Mike Adenuga is one of the brightest stars in Africa—a remarkable man who has proven his adaptability and excellence in different industries. Today, the 71-year-old Nigerian billionaire celebrates his birthday as a symbol of his continued impact and creativity.

One of the few Nigerians on this year’s Forbes World Billionaires list is Mike Adenuga. He is currently the second wealthiest man in Nigeria, having made his mark in the banking, real estate, oil and gas, telecommunications, and aviation industries. Adenuga epitomises a self-made man.

Born on April 29, 1953, in Ibadan, Nigeria, to Oloye Michael Agbolade Adenuga Snr. and Omoba Juliana Oyindamola Adenuga, Mike Adenuga’s journey began in humble surroundings, with his father a schoolteacher and his mother a businesswoman.

His educational journey began at Ibadan Grammar School, and he then earned his higher school certificate from Comprehensive High School Aiyetoro.

Despite his modest beginnings, Adenuga’s determination propelled him forward. He worked tirelessly as a taxi driver to fund his university education.

He graduated from Northwestern Oklahoma State University and Pace University with degrees in Business Administration before pursuing an MBA at Pace University in New York.

Adenuga attributes much of his success to his mother’s influence, acknowledging her role in shaping his formidable work ethic.

At 26, his relentless drive struck gold. His diverse business ventures culminated in his first million dollars, a stepping stone to his grand ambitions.

His business acumen is undeniable, as reflected in his estimated net worth of $6.7bn by Forbes. But Adenuga’s legacy extends beyond wealth. He is a true inspiration, demonstrating the power of hard work, vision, and an unwavering entrepreneurial spirit.

His diverse portfolio spans telecommunications (Globacom), oil exploration (Conoil Plc), banking (Sterling Bank), real estate (Cobble-Stone Properties), and construction (Julius Berger). Adenuga is a true “Jack of all trades” and a “master of all”.

Telecoms

Adenuga’s fearless approach to risk-taking was evident when he delved into the telecommunications industry race after Nigeria opened its doors to GSM licenses.

Despite initial setbacks, his determination remained unwavering. Eventually, in 2003, he successfully secured a license and launched Globacom.

By 2001, Adenuga had already established himself as a prominent figure in Nigeria’s economy. When the opportunity arose with the Obasanjo administration offering GSM licenses, he naturally joined the competition. Despite facing a setback and losing $20m in the process, Adenuga was resolute.

His persistence paid off handsomely as he returned stronger, securing a license that paved the way for Globacom’s emergence as a future national telecom leader.

Launched in 2003 with the ambition to become Nigeria’s telecom giant, Globacom swiftly established itself as a game-changer under Adenuga’s astute leadership.

Despite entering the market two years after its competitors, the company, propelled by Adenuga’s vision, became known for its innovative approaches.

It championed per-second billing, a revolutionary concept that democratised phone usage for Nigerians, solidifying Globacom’s status as a trailblazer in the telecommunications industry.

Globacom, with over 60 million subscribers, has continually pushed boundaries in the telecommunications industry, pioneering various network technologies such as 2.5G, 3G, and 4G LTE.

Constantly setting new standards, Globacom has been at the forefront of innovation.

One of its most significant achievements was the launch of Glo-1, a groundbreaking intercontinental submarine cable project that transformed internet connectivity in Nigeria.

With a staggering investment of $250m, solely funded by Globacom, Glo-1 marked the first of its kind in Africa.

Stretching over 9,800 kilometres, the cable links Nigeria to Europe and America, with landing points along the West African coast and Europe.

This monumental infrastructure upgrade significantly enhanced internet speed and reliability for voice, data, and video services.

Beyond its impact on individual users, Glo-1 provided vital connectivity for key sectors such as oil and gas, banking, and education.

This transformative project underscores Adenuga’s foresight and dedication to shaping Nigeria’s technological landscape.

Despite the chaos that ensued a few months ago due to a major cut in submarine cables, telecommunications subscribers across Nigeria and several other African countries found themselves in a state of panic.

There were reports that the outage, which affected internet users in South and West Africa, might continue for several weeks. Among those significantly affected were banks and telecom organisations, heavily reliant on those cables for internet services.

However, amid the turmoil, Globacom subscribers remained unaffected. They continued to enjoy uninterrupted internet connectivity and other services throughout the outage.

This resilience serves as a testament to the strength and foresight of Globacom, a company that has made substantial investments in infrastructure development.

Such an achievement directly reflects the vision of Adenuga, the founder and chairman of Globacom.

His forward-thinking approach to prioritising infrastructure has firmly positioned the company as a dependable service provider, capable of weathering unforeseen disruptions with ease

Oil and gas

His influence extends beyond the realm of telecommunications; he is also a significant figure in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry. Adenuga saw an opportunity when Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s (retd.) administration opened the door for indigenous participation.

Despite initial hesitations, Adenuga boldly invested over $100m in exploration and drilling activities.

His gamble paid off in 1991 when Consolidated Oil, his company, achieved a historic milestone by becoming the first Nigerian company to discover and produce oil in commercial quantities.

Today, Conoil Producing Limited, formerly Consolidated Oil, stands as a trailblazer in Africa’s indigenous oil and gas exploration and production sector.

This pioneering spirit continued as Adenuga identified potential in the National Oil and Chemical Company. He acquired the company, infused it with fresh investments, and rebranded it as Conoil Plc.

Conoil’s success story is remarkable. It has become a household name in Nigeria, boasting a network of over 450 retail outlets across the country.

Adenuga’s vision and strategic investments have solidified Conoil’s position as a key player in Nigeria’s oil and gas landscape

It is a leader in modern retail formats, including mega stations and non-space pumps, and holds the top spot in the aviation fuel market.

His leadership has propelled Conoil Producing to operate six promising oil blocks in the Niger Delta, with a daily production of approximately 20,000 barrels.

Its 27-year track record is further bolstered by substantial oil reserves, estimated in millions of barrels, and vast gas reserves in trillions of cubic feet.

Adenuga’s significant stake (74.4 per cent) in Conoil Plc underscores his commitment to the company’s continued success.

Conoil’s strong market presence is built on its expertise in supplying a wide range of petroleum products, from petrol and diesel to kerosene and aviation fuel.

Its “Quatro” brand of lubricants is another testament to its diversified product line.

Banking

Adenuga’s foray into banking began with the establishment of Devcom Bank and Equitorial Trust Bank. Both institutions became trailblazers in their fields, contributing significantly to the development of the public, commercial, and retail sectors.

Their financial strength shone brightly during the 2005 banking consolidation exercise. ETB effortlessly met the N25bn capital requirement, a testament to its stability and avoiding the need for a stock market offering.

This achievement solidified their position as major players in the Nigerian financial landscape.

However, Adenuga’s vision extended beyond individual success. Recognising the potential for further consolidation, he orchestrated the strategic merger of ETB and Devcom Bank, which laid the groundwork for an even more formidable presence in the industry.

Years later, the merged entity consolidated further, joining forces with Sterling Bank Plc.

Today, Adenuga remains a significant shareholder of the resulting behemoth, Sterling Financial Holding.

This publicly traded giant, a testament to Adenuga’s astute financial strategy, operates two key subsidiaries: Sterling Bank Plc, a cornerstone of traditional commercial banking services in Nigeria, and Alternative Bank Limited, a pioneering force in Nigeria’s non-interest banking sector that offers innovative financial solutions.

Aviation

The billionaire businessman is also playing actively in Nigeria’s aviation sector. His company, Conoil, boasts an aviation arm, Conoil Aviation, actively involved in the aviation sector.

Conoil Aviation plays a key role in keeping Nigerian airplanes fuelled. It handles the entire process, from production and storage to transportation and delivery of jet fuel in at least six major airports across the country: Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja; Margaret Ekpo International Airport, Calabar; Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport, Kano; Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos; Maiduguri International Airport, and Sokoto airport.

His foundation

Beyond his accomplishments in business, Adenuga is also well-known for his generosity and unwavering commitment to philanthropy.

His altruistic efforts have touched the lives of countless individuals and celebrities alike.

Established by the business titan, the Mike Adenuga Foundation stands as a beacon of pan-African philanthropy.

Rooted in the belief of fostering social and economic empowerment across Nigeria and other African nations, where the Mike Adenuga group of companies operates, the foundation is committed to catalysing positive transformations in these regions.

Through a diverse array of initiatives, it endeavours to harness resources, cultivate skills and knowledge, ignite innovation, drive social and economic progress, fortify infrastructure, widen educational access, improve healthcare systems, foster partnerships between nonprofits and governmental bodies, promote commerce, empower local enterprises, and elevate living standards.

At its core, the foundation prioritises critical areas such as health, rural development, education, entrepreneurship, and providing special opportunity grants.

Distinguishing itself from conventional grant-giving entities, it strategically aligns with stakeholders and beneficiaries to conceive and execute impactful programmes.

The foundation donated N500m to aid flood victims in Bayelsa State.

Through its actions and collaborations, the Mike Adenuga Foundation assumes a pivotal role in advancing philanthropy and effecting positive change across African societies.

More than just offering aid, its mission is to empower Nigerians and other Africans by creating enduring solutions that propel social and economic progress.

During the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Adenuga demonstrated remarkable leadership by being among the first to donate N1.5bn towards combating the dreaded coronavirus scourge.

In addition to offering crucial assistance in handling the situation, his proactive initiative encouraged other Nigerians to support the cause. This exemplifies Adenuga’s characteristic leadership style: he leads by example, prompting others to follow suit.

In Adenuga’s words, “How much money can one individual or his family enjoy? You must spread it and touch lives; that is what brings true happiness and joy. What’s the point if your friend is wealthy and it doesn’t show in his friends?”

It’s not geopolitics, nepotism, or religion that will be the cause of the collapse of the largest black nation on the planet if the Nigerian state crumbles. Corruption is what’s going to make that happen if something drastic is not done before it’s too late. Countries like the People’s Republic of China execute corrupt officials and some other countries take other extreme measures to keep corruption at bay while Nigeria pays only lip service to the corruption fight.

The whole foundation of Nigeria, its identity, and its statecraft have been undermined by corruption, and the corrosion is not abating. Boundaries and red lines of statecraft have all broken down, and the country is left in free fall. The rule of law, which holds the country together as a constitutional creation, is vanishing.

In Nigeria today, justice is served to the highest bidder due to corruption. No nation that is serious about remaining cohesive, developing, and forward-thinking will tolerate the degree and kind of pervasive corruption that exists in Nigeria. In Nigeria, corruption has supplanted all norms and banished integrity from public life. Some youngsters will tell you that they want to be bandits, yahoo boys, or militants, among other unmentionables. What is more, the citizens simply carry on as if nothing can be done about corruption in Nigeria anymore.

Public service was flourishing in Nigeria before things got so bad. Then, Nigerians put in a lot of effort to achieve their wealth, credentials, and titles. Public officials, both appointed and elected, as well as those in the civil service, were guided in their acts by financial regulations and civil service rules and standards. Today, it is all about big wealth without work or morality.

Nigerians working in government were strictly governed by morality and decency in the past. However, some of them shamelessly accepted a 10% bribe for contract awards and execution. Currently, however, high-ranking government officials serve as contractors and now set the amount they desire for each contract in which they do not personally carry out the work.

Even worse, high-ranking government officials are now creating certificates of completion for projects and contracts that were never done. They then utilise registered contractors to extract funds from the treasury for these projects and contracts and divide the spoils among themselves. Yet, Nigerians feign perplexity as to why the country lacks progress, whereas the money allocated for development is syphoned off by the invading locusts. The politicians, public officials, and civil servants are syphoning off monies intended for social amenities, infrastructure, and development and have to be stopped now by the Nigerians themselves by joining the EFCC and ICPC actively in the renewed anti-corruption fight.

Things have gotten out of hand. The judiciary, which used to be the last hope of the common man, is increasingly selling judgements and injunctions, even by its admission. This inspired a well-known poet from Nigeria to recently write, “My Lord, where do I keep your bribe?”. A top Nigerian lawyer also informed me that many judges now write two judgements for the two parties in the cases they hear, and the judge’s choice of which to read ultimately comes down to who plays hardball.

Naturally, the police—whom most Nigerians accused of corruption even in the relatively good days in Nigeria—have only grown worse just as the judges have lost all interest in upholding the law. If a complainer is not prepared to pay for the investigation, no one can get his or her case looked into these days. Meanwhile, “Bail is free” is the first thing that appears printed on police station walls. You believe that at your peril. Things have gotten incredibly worse.

The current state of education is a cesspool. A lot of teachers and lecturers now give their male students marks based on how deep their pockets are and the readiness of the beds of the female students.

Cultism has become more powerful and audacious. When the Pirates Confraternity was formed in Nigeria in 1952 by the “Original Seven” to support human rights and social justice in Nigeria and to fight colonialism—a worthy cause you dare say— was when cultism was born in our country. Cults are now commonplace at all of Nigeria’s postsecondary institutions for wrong and evil reasons. The fact that cults are now present in primary and secondary schools is even more horrifying.

Even more worrisome are the cult memberships of vice-chancellors, deans, heads of departments, and lecturers. Just now, a previous vice chancellor demanded that lecturers undergo drug tests. He was speaking from experience. Cultist students force lecturers to do their bidding by awarding their members the marks they dictate. Nigeria is really in trouble.

Cults have extended throughout society to engulf traders, mechanics, and artisans and have taken over the streets. Cultism and cult wars are now a fad everywhere in the South as banditry and terrorism are reigning supreme in the North.

There is a steep moral decline and degradation. Just as many parents are purchasing exam questions for their kids and enrolling them in special centres where examiners read out the answers to the questions and all of them receive “A” grades, a father was recently caught writing JAMB for his son! Scores from JAMB, WAEC, and NECO, as well as from schools, are now directly purchased by many parents. These students leave the school as barren as when they arrived, posing a great burden to the Nigerian society as quacks when unleashed as qualified graduates and professionals; to say nothing about the role of corruption in the creation of banditry and terrorism, and their escalation.

This is only a quick glimpse into the terrifying Nigeria of today. Corruption now permeates every facet of life in our country and something has to be done quickly.

The EFCC and the ICPC, Nigeria’s two primary anti-corruption agencies, are overburdened and have a difficult task ahead of them. Things deteriorated merely because the nation’s political elite behaved much like invading locusts, wiping off public treasury and pushing back the fight against corruption.

Nonetheless, three things would make Nigeria’s fight against corruption work: 1) the president’s political will to let the agencies carry out their duties regardless of whose ox is gored; 2) the agencies’ courage and diligence in carrying out their duties without favouritism or playing to the gallery, as was the case in the past; and 3) most importantly, the total support of Nigerian citizens.

It is now inevitable that Nigerians’ conflicted impression of the new heroic work of the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) is changed urgently. Nigerians must now unite behind the anti-corruption agencies to save their country from these invading locusts.

The consequences of corruption in Nigerian society are dire. Since corruption is the primary source of every problem that has negatively impacted the nation over the past few decades, particularly in terms of development, national security, and the economy, it must be eliminated at all costs, and that will only be possible with the total support of Nigerians for the EFCC and ICPC. Nigerians have previously had cause to question the honesty and integrity of the anti-corruption agencies, but there are strong indications that the anti-corruption fight is now serious for once.

Following the country’s 1999 restoration to democracy, corruption has grown primarily as a result of the politicisation of the war against the cankerworm and the impunity and political protection enjoyed by the political class and corrupt politicians.

At this critical point, the anti-corruption authorities must demonstrate to Nigerians their sincere commitment to eliminating corruption in national life. That’s the only way to change citizens’ negative perceptions about the anti-corruption fight and mobilise citizens’ support for their renewed fight against corruption.

The anti-corruption agencies need to enlist the aid of the media and CSOs as well. The two are strategic if Nigerians will take the anti-corruption agencies seriously and believe that they have changed for the better.

The agencies should, among other things, also create anti-corruption clubs and run leaf-letting campaigns in schools. These are equally vital as preventive measures and for changing the young, who have come to accept corruption as a way of life in their country, Nigeria.

Yes, Nigeria’s dire circumstances can be saved if its citizens actively support the efforts of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) to hold corrupt public officials accountable for the public treasury they have looted and to recover the funds they have embezzled.

Nigerians, through EFCC and ICPC, can, and should, take back their country.

Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.; Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.

The country rose in one voice to condemn the March 14, 2024 killing of 17 military officers and men in Okuama community who were said to be on a peace mission. It did so without having the facts or asking pertinent questions. The point that soldiers, who signed up to serve the country, were killed, was enough to send the nation into mourning and to unify us. 

Today, 46 days after, we are no wiser as to the facts of the case. Who sent them on the mission? What were the objectives? What really happened? Unfortunately, we may never learn from this case because our Generals decided it is a purely military affair  that excludes the police which has the wherewithal to conduct a forensic investigation. Rather than enhance an investigation, the military levelled the town. Even after severally contaminating the crime scene, the Generals for six days, barred the Governor who, constitutionally, is also the chief security officer of the state, from accessing the area. The excuse was that the military was engaged in military operations in the area. If it has taken over six weeks for the Generals to conduct such operations in an undefended community and, against a civilian population that had fled, how many years would it have taken them to move into Niger Republic had the Presidency not changed its mind about the invasion of that country?

The Generals took over the arrest and  investigation of Nigerian citizens without respecting their constitutional rights to fair hearing. The arrests in Okuama is like going to hell. The detained traditional ruler, Clement Ikolo said upon his release: “It is like somebody coming from the dead. That is what it is like.”  

If this is the experience of a privileged elite with international connections, you can imagine what nameless locals with no connections are undergoing in the hands of a clearly angry military.

Where crimes are committed, especially by civilians, it is the duty of the police to arrest and investigate and, not the military. This is more so in the Okuama case in which the military is not only an interested party but has also carried out reactive actions that need to be investigated. We must be a country of laws and constitutionality, not one in which individuals and groups, no matter how aggrieved, will take laws into their hands.

Where in the world, would an army set up a military panel to investigate civilians, deprive them of legal advice and exclude constitutional authorities including government? This can neither be civil rule nor a democracy.

In discussing the Okuama killings, there have been some arguments that the military’s reaction is justified because restraining them can lead to demoralisation. I disagree. What is required is the proper orientation of the military; the ends of justice are not served by being lawless, but being law-abiding and ensuring that justice is served.

There are also arguments that the military Rules Of Engagement, ROE, cannot hold in combat situations. This precisely is why the rules were made in the first place. Adherence to them is what distinguishes the military as a profession from other armed groups.

The ROE governing internal military operations includes justification; there is no justification for revenge killings. Secondly, it prescribes the use of minimum force; burning down communities and assuming that all non-military persons in the area are enemy combatants, amount to the use of maximum force.

The ROE prescribes the maintenance of public confidence. I submit that the public may not have confidence in a military that historically sees citizens as “bloody civilians” and fights blindly like Ogun, the god of iron, which does not distinguish between enemies and friends.

When I was a boy growing up in Obalende, Lagos, the sentries at Dodan Barracks, especially when it was dark, were expected to call out to the person approaching the gate: “Halt! Who goes there? Enemy or friend?” After which the person identified himself and stated his mission. But how do you respond when the sentry shouts: “Halt! Who goes there? Enemy or foe?”

Prevention is another injunction in the ROE. If there were adequate consultations between the communities and the military before the deployment of the soldiers, could this tragedy have been prevented? Only a proper investigation can reveal this. But, are steps being taken to prevent a repeat?

The ROE also prescribes legal obligation. As I said earlier, in the Okuama case, legal obligation and evidence have taken serious missile hits. Finally, the ROE talks about safe guarding loyal citizens. In this case, the loyal citizens are in the grave, under arrest or are in flight.

As can be seen, no section of the ROE justifies reprisal attacks by the military against civilians who in any case, might be innocent.

Today, the military, even after levelling Okuama, continues its “operation” in the community. It does not appear in a hurry to leave, and who knows, the community might actually be erased if it is turned into a military camp.

  The Delta State government, apparently left with no alternative, has decided to move the people from the forests they are taking refuge, to an Internally Displaced Persons, IDPs, camp in Asaba, the state capital.

Meanwhile, the military, perhaps based on new information or disinformation, has extended its invasion to neigbouring Bayelsa State where it reportedly sacked the Igbomoturu community, killing 20 youths. Obviously pained, Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri said: “My advice to the military and security agencies is to be very professional in their investigations so that innocent Bayelsans; innocent Ijaws…” would not be killed.

Sadly, we are not learning from our recent history. The on-going invasion of Okuama and Igbomoturu are not too dissimilar to the November 20, 1999 military invasion of Odi in Bayelsa State. Fifteen days before, a criminal gang had killed 12 policemen near Odi. In reprisal attacks, the military levelled the town killing over 900 civilians. President Goodluck Jonathan was to lament on November 18, 2010 that “only innocent people, including women, children and the very weak that could not run, were killed in Odi”.

Justice Lambi Akanbi of the Federal High Court in awarding a N37.6 billion compensation to the victims, had in his February, 2013 judgement, declared: “The people are entitled to fundamental rights to life, dignity and fair play; the destruction of Odi was not as a result of gun battle but clear bombardment, the destruction was malicious.”

Our Generals should stop the re-enactment of the Kaima, Odi and Zaki Biam massacres by halting their attacks on Okuama and Igbomoturu, pulling out the troops and allowing the normal course of justice to prevail. Otherwise, these would tantamount to war crimes.

SENIOR Nigerian public officers are notoriously parsimonious with their recall once out of office. From among their club memoirs are the unusual. In a country ruled by whim, risk aversion is prudent when you are out of power. By feigning amnesia, yesterday’s men limit the likelihood that their successors may remember them for the wrong reasons. Moreover, with government as the principal guarantor of a good life, respect for the its rule of Omerta is the only way to retain any hope of access to its revolving doors.

 When it occurs, departure from this trend is usually enforced. This is why Mohammed Bello Adoke’s 2019 memoirs remain notable. Adoke, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, was Attorney-General and Minister of Justice under President Goodluck Jonathan for five years from 2010 until 2015. Since leaving office, he has endured exile, detention, and a failed criminal trial in connection with the infamous Oil Prospecting Lease, OPL, 245 granted in April 1998 by General Abacha to the shadowy Malabu Oil and Gas Limited. 

Even before his trial began, Adoke felt called upon to discharge a burden in relation to the controversies that dogged him after office. Fittingly, his story is published under the titled, Burden of Service. The sub-title, Reminiscences of Nigeria’s Former Attorney-General, underscores the point that Adoke is, remarkably, the first former Attorney-General of the Federation to publish an account from his time in office.

In addition to the Malabu Oil controversy, Burden of Service also offers insights into many other highlights of the Goodluck Jonathan years, including the hand-over of Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon, recovery of the endless Abacha Loot, the removal of Ayo Salami as President of the Court of Appeal, and the climactic denouement to Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election. In the afterglow of what he must regard as judicial vindication, it is timely to re-examine Adoke’s own narration.

While his parochial account is interesting in and of itself, it is the vignettes he offers when he is not necessarily pleading his own cause that make Adoke’s insights deserving of attention. A general theme of his is the shiftiness of Nigerian politicians and he illustrates this with several issues in the book. Some deserve scrutiny.

The first is the currency of loyalty in Nigerian politics. Under General Abacha, politicians popularised “I am loyal” as cult greeting. It is not lost on those interested that anyone who has need to repeat affirmations in this way probably knows nothing about loyalty in the first place. Illustrating this point, Adoke narrates how many people close to President Jonathan donated money to support the campaign of General Muhammadu Buhari in 2015. According to him, “many of my cabinet colleagues, including those known to be close to the President, had made donations to Buhari’s campaign. Those involved included heads of agencies. A Principal Officer of the National Assembly from the PDP was to later confess publicly that he donated N5 million to the APC during the elections.”

This shiftiness is not limited to politics; it also extends to high matters of constitutional legality. This is the second highlight from Burden of Service. Adoke tells a remarkable story about the fate of the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Bill of 2015, which was said to have failed to receive presidential assent before President Jonathan vacated office. The amendment included clauses granting immunity to law-makers, life pension to former presiding officers of the National Assembly and inducting them into life membership of the National Council of State. It also contained a provision dispensing with presidential assent to constitutional amendments.

As Adoke recalls, after the 2015 election, the National Assembly transmitted the Bill to President Jonathan for his assent. By the time Adoke learnt of this, President Jonathan had reportedly assented to the bill and authorised for it to be returned to the National Assembly. So, Adoke raced to the presidency to explain to the President the dangers inherent in the provisions contained in the amendment he assented to. After his encounter with President Jonathan, “the President looked genuinely surprised and promptly withdrew his assent”, whereupon he directed the Attorney-General “to prepare a memorandum elucidating all the issues…. raised and why he would have to veto the bill.” The rest is history but an important constitutional question arises – can a president having assented to a law unilaterally withdraw his assent? 

Thirdly, there is the issue of weaponisation of litigation against the public purse in judgment debts. It’s best to render this in Adoke’s own words: “Many of the claims were bogus but since it was an organized scam, they were getting away with it…. Again, there were too many people interested in judgment debts. We were getting calls from all manner of people, including members of the National Assembly. Actually, some National Assembly members were making appropriation for judgment debts based on an understanding with the debtors (sic). It was a conspiracy against the national treasury.” This does not require any translation but it is noteworthy that Attorney-General Adoke chose not to tell who “they” were. 

Fourth, there is the matter of plea bargains in white collar crimes involving politically exposed persons, PEPs, in Nigeria. About this, Adoke tells the story of the presidential pardon granted former Bayelsa State Governor, Diprieye Alamieyeseigha. According to him, Alamieyeseigha’s conviction was under a plea bargain and “as part of the plea bargain he was to be granted presidential pardon by (President Umaru) Yar’Adua after his release from jail. This, however, did not materialize as President Yar’Adua fell ill and died.” Plea bargains are subject to approval by courts and it’s doubtful whether this part of the deal was disclosed to any court. It certainly wasn’t disclosed to Nigerians. 

Fifth, as Attorney-General of the Federation, Adoke was also the official leader of the Bar. His memoir offers an unusual insight into how he views hierarchies at the Bar. To make this point, he tells the story of how, before his time, “a substantial part of the budgetary allocation made for solicitors’ fees was being paid out only to two or three private solicitors. There was a case of a former Attorney-General that was paying a Senior Advocate N50 million for each case….” The result was there was insufficient money to go round and many cases against government went un-defended, leading to more judgment debts. So, how did Adoke address this? He decided that “no SAN would be paid more than N5 million for a brief; any other lawyer, who was not a SAN, would receive a maximum of N2 million.” In the un-complicated calculus of Attorney-General Adoke, a SAN is worth 250% of a non-SAN!

The narration in Burden of Service unfolds at four distinct levels of pre-text, text, context, and sub-text. It is replete with claims of moral high ground and completeness of disclosure but – as with nearly all memoirs -the reader must have an eye for both the credible and the incredulous. The line between these two can sometimes be non-existent in Adoke’s mind.

In telling the story of the removal of Ayo Salami as the President of the Court of Appeal, for instance, Adoke prefaces his narration with the implicit disclaimer that “the Attorney-General is not a member of the National Judicial Council, NJC”, who recommended the retirement of Salami. He then proceeds to a pro-forma narration that is half-hearted to the point of being manifestly disingenuous. 

According to Adoke, Salami “had personally encouraged” him to apply for SAN. However, Chief Justice Katsina-Alu, who was the other party in this terminal dog-fight with Salami, was his “mentor and adopted father” and benefactor, who personally recommended him to President Jonathan for the position of Attorney-General. Why it should fall to the Chief Justice of the Federation to nominate the Attorney-General of the Federation is another matter altogether. It is difficult to escape the conclusion that in this part of the book, at least, Adoke was – to put it rather mildly – less than economical with the truth.

 A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 

The Vice Chairman South-South of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Dan Orbih; former Deputy Governor, Philip Shaibu; former Speaker of Edo State House of Assembly, Kabiru Adjoto, and several other bigwigs and followers of the party in Edo North senatorial district, weekend, said they were displeased with the way Governor Godwin Obaseki was going about the September 21 Edo governorship poll.

Obaseki abandoned those who worked for him — Orbih

Orbih said they are the foundation of PDP which is anchored on unity, fairness, justice and equity, saying that Governor Obaseki came into the party in 2020 and abandoned the group that worked and voted for his re-election.

His words: “I am not part and parcel of the PDP campaign council. In 2020, we came out in Edo North supporting the election and re-election of Gov Godwin Obaseki. I, Dan Orbih, worked with Governor Obaseki to deliver him. People ask me questions: where are we today, what is the way forward?

“Today, I can boldly tell you, all is not well with the Edo State PDP. As we prepare and move forward for the upcoming election we will do all we can to let Edo people know that this election is about Edo and the future of Edo.

“Let me send a powerful message to PDP, we the Edo PDP can tell you that it is not well with Edo PDP. I hereby denounce my membership as a member of PDP Edo campaign council. Obaseki and his chosen candidate is not the way forward.”

Legacy group’s behind Shaibu

Orbih also condemned the impeachment of Shaibu and said that the Legacy Group was behind him.
He said: “The present predicament of Philip Shaibu is that some people are saying you have no right to contest the election. We are here today to let the good people of Edo North know that we support you, appreciate you and in the matter between you and the Edo State government, we stand by you. As for the PDP legacy group, we are proud of Philip Shaibu.”

Edo people won’t vote for an outsider —Shaibu

On his part, Shaibu said Edo people cannot vote for a candidate who does not know their problems and challenges.
“We will not vote for an outsider. Edo State needs a home grown person, I want to assure you that we are in support of Dan Orbih’s Legacy Group. We will not support Asue Ighodalo. WE will wait for the direction of the PDP Legacy group on who to vote for,” Shaibu said.

Obaseki could not manage our 2020 success — Adjoto

In like manner, Adjoto said PDP under the leadership of Obaseki could not manage the success of its victory in 2020.

He said that instead of consolidating on the victory recorded in 2020 election by rewarding those who worked for his re-election, Obaseki opted for others in the party who did not work for the party.

Akoko-Edo’ll deliver 80% votes to Ighodalo—Omobayo

However, Deputy Governor, Omobayo, said the PDP would win the election, assuring that his Akoko-Edo people would deliver at least 80 per cent of their votes to Ighodalo.

He stated this at a reception organised by the Akoko-Edo Forum, AEF, in collaboration with the local government area and the traditional institution where the AEF requested the National Assembly Constitution Review Committee to create two additional local government areas of the council in view of its landmass to engender development.

Omobayo, who said he did not lobby for deputy governorship, said Governor Obaseki’s sense of equity and justice should be rewarded.

“Governor Obaseki has a very fair sense of justice, fairness and equity. This informed his, permit me to use the word, ‘stubborn’ decisions that the next governor must come from Edo Central. We must deliberately and consciously liberate ourselves. Governor Obaseki has broken a generational curse, and to whom much is given, much is expected.

“The job description is to deliver 70 per cent of Edo North for Asue Ighodalo and I do not expect less than 80 percent from Akoko-Edo. If you look at the combination of Ighodalo and Osarodion Ogie, without bias, you can’t compare them to the others. When you look at them, they are even more pro-masses than Governor Obaseki and when the drums begin to beat, you will see more of them.

“The governor has designed a deliberate master plan that will usher us up to 2050 and for those who care to listen, the masterplan is amazing. The governor is setting up a system that will lead to the state revolving around the youth in the state.”

In his address, President of AEF, Dr Charles Jagun, who was represented by Steven Dania, said AEF had been at the forefront of presenting the case of the Akoko-Edo LGA to the world and “as development partners interested in the development of our local government area, we are calling for the establishment of a tertiary institution in this area which will bring development. We are equally in the process of submitting a memorandum to the National Assembly Constitution Review Committee for the creation of additional two local government areas from Akoko-Edo and also calling on the State House of Assembly to create LCDAs.”

On his part, chairman of the local government area, Tajudeen Alade, said: “We have been witnessing high levels of marginalization, oppression, suppression, and deprivation that have led to our frustration and despondency and that is the more reason we like speaking out. But now, we are seeing light at the end of the tunnel, the Akoko-Edo of our dream is here today.”

Vanguard News

Former Governor of Jigawa State, Sule Lamido, has tackled Northern governors over their recent trip to the United States.

Daily Trust had reported how the Northern governors recently traveled to the US to attend a peace summit organized by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP).

Reacting to the development, Lamido, in a Facebook post, said the trip exposed the governors’ ignorance of the country’s constitution.

The former governor said security is solely the responsibility of the federal government because it is on the executive-legislative list.

The statement, titled, ‘Advancing our shame and embarrassment beyond our frontiers!’ reads: “Our Northern Governors as concerned leaders traveled all the way to the United States of America to attend a lecture at the American Institute for Peace titled ADVANCING STABLITY IN NORTHERN NIGERIA as to find a lasting solution to the intractable problems of insecurity bedeveling their respective states.

“Their concern commendable as it were, ended up exposing their ignorance at understanding the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria the very instrument which gave them the legitimacy and the authority to be Governors!

“If the Governors had traveled to the US to engage on how to boost agriculture or health issues or any other pressing local problems listed on the Concurrent List of our Constitution this could be quite understandable! But to engage on issues which are on the Exclusive Legislative List such as Security says a lot of the substance they are made of.

“Security is a very wide subject which their Excellencies must have capacity to grasp. Most urban towns in their State lack portable drinking water, refuse dumps have taken over some streets; all these have precipitous Security health hazards. Our children attend primary schools under the trees and where there are built classes, they take their lessons sitting on the floor, yet the Security implications of this can not be discerned by their Excellencies. Deliberate and harshly induced poverty by unplanned government policies have made citizens lose their esteem, honor and self worth by lining up scrambling to collect palliative from patronizing and condescending leaders yet the Insecurity of this is of no worry or concern to them.

“You have Governors with no human empathy or respect for dignity or decency in an open show of shame throwing money like confetti from an open Jeep and people scrambling to pick it like the Governor of Niger State. Yet they fail to see the security implications of all these!

“If the Governors were serious and wanted to have a lecture on security, they needed not have embarked on such a wasteful journey with the accompanying expenditure of flight tickets, hotels with all their aides and above all the valuable time wasted at the expense of running their States.

“Certainly they could have gotten more than they wanted from our resourceful institutions such as NIPSS in Kuru Jos or ASCON in Badagry or even NIA! These three Institutions have more than enough materials, essays and templates on the problems on Security in Nigeria more than the far fetched American Institute.”

[DailyTrust]

President Bola Tinubu has secured an additional $600 million foreign investment for the expansion of the nation’s ports infrastructure to accommodate more container shipping services in Nigeria’s ports.

The new $600 million investment, which was offered from the Danish shipping and logistics company, A.P Moller-Maersk, would be complementing the $1 billion already being invested by the administration into seaport reconstruction across the eastern and western flanks of the country. 

The new investment decision was  disclosed on Sunday by the Chairman of A.P Moller-Maersk, Mr. Robert Maersk Uggla, during a meeting with President Tinubu on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum Special Meeting on Global Collaboration, Growth and Energy for Development in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. 

As acute petrol supply challenges enter its second week, independent marketers have explained that issues that led to the scarcity of the product would take another two weeks to be fully resolved. 

Checks around Abuja on Sunday showed that most stations were out of stock with very few major marketers dispensing the product in Abuja city centre. At the suburbs, the few stations opened to motorists jacked up their pump price from N680 per litre to N870 per litre.

Speaking to Vanguard on the situation, the Public Relations Officer, Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, IPMAN, Chief Chinedu Ukadike said the product was not available in-country.

Chief Ukadike blamed the acute shortage in supply of importation bottlenecks and the slow pace of marketers licence renewal by the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, NMDPRA. 

He disclosed that only 1,050 marketers out of 15,000 have had their licences renewed by the NMDPRA. 

He said: “The situation is that there is no product. Once there is lack of supply or inadequate supply, what you will see is scarcity and queues will emerge at filling stations. On the part of NNPCL, which is the sole supplier of petroleum products in Nigeria, they have attributed the challenge to logistics and vessel problems.

“Once there is breech in the international supply chain, it will have an impact of domestic supply because we depend on import. I also have it good authority that most of the refineries in Europe are undergoing turn around maintenance. So sourcing of petroleum products has become a bit difficult. 

“NNPC Group CEO has assured us that there will be improvement in the supply chain because their vessels are arriving. Once that is done, normalcy will return. This is because once the 30 days supply sufficiency distrusted, it takes two to three months to restore it. We expect that by next week or so, NNPC should be able to restore supply and with another one week, normalcy should return”.

The challenges faced by marketers in renewing their licences, he said: “NNPC has said the marketers who have not been able to renew their licences will not be allowed to remain on their portal which has been shut for sometime now. Because of this we have not been able to request for new products.

“At this nascent period of deregulation, you will discover that this leads to scarcity even when the product arrives. As it is now, even by their own data, out of 15,000 marketers that are on the portal with licences, only 1,050 renewed their licences. And the requirement for renewal by NMDPRA is so much. Marketers are facing hostile environment. NNPC placed a deadline of April 15, 2024, for marketers to renew their licences. 

“We are therefore appealing to NNPC extend this deadline and also to NMDPRA to hasten the release of marketers licences who have completed their processes, and also reduce the bottlenecks around licence renewals”.

[Vanguard]