitudes towards teaching and inspire more students to pursue careers in education.

Conclusion: A national responsibility

As a nation, we must ask ourselves: do we truly value the educators who shape our future? The government’s decision to withdraw TETFUND support from Colleges of Education with fewer than 1,000 students is a devastating blow to an already struggling system. It is time for a fundamental shift in how we view the teaching profession and those who dedicate their lives to it. The Ministry of Education and TETFUND must reconsider their stance and offer the support that these colleges urgently need. This is not just a matter of funding – it is a matter of national survival.

Okom Emmanuel Njor (PhD) can be contacted via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

References

• Akintoye, O. (2022). Education in Nigeria: Rebuilding the foundation. Lagos: Nigerian Educational Publishers.
• Federal Ministry of Education. (2023). The status of teacher education in Nigeria: Challenges and prospects. Abuja: Government Press.
• National Universities Commission (NUC). (2023). Revised policies for the distribution of students across Nigerian tertiary institutions. Abuja: NUC.
• Sahlberg, P. (2018). Finnish lessons 2.0: What can the world learn from educational change in Finland? New York: Teachers College Press.
• World Bank. (2020). The importance of investing in education for economic growth. Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group.

Pegging the entry age for tertiary education has been generating concerns in the country in recent times, with many saying 16 years is the way to go as against 18 years stipulated in the National Policy on Education.

The issue escalated last year when the immediate-past minister of Education, Prof. Tahir Mamman, during a monitoring exercise, discovered that children below the age of 16 were sitting for the UTME. He raised concern about it and emphasised the need to maintain the 18-year threshold in the policy.

“That’s the stage when students migrate from a controlled environment to where they are in charge of their own affairs. So, if they are too young, they won’t be able to manage properly. That accounts for some of the problems we are seeing in the universities,” he said.

However, this generated a lot of outbursts from parents, students and stakeholders as they said children who have finished Senior Secondary III should not be left to stay at home as a result of age.

However, the present minister, Dr Tunji Alausa, reversed the decision, sticking to 18 years as the entry age and recommending 16 years.

He further summoned a National Council on Education and made a proposal that the 16-year policy on admission into tertiary institutions should be incorporated into the National Policy on Education.

He said: “I am sure many of you have heard about the challenges we face as a nation with talented, bright students being disenfranchised from pursuing tertiary education. In any society, it is crucial to standardise the education of highly functional and exceptionally gifted students.”

“We are now preventing these students, after finishing secondary education at the age of 16, from attending university until they are 18. This delays their development and harms their future. These students are capable and brave. If we leave them idle, we risk exacerbating mental health issues,” he said.

However, the council in a communiqué at the end of its meeting, approved that 16 years be incorporated in the National Policy on Education.

Learners’ age in SS3 in senior secondary schools

Nigeria currently operates the 9-3-4 system, which consists of nine years of basic education, three years of senior secondary education, and four years of tertiary education.

Looking at the trajectory, a child is supposed to start primary 1 at the age of 6 years meaning the child will be 17 at SS3 depending, and is expected to be 18 years at the time of entering tertiary institution.

However, a current report on Senior Secondary Schools in Nigeria shows that many students who are below the age of 15 are already in SS3.

According to the  2023/2024 Senior  Secondary  Schools data on the age of learners produced by the National  Senior Secondary Education Commission (NSSEC),  45,354  Senior Secondary III (SS3) students are below 15 years (meaning they are between 13 and 14 years).  

Such students will be sitting for the Senior School Certificate Examination (SSCE) and Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) between the age of 14 and 15 years.

The data shows that the 45,354 below 15 years learners were from 30 states while there is no data for seven states.

The breakdown of data according to states shows that Rivers State has the highest number with 14,168, while Bauchi followed with 6,252 learners and Kaduna with 3,806.

In the fourth place is Lagos with 3,372, followed by Cross River 2,422, Kwara 2,119, Kogi, 1985, Ekiti 1,782, Nasarawa 1,775, Sokoto, 1,706 and Anambra 1,476.

Others are Katsina with 1,433, Zamfara 854, Osun 848, Borno 642, Enugu 276, Taraba 243 and Gombe 198, while 11 states of Abia, Adamawa, Bayelsa, Benue, Delta, Ebonyi, Edo, Niger, Ondo, Oyo and Plateau have zero of under 15 years learners in SS3. Also, six states and FCT have no data under them.

With the above data, it is expected that many under-age learners will be writing the UTME to seek admission into higher institutions.

Recall that the Registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, revealed that over 11,000 underage candidates have registered for the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination.

“It has become a common thing now, where parents whether mothers or fathers are registering their underage children, sometimes due to pressure or other reasons,” he said.

Reactions

Reactions have continued to trail the underage learners seeking admission into tertiary institutions.

A parent, Mr Timothy Abah, said underage learners are found everywhere because of the introduction of crèche and early child education, which exposes children to early learning.

He said he prefers a child to be 18 and mature before going to university but that the reality on the ground weakened his preference.

“Nigerian students suffer so many factors when they get into higher institutions like strikes, insecurity and sometimes crises that keep them away from school and so a child who has been projected to complete his studies at the age of 22 years, may extend to the age of 25 and after he will still wait for one year service, which you cannot guarantee is immediately and after industries will peg employment to 25 years,” he said.

He said it is difficult to do the right thing and so he has to accept 16 years but nothing less.  

Another parent, Eucharia Azubuike, said 18 years is the best age to enter university because the child’s brain will be mature enough to handle challenges.

She blamed the surge of underage learners on parents and school owners who are pushing children to school earlier than it is supposed to be.

As a student then, there are many who are in their 20s and don’t even know how to handle issues while in university, so imagine a 16-year-old in university, no doubt he or she can do well academically because they read and studied, but you will see they are lacking in other things.

An educationist, Michael Sule said 16 years is appropriate because there are children who become so intelligent so early and may complete their secondary education before 15 years and it would be wrong to keep them at home because of age.

“The only thing is if a child fails to pass the examination and meet the required marks, he can stay back and rewrite but not stopping them because they are considered underage,“ he said.

Meanwhile, A Mother’s Love Initiative (AMLI), an NGO dedicated to addressing the challenges of raising stable and balanced children in Nigeria, has raised concern about the federal government’s pegging of the entry age to 16 years.

A letter to the federal government seen by the Daily Trust signed by the Chief Executive Officer of AMLI, Hanatu A. Enwemadu Esq, said: “We firmly believe that every child deserves the opportunity to receive education at the right age and level of maturity, ensuring their ability to effectively manage their affairs and thrive in their academic pursuits.  

“We are writing to express serious concerns regarding the National Council on Education’s (NCE) resolution on February 6, 2025, which you chaired, to establish a 16-year minimum admission age for tertiary institutions.”

It raised some questions which include, what will be the corresponding appropriate age for primary school enrollment, how will this policy affect Nigerian students pursuing education abroad, given potential age-based placement discrepancies and how does this policy compare internationally? Could its implementation be detrimental to Nigerian children and youth development?

It, therefore, urged that they carefully consider the policy’s potential impact on the well-being and development of Nigerian children and youths.

They requested that the federal government consider commissioning research on early university admission, evaluate the School for Gifted Children, and investigate post-JAMB exams, research on age and academic success and international comparisons.

Meanwhile, the Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, has said the ministry is working with JAMB to work out cases of gifted children.   

He said: “There’s this 2% that will superbly tell you they’re the geniuses of the world. They operate and function at a higher capacity than any one of us in society. We have to make provision for them, but in a country like ours, that is being abused, we want to stop those abuses. 

“Now JAMB has been mandated to do this gifted children placement test, which will be very objective.  So if you have gifted children that you want, think or believe they qualify to get to university before the age of 16, they will have to go to that exam.

“If they pass those exams, yes, but if they don’t pass that exam, that will not happen.  So we have to create an objective pathway to cater for these gifted children,” he said. 

[DailyTrust]

Russia said its forces have taken back more than 800 square kilometers of territory from Ukraine in the Kursk region of western Russia, which had been taken by Ukraine since an incursion began last year.

The head of the General Staff’s main operational directorate, Colonel General Sergei Rudskoi, said that Russia was advancing in all directions and that Ukraine had been pushed into a defensive stance since February 2024 amid a major Russian offensive that reclaimed considerable territory.

According to Rudskoi, Russia now controlled 75% of Ukraine’s Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson regions and more than 99% of the Luhansk region.

He added that the four regions are now legally part of Russia and will never be returned to Ukraine.

“Last year was a turning point in achieving our goals. The Kyiv regime will no longer be able to significantly change the situation on the battlefield.

“The enemy has largely lost the ability to produce the necessary weapons, equipment, and ammunition. Mobilization is usually forced,” Rudskoi said.

Rudskoi stated that the future of the conflict no longer depended on Ukraine but on whether or not the West would agree to craft a new European security architecture that took into account Russia’s interests.

[DailyPost]

Nigerians have been falling over themselves eulogising two of the country’s elder statesmen who died in the last one week. It is as if there is a national essay competition to determine who will pen the most moving panegyric. Citizens have been regaled with heartfelt tributes that share memories, stories and achievements of Chiefs Ayo Adebanjo and Edwin Clark.

To be sure, Adebanjo and Clark – two of a kind – were all that have been said about them, and even more. They were greatness, grace and patriotism personified. And their departure at such a critical time has created a gaping void because their big shoes will be difficult to fill.

But despite their incredible achievements, both men went to their graves with huge regrets at what Nigeria had become. As Chief Adebanjo told me on the eve of his 95th birthday: “I am still in the trenches because the country is not what I fought for.” What he and fellow compatriots fought for was a country that will work for all. That remains an illusion. If anything, the prospect of Nigeria becoming a country where equity, fairness and justice prevail is still far-fetched.

Both men were blessed with longevity. In a country where life expectancy hovers in the 50s, it takes the grace of God to become a nonagenarian. Born on April 10, 1928, Chief Adebanjo died on Friday, February 14, 2025, less than two months from his 97th birthday. Pa Clark, who also died at 97 was only eleven months older, having been born on May 25, 1927.

In the course of my journalistic odyssey, I encountered both men but I will talk about Pa Ayo Adebanjo here, while I leave the story of Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark, a man who saved my life in 1997, for another day.

Chief Adebanjo who was born barely six years after the Clifford Constitution and the first legislative elections in Nigeria, lived through the finest and ugliest moments of Nigeria’s history – the constitutional conferences, struggle for independence, party politics leading to independence, the civil war, military rule, return to democracy, the struggle for the protection of democracy, and the bigger struggle of ensuring the development of Nigeria. He joined the struggle early in 1943 as a Zikist, but in 1951, he became a member of the youth wing of the Action Group, and a mentee, political disciple of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. That became the defining moment of his life.

As a young journalist at the Independent Communications Network Limited, ICNL – publishers of TheNews/TEMPO magazine, AM News and PM News – in 1996, I could not but appreciate the significance of the Western House building on 8-10 Broad Street, Lagos. TheNews was embedded in the pro-democracy struggle and Western House was the de facto headquarters of the foremost pan-Yoruba socio-cultural group, Afenifere, and the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO.

Many of the chieftains of these two groups that were engaged in a mortal battle with the military junta of Sani Abacha, most of them lawyers, had their offices in that complex. It became a natural destination for journalists seeking for news. Chief Ayo Adebanjo’s office was on the third floor. When you start from there and climb up to the offices of Senator Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele – a lawyer, who also acquired a diploma in journalism in 1962 and worked as a journalist for the BBC and VON Magazine, before becoming a deputy governor in Lagos State, and Chief Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu, popularly known as G.O.D. – your day would have been made.

In those days, I developed a strong liking for Adebanjo because he was an interviewer’s delight, shooting from the hip. I remember doing a story in the TEMPO tabloid titled, ‘June 12: The Saints and Villains’. He was one of the ‘saints’. Once when I went to his office, he gave me a ride back to Ogba.

When I left TheNews magazine for The Diet newspaper in 1997, I never met Chief Adebanjo again until February 9, 2022 when I sat down, once again, with the now 93-year-old man in his Lagos home for a two-hour interview. Of course, at 93, a lot had changed physically: he was slower, one step at a time; hard of hearing, but still had a razor-sharp mind. There was a whiff of frustration and he spoke about death in a way he didn’t even in those days of thunder and trepidation.

Chief Adebanjo insisted that Nigeria was at a crossroads and needed restructuring urgently. He dismissed the 1999 Constitution as a big fraud that is at the root of all the country’s woes. “Talk about any problem you can think of in this country today and you will find out that it has to do with this Constitution,” he intoned gravely.

Unless the Constitution was changed and the country restructured first, the 2023 election would be “an exercise in futility,” he said.

“Tell me that Ayo Adebanjo is talking nonsense, it does not concern me. When it will happen, I may have gone but you will be around and you will remember that I said it… I am pitying your generation because I am done. At 94, what I am expecting now is my funeral dirge. Baba rele! That is the song they sing for an old man they are going to bury.”

But when I sat down again with him one year after on February 13, 2023, a few days before the February 25, 2023 presidential election, Chief Adebanjo had slightly moderated his position.

Apparently, he was taken in by the dubious promises of the INEC chairman, Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu. “I am hopeful,” he said. “So far, so good. I am hopeful because of the electoral law. If they keep to it, implement it and execute it, the elections will be free, fair and credible.”

A credible election will bequeath the country with a Peter Obi presidency, he told me. And when that happens: “The first thing that Obi will do when he gets into office is to call all the ethnic groups together and agree on a Constitution. Any other thing to the contrary, there will be chaos. I have said it before and I am repeating it without any element of doubt in my mind. If for any reason, the election is scuttled or manipulated, and Obi doesn’t win, I say emphatically, that is the end of Nigeria. If we don’t enthrone fairness, equity and justice which the Obi presidency will represent, all our problems will continue.”

When I asked him if he was being harassed by the Nigerian state because of his very strong views, he smiled: “They know that I am ready for them. Most governments in this country imprisoned me. I am a jailbird. I was involved in the Awolowo treasonable felony trial. Abacha imprisoned and detained me. You remember they arrested me, they said we killed Abiola’s wife. And when we were holding a reception for Ambassador Walter Carrington in my house, they came there and broke the place… I think they have given up on me. They must be telling themselves, that old man, he will soon go.”

Besides, Adebanjo said if someone like him cannot talk about Nigeria, who else will? “I have every reason to be grateful to God. My leader – Awolowo – was only 78 years when he died. Ajasin who followed him was only 88, Adesanya who followed him was 88. My friend and colleague, Olanihun Ajayi, was 92. I will be 95 years in April 2023. Why should I not thank God? It is only the funeral dirge that I am waiting for now. If I die now and my children say, oh, the devil has done his worst, will you not laugh at them? So, anybody who is trying to attack or kill me is just wasting his time.”

Chief Adebanjo said if Nigerians failed to vote right on February 25, 2023, when the result would come, he would be enjoying himself in the grave. Those immortal words were uttered exactly two years to the day he died.

Since his death, Nigerians have been talking about how best to immortalise him. There are suggestions that national monuments be named after him. That will be great because he deserves every honour. But for a man who never aspired to any public office – elected or appointed – changing the name of ‘River Niger’ to ‘River Ayo Adebanjo’ or even ‘Aso Rock’ to ‘Ayo Adebanjo Villa’ is immaterial. The most enduring way to immortalise him is to enthrone equity, fairness and justice by restructuring Nigeria in a way that the country works for all. That is what he lived, fought and died for. That is what will make him happy wherever he is now.