When Nyesom Wike, the often blunt and garrulous FCT Minister, warned that embassies in Abuja failing to pay ground rent could face sealing, one cannot but predict that his action could land Nigeria into a legal, and diplomatic quagmire. While at first glance this might seem a straightforward enforcement of property laws, the diplomatic fallout could be profound. From international law and bilateral relations to domestic politics and Nigeria’s long-term global image, the move sets several worrying precedents.

The reason for the foregoing anxiety cannot be farfetched as Nigeria, like many countries, offers embassies hallowed status as diplomatic missions are typically exempt from standard local regulation under the Vienna Convention. Yet, exceptions may exist when it comes to state‑negotiated lease terms. If Nigeria’s revenue service deems that embassies are obliged to pay ground rent negotiated in formal agreements, and those agreements clearly stipulate enforceable obligations, Wike’s move may be legally defensible.

But enforcing that rent, threatening embassy closure or asset seizure, is not just a commercial decision. It touches on diplomatic immunity and the sanctity of missions themselves. Under the Vienna Convention, diplomatic premises are inviolable. Nigeria could risk breaching that inviolability if enforcement appears coercive or forceful.

While listening to human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Femi Falan during an interview on Politics Today on Channels Television, his position on the issue was not just cautionary and weighty, but it was timely as it is a clear-eyed reminder that governance must operate within the bounds of legality and diplomacy, not impulsive theatrics.

Falana, on the programme, cautioned Wike, stressing that such actions risk triggering serious diplomatic backlash. He pointed to Article 22 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which explicitly states that embassy premises are inviolable. That means, no matter the level of provocation or debt, Nigeria has no legal right to forcibly enter, seal, or tamper with diplomatic premises. Any move to do so, Falana argued, would be unlawful and could embarrass Nigeria on the global stage.

Falana did not stop at the international implications; he also questioned the legality of Wike’s broader sealing-off tactics. According to him, the minister cannot unilaterally order such actions without first giving affected parties the right to fair hearing, as guaranteed by Section 36 of Nigeria’s Constitution and Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights Act. In short, bypassing legal processes to enforce rent payment amounts to executive rascality.

He urged the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yusuf Tuggar, to immediately intervene, emphasizing that matters involving foreign missions require tact, protocol, and strict adherence to international law, not the strong-arm tactics Wike seems to prefer.

Be that as it may, it is expedient to opine that Wike’s threat is not without modern parallels. Around the world, similar disputes have escalated into flashpoints of diplomatic tension. For instance, in 2019, there was a standoff between India and Pakistan. As gathered from historical literatures, Pakistan locked down a building the Indian embassy had purchased earlier due to a payment dispute, prompting formal diplomatic protests and media coverage.

In a similar vein, there was diplomatic imbroglio between Russia and Georgia in London in 2006. As gathered, a rent dispute over a property adjacent to the Georgian embassy sparked a court battle and serious public disagreement, though both sides ultimately avoided drastic action.

Also in a similar vein, history has it that UK Embassy in Tehran in 1979 was embroiled In a crisis far more intense than transactional rent disputes as embassy powers were overridden, buildings occupied, leading to one of the gravest diplomatic crises of the modern era.

In even these tensions over property among friendly states, the fallout was real: formal complaints, tit-for-tat trade irritants, sometimes minor sanctions, or downgrading of diplomatic ties. Escalations like this do not stay confined to Assemblies, they bleed into broader relations, public image, security cooperation, and more.

On paper, cracking down on unpaid rent could portray Nigeria to be fiscally responsible, and a nation that is guided by rule-of-law. This is as the revenue climate is already austere, and every naira counts. Wike’s track record shows he does not shy from enforcing payments: earlier this year, he sealed off properties over tax arrears.

But embassies operate on a different diplomatic plane. If Abuja proceeds to seal or padlock foreign diplomatic missions, even temporarily, expect, retaliatory action. Other governments might retaliate by slowing or withholding visas, import licenses, or participation in agreements.

In fact, the diplomatic row may metamorphose to chilling foreign investment. Therefore, business leaders should take note, if Nigeria cannot manage to enforce dues for embassies, what might that imply for investors?

Not only that, future administrations may weaponize embassy vulnerability more overtly as rent could morph into leverage, particularly as there is a foundational precedent to stand on.

In light of the potential diplomatic fallout from Wike’s threat to seal embassies over unpaid ground rent, it is imperative that the Federal Government urgently calls the FCT Minister to order. Matters that border on diplomacy are not within the jurisdiction of state or regional officials, no matter their title or influence, they remain the exclusive preserve of the Federal Government, particularly the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Wike, by all observations, is not known for his diplomatic finesse. His combative and often theatrical style of governance may have served him well in the political trenches of Rivers State, but in Abuja, Nigeria’s seat of power and international diplomacy, such recklessness could spell disaster. Allowing him to trample on long-established diplomatic norms and the inviolability of foreign missions, as enshrined in international conventions, could result in diplomatic reprisals, strained bilateral ties, and reputational damage for Nigeria on the global stage.

Before this needless drama escalates into an international embarrassment, the Federal Government must rein in Wike’s overreach and ensure that Nigeria’s foreign relations are handled with the caution, protocol, and maturity they deserve. There are lawful, civilized means of recovering debts, even from embassies. What is not acceptable is for one man to jeopardize decades of diplomatic goodwill in a bid to score populist points or flex political muscle.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has stepped up efforts to rally support for a proposed opposition coalition ahead of the 2027 general elections, seeking the backing of key northern political leaders to strengthen the alliance.

In a recent private meeting, Atiku reportedly visited former National Security Adviser General Aliyu Gusau (rtd) and appealed to him to help persuade prominent northern politicians who have expressed scepticism about the coalition’s direction and motives.

“Atiku begged Aliyu Gusau to specifically speak to former Senate President David Mark, former Jigawa State governor Sule Lamido and ex-presidential aspirant and former governor of Kaduna State, Ahmed Makarfi,” a source familiar with the meeting disclosed. “These are northern leaders who have expressed scepticism about the Atiku/El-Rufai coalition and have distanced themselves from it,” the source added.

General Gusau, a retired military intelligence chief and one of Nigeria’s most influential political figures, has previously served as national security adviser to both Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan. He remains a powerful force in the background of Nigerian politics.

Though initially unconvinced about the intent of the coalition, Gusau agreed to initiate contact with the three senior northern figures to understand their perspectives and possibly facilitate a path forward. A meeting has reportedly been scheduled for this weekend at his Abuja residence.

“The meeting is for them to discuss the motives and modalities for the coalition and see if it’s worth supporting,” a source close to the talks confirmed.

David Mark, Sule Lamido, and Ahmed Makarfi have all been courted, it is understood.

Mark is said to be particularly cautious due to what some describe as a lack of clarity in the coalition’s formation. Makarfi has remained silent on the matter, while Lamido has taken a more vocal stance.

Lamido recently declared that he would not participate in any PDP meeting unless the party sanctioned key members who had openly endorsed President Bola Tinubu for a second term. He specifically named the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, and former Benue State Governor, Samuel Ortom, as examples.

The proposed coalition is a joint effort by several prominent opposition figures, including Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, and former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai.

[Politics Nigeria]

Former Minister of Youths and Sports Development, Solomon Dalung, has described politicians moving from opposition parties into the ruling All Progressives Party (APC) as sinners seeking forgiveness.

Dalung who spoke in Abuja disagreed with the postulation that politicians were trooping into the APC because the ruling party has performed well, “rather they are sinners, who are seeking forgiveness for their numerous sins.”

Dalung said the defectors were only fulfilling what a former Governor of Edo State, Adams Oshiomhole said regarding corrupt politicians, that no matter the gravity of their sins, they will be forgiven as soon as he join APC.

Oshiomhole has severally denied this quote attributed to him but politicians have been using it.

He said, “These are people who have committed heinous crimes against the Nigerian people and they are jumping into the APC ship for the forgiveness of their sins. Not that they believe in Tinubu, no; they do not. They are only assembling so that their sins will be forgiven.

“So it is a conclave of political cardinals who have committed grave sins against the Nigerian people and a political party has offered them the opportunity of forgiveness on entrance,” he said.

The former minister also warned that if care is not taken, the defectors would create problems in the ruling party in the future.

He said: You know there is an adage in Hausa that if animals celebrate the death of a butcher, has the knife also died? If beneficiaries of the mandate of the people are defecting, have the people also defected?

“So there is no value added to Tinubu except that he has compounded the situation in his party and there will be an implosion.”

He also dismissed concern in certain quarters that the entrance of politicians like the former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai into the Social Democratic Party (SDP) could be a potential threat to the presidential ambition of Prince Adewole Adebayo, the party’s 2023 presidential candidate, adding that “Adebayo’s political charisma, image and personality within the Nigerian political environment has presented him as an obvious force to deal with in 2027.”

He emphasized that Adebayo is the only presidential candidate who has consistently maintained a media campaign against the failed and unpopular policies of the current government.

“So, Nigerians are very conversant with Adebayo’s voice, charisma and leadership qualities. So, whether you mobilize the whole politicians into the SDP, you must resolve the question of Adebayo in the SDP as a presidential candidate before any other person.

“This is because nobody has promoted the SDP in Nigeria like Adebayo. After Chief MKO Abiola, you rank Adebayo in the contemporary SDP as the highest. So, the concern as some people are expressing is normal. Human beings entertain such fears but the reality is that the name SDP since 2023 has been sustained unilaterally by the doggedness, commitment, dedication and selflessness of Prince Adebayo.

“So, he is a force to beat in whatever political arrangement that the SDP will put on ground to produce a presidential candidate. He is a patriot who did not join politics for himself; he has surrendered the rest of his life to the service of humanity and he did that at his 50th birthday.”

[DailyTrust]

The Nigerian government has said it has commenced payment of five-month wage award arrears of N35,000 to civil servants since the end of May 2025.

This comes as the federal government clarified that it has implemented a N70,000 minimum wage payment to all its employees.

The Director of Media, Office of the Accountant General of the Federation, Bawa Mokwa, made these clarifications known in an exclusive interview with DAILY POST on Monday ahead of the resumption of work after the Eid-Al-Adha holidays.

Recall that the Nigeria Labour Congress, through its spokesperson, Benson Upah, in an Arise Television interview on Sallah day (last Friday), berated President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration over the delay in payment of wage awards and allowances.

Upah had lamented that the Tinubu’s government had neglected workers’ welfare, as economic hardship took a toll on civil servants.

He described the delay as a “betrayal of trust” and “shameful”.

“This is a betrayal of trust and an abuse of our patience,” Upah declared, adding: “It’s completely unacceptable.”

However, reacting, Mokwa explained that the government has kicked off the payment of the arrears of the wage award.

He stated that the payment would be made in installments in the next four months.

“We have commenced the payment of N35,000 wage arrears.

“Except for some agencies that are independently paying for the wage award, for example, the Independent National Electoral Commission.

“The N35,000 wage award was an interim solution by the federal government before the N70,000 minimum wage approval.

“This was done in five months, but Labour argued that the payment didn’t commence immediately, having a five-month arrears.

“Of the five months, we have paid the first month. Four months are remaining, which would be paid in installments,” he told DAILY POST.

Similarly, Mokwa clarified that the federal government has commenced the minimum wage payment across its ministries, agencies, and parastatals.

“On the minimum wage pay, it has been implemented across the board,” he added.

Efforts to speak with Upah over the matter were unsuccessful as of the timf of filing this report.

Recall that in July Tinubu signed the minimum wage bill into law.

However, despite the minimum wage approval, there are still complaints of its full implementation at both federal and the state government levels nearly a year later.

[DailyPost]

Filmmaker Funke Akindele, often hailed as the box office queen, has announced the return of ‘Aiyetoro Town’ with Season 2, five years after the debut.

In a X post, she revealed that the highly anticipated second season of the hit movie will premiere on FAANtv’s YouTube channel on June 22, 2025.

Funke teased that the new season will deliver a mix of laughter, drama, and meaningful life lessons, continuing the legacy of the first season, which debuted five years ago.

Expressing gratitude, Funke praised the cast and crew for their dedication and talent, crediting them for bringing the story to life.

She described them as the “real MVPs” behind the project. 

She wrote: “5 years ago, we brought you Aiyetoro Town season 1, and now we’re back with season 2!!

“Get ready for laughter, drama and of course, life lessons.
Aiyetoro Town Season 2 premieres on FAANtv’s YouTube channel on Sunday, June 22nd!

“A big thank you to my amazing cast and crew – your dedication and talent made this story come alive! You all are the real MVPs!”

[TheNation]

A two-term Presidential aspirant and a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party, Dele Momodu, on Tuesday, submitted that only a coalition of political parties can wrest power from President Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress in 2027.

He made this submission while featuring on a Broadcasting Corporation of Oyo State monthly programme: “Guest of the Month,” in Ibadan, the state capital.

Momodu said his soul has already left the PDP, while only his body remained in the party.

“If PDP is united, it has all that it takes to wrest power from the All Progressives Congress in 2027, but forces against it would not allow this to be.

“The APC is jittery of the PDP, noting that it is the only opposition party that can challenge its dominance in 2027. This is one of the reasons why the leadership of the APC at all levels is ensuring that the party is factionalided.

“There is no way that a disunited PDP can wrest power from APC in 2027. The ideology of the ruling party is to weaken the main opposition party

“Another challenge is the problem within the party. Some of its members are being used to work against its stability and progress. But PDP is a law-abiding party. It always follows due process before making any decision on its members.

“It is the law that will stimulate the process of suspending or sacking erring members,” he stressed.

Momodu explained further that it’s almost impossible to remove President Tinubu in 2027 unless there is a formidable team and coalition.

“Also, whoever would contest favourably against the current president must come from the opposite direction in terms of regions in Nigeria,” he added.

[Punch]

The Presidency and presidential candidate of the Labour Party, LP, in the 2023 elections, Peter Obi, clashed yesterday over the fuel subsidy removal and foreign exchange policies of President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

While Obi noted that both policies were haphazardly implemented by the government to plunge the country into economic crisis, the President accused Obi of being too desperate for power and lacked understanding of governance.

Although the former Anambra State governor agreed that the removal of fuel subsidy was necessary, he, however, quarrelled with the manner it was executed.

He also asked the Tinubu administration to account for the money saved so far from the removal of the subsidy and also show proof of its expenditure on such infrastructure as education, health and poverty reduction, as it claimed.

Recall that President Tinubu had, on his inauguration on May 29 2023, announced the removal of fuel subsidy and flotation of forex exchange, triggering the economic crisis the country had been facing, especially with regards to inflation and devaluation of the naira.

In an interview on Arise Television, Obi said while the removal of fuel subsidy was necessary, the policy should have been implemented in a “gradual and organised” fashion.

He said: “I have consistently maintained that I would have removed the fuel subsidy. If you go to my manifesto, it is there and the steps I would have taken in an organised manner.

“There is nothing wrong with the removal of the fuel subsidy. What is wrong is the haphazard way it was announced and implemented.”

He acknowledged that the subsidy regime was riddled with “criminality and corruption” and needed to end, but criticised the current administration’s approach, describing it as poorly executed.

Obi questioned the management of the funds saved from the subsidy removal, saying, “since we were told that we removed it because we don’t want to borrow and that the funds will allow for investments in critical infrastructure.

‘’Billions saved. Where is it? Where is it invested in critical areas of development? Everybody knows critical areas of development — education, health, and pulling people out of poverty. Have any of these three improved? No.’’

Obi said a fair pricing template should have been negotiated with stakeholders to cushion the impact on citizens.

He also addressed the decision to float the naira, saying the policy wasn’t inherently wrong but must be backed by economic productivity.

“There is nothing wrong in floating and devaluing your currency. You do this when you have productivity. In all of this, I would have done the same thing in an organised manner,” he said.

Since President Bola Tinubu’s announcement on May 29, 2023, ending the fuel subsidy, the price of petrol has surged from N190 to over N850 per litre. The administration also adopted a currency float policy, allowing market forces to determine the naira’s value.

Obi desperate for power, ignorant about governance — Presidency

But replying Obi yesterday, Special Adviser to the President on Policy Communications, Daniel Bwala, described the Labour Party’s presidential candidate as a ‘shallow’ personality who was not well grounded in issues of economics and governance.

Bwala, in a statement posted via his official X account, stated that he was surprised Obi could agree with the economic policies of President Bola Tinubu, especially on fuel subsidy removal and the unification of foreign exchange, but emphasised that it was obvious the former Anambra governor and other opposition figures were simply after taking over power, all the while.

He wrote: “Is anybody watching Peter Obi on Arise TV? He agreed with our policy of removal of subsidy and unification of the foreign exchange; he claimed he would have done it better than us in an ‘organised manner’

“He was asked what the ‘organised manner ‘ is.’ He played with words, yet to arrive at agreeing with us.
“Anybody with a rational mind knows these guys are just looking to grab power, but they don’t have any alternative agenda.

“He seems to have very shallow knowledge of economics and governance. Remember, this is even an interview anchored by a member of his Obidient movement.

“That’s why you don’t hear ‘I put it to you’ and no barking like a rottweiler; Yet ‘if it didn’t Dey it didn’t Dey.”

Petrol subsidy removal generates $84bn, 40 roads — NOA

In what seemed an account of receipt from fuel subsidy removal, the National Orientation Agency, NOA, weekend, said the federal government has so far generated $84 billion from the removal
The agency said the funds generated have enhanced the funding 40 critical road projects across the country in the past two years.

In its policy explainer, titled ‘’Two Years Later: Key Benefits of Subsidy Removal,’’ NOA, stated: “For decades, particularly since the advent of the current democratic dispensation, a major albatross of the federal government had been the oil subsidy regime.

“Successive administrations’ zeal to tame the menace had proved a fiasco while the economy continued to haemorrhage profusely. However, by 2015, many Nigerians had reached a consensus that it was high time the subsidy was consigned to the dustbin of history, as the subsidy budget in 2022 rose by 700 per cent to N4tn, the highest ever in subsidy history.

“Between 2005 and 2022, successive governments spent $84.39bn on fuel subsidies. These subsidies consumed over 70 per cent of potential federal revenue, pushing the country to the brink of bankruptcy.

But with the bold decision to remove it, Nigeria is now saving billions and investing in real infrastructure.

“Removal of subsidy not only saved the entire economy from imminent collapse, it also rescued several states of the federation from bankruptcy. Upon the take-off of this incumbent administration, Nigeria was spending 97 per cent of its revenues to service debts until its debt profile exceeded N100tn.

“Fuel subsidies consumed more than 70 per cent of the potential Federal Government’s revenue, forcing both the central and state governments to resort to heavy borrowings to finance their budgetary expenditures, but the removal helped the country to save billions.

“States now swim in inflows of funds, paying salaries as at when due despite more than 100 per cent minimum wage increase and drastically reducing their debt portfolios because subsidy removal puts more money into their hands.

“In 2023, the 36 states of the federation and 774 local government areas got a total of N6.16tn as FAAC allocations, implying a 28.6 per cent increase from the N4.792tn they received in 2022, but in 2024, revenues rose astronomically to N15.26tn as a result of subsidy withdrawal, giving the states and 774 LGAs N9.58tn, which was N3.42tn higher than what they received in 2023.

“Thus, as records from the Debt Management Office have shown, in the last 18 months, the total domestic debt profile of the 36 states and FCT had declined from N5.82tn in June 2023 to N3.97tn in December 2024. This implies that subnational administrations had repaid N1.85tn debts within one and a half years.

“As part of the gains of subsidy withdrawal, for the first time in decades, Nigeria’s capital expenditure in the 2025 Appropriation Act is higher than its recurrent annual spending. Successive administrations had always allocated 70 per cent of their annual budgets to recurrent spending, leaving only a paltry 30 per cent for the capital budget.

“However, the incumbent administration provides N23.96tn for capital expenditure in the 2025 budget. This is N10tn higher than N13.64tn for recurrent expenditure. The impacts of investments in road infrastructure have been the ongoing commissioning of 40 road projects in commemoration of two years of President Tinubu’s administration.”

[Vanguatrd]

This is a season of political divorces, that strange separation of godsons from their godfathers and the end to political alliances between people of like interests. The events of the last two weeks were quite revealing, from the rift that blew open in the political relationship between Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu and the governor of Lagos State, Babajide Sanwo-Olu Lagos in Nigeria to collapse in the political romance between US President Donald Trump and billionaire tech entrepreneur Elon Musk in the United States. 

The former is more of a godfather and godson relationship, while the later is/was a marriage of political interests.

Sanwo-Olu’s emergence as the favourite for the governorship of Lagos was spectacular, after Tinubu – the godfather of Lagos politics – fell out with Governor Akinwunmi Ambode in the run-in to the 2019 election. A relatively lesser-known figure at the time, Sanwo-Olu’s strong point which was sold as Ambode’s weakness, was his unwavering loyalty to party directives and the Tinubu political dynasty. Six years down the road, the Tinubu-Sanwo-Olu relationship, which became a model of political loyalty, is now under growing strain. 

The tension first started after the 2023 presidential election in which Lagos delivered a far narrower vote margin than expected, a poor performance in Tinubu’s traditional stronghold that saw Labour Party’s Peter Obi win the state convincingly. The loss, though not blamed directly on Sanwo-Olu, raised concerns within the Tinubu camp about the governor’s effectiveness in maintaining grassroots control and party loyalty.

More revealing was the political turmoil that erupted in Lagos, involving the State House of Assembly Speaker, Mudashiru Obasa. When Obasa was abruptly impeached in early 2025, allegedly with Governor Sanwo-Olu’s tacit approval, Tinubu reportedly intervened to secure the Speaker’s swift reinstatement. Sanwo-Olu’s perceived involvement, or at least his failure to prevent the move, was seen as another red flag in his handling of affairs as they affect the godfather. Instructively, the reinstatement was done with the governor totally blind-sided.

Sanwo-Olu’s increasingly independent governance style which drew him closer to technocrats, private sector figures, and policy experts, many of whom operate outside Tinubu’s traditional political machinery, further widened the gap. To add to the matter, he was reportedly building legacies around his name rather than the godfather. 

 What was once a quiet, behind-the-scenes divergence has in recent weeks increasingly become more apparent to the public, as subtle tensions between the two key figures of Lagos politics began to unfold. While neither the President nor Governor Sanwo-Olu publicly acknowledged a political rift, a series of subtle but telling public displays have fueled growing speculation that tensions are rising between the two. Since then, their public appearances together have noticeably dwindled and when it happens, creates even more curiosity among the people. 

If what happened at the recent inauguration of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway on May 31, 2025, during which President Tinubu was seen bypassing Governor Sanwo-Olu during a handshake session, is anything to go by, then there is indeed, a deeper crack than was ever imagined. This public snub, captured on video, quickly went viral and was widely interpreted as a sign of deep discord between the two leaders. Further evidence of the rift emerged during President Tinubu’s recent official visits to Lagos – for the ECOWAS 50th anniversary and the commissioning of Lagos deep seaport road – with Governor Sanwo-Olu noticeably absent in both occasions.

Should the President, the father of all, have engaged in such open disagreement with his political godson? Is it a good record that he has consistently quarreled with the men and women, including the 2 people that served as his deputies while he was Lagos governor, who are his well-known political proteges? These are questions begging for answers as Nigerians chew over the troubling matter.

Such political divorces in the recent past did not end in Lagos. In far away United States, billionaire Elon Musk who emerged as a pivotal supporter of Donald Trump and who forged a political alliance that significantly influenced the 2024 campaign’s trajectory in the US, also spectacularly fell out with the President. Musk touted himself as Trump’s friend and ally and became one of Trump’s most substantial financial backers, establishing America PAC that mobilized voters, particularly in swing states and contributed over $250 million to Trump’s campaign. 

His eventual appointment as head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), did not surprise many though it was marked by controversial measures, including the elimination of certain federal agencies and programs as he advocated for significant federal budget cuts and deregulation. However, the alliance began to fray in the past 2 weeks when Musk publicly criticized Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” for its potential to increase the national deficit and reduce electric vehicle subsidies, which directly impacted Musk’s business interests negatively.

The rift and eventual political divorce was swift, quickly breeding unprecedented bad blood and bitterness. Trump’s threat to revoke Musk’s government contracts and Musk’s threat to release damaging information about Trump’s past escapades have seen a dramatic shift from alliance to adversary between two influential figures.

The political relationship between Trump and Elon Musk has undergone a dramatic shift, evolving from mutual admiration to growing animosity, as their alliance has suffered from a clash of personal interests, political ambitions, and ideological differences.

While the exact nature of the potential revelations that Musk has threatened to reveal remains unclear, his bitterness is growing over the loss of over $150 billion in value of his businesses within days. Musk is believed to possess communications, private correspondences, knowledge of personal matters and previous associations with individuals in Trump’s orbit that could prove politically damaging. His willingness to air such information would represent a serious escalation in their feud, turning a political disagreement into a personal battle.

The consequences of the Tinubu-Sanwo-Olu disagreement and the collapse of the Trump-Musk relationship highlight the volatile intersection of politics, business, personal ambition, and ego. While it is heartening to hear that the elders in Lagos State intervened last week to resolve the Tinubu-Sanwo-Olu dispute, leading to the President ‘forgiving’ the governor’s ‘sins’, the gulf between Trump and Musk on the other hand, is widening. The clash between the world’s most powerful leader and the earth’s richest man has degenerated to name-calling, childish banters and frightening threats. It could have wide-ranging implications in US politics, with the potential for further conflict as they appear, on the surface, beyond repair. 

Sheddy Ozoene, Editor-In-Chief of People&Politics, is Vice President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors.