In Nigeria’s murky political landscape, where opposition voices are often stifled, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s ordeal stands out as a glaring example of how power is wielded against those who dare to challenge the status quo. The relentless political persecution she has faced before, during, and after her election into the Senate reveals a disturbing trend of intimidation, gender bias, and an apparent fear of her rising influence.

From the moment she declared her intention to contest for the Kogi Central Senatorial seat, Natasha has been subjected to a series of orchestrated attacks. The political establishment, particularly the ruling party in Kogi State, has continuously thrown roadblocks in her way. The latest chapter in this troubling saga is her ongoing suspension from the Senate, a move that reeks of political witch-hunting.

In fact, before the election, it was no doubt a rough road to the Senate.  This is as Natasha her political ambition has always been met with hostility from entrenched political forces. As a woman in a male-dominated political space, she was never going to have it easy. However, the level of resistance she encountered went beyond mere political rivalry; it became a full-blown war against her person.

Her 2019 gubernatorial ambition in Kogi State was met with a violent and systematic crackdown. Her campaign offices were attacked, her supporters were harassed, and she faced relentless smear campaigns in the media. Rather than engage her on the issues, her opponents resorted to intimidation tactics designed to break her spirit. The same pattern followed her senatorial bid in 2023.

From the moment she secured the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), all manner of legal and extra-legal obstacles were thrown her way. Her candidacy was challenged in court on flimsy grounds, and there were multiple attempts to manipulate the electoral process to ensure she did not emerge victorious. However, despite the numerous hurdles, Natasha triumphed, winning the Senate seat in a keenly contested election. But even after her victory, the battle did not end.

The moment Natasha was sworn into office, it became clear that certain powerful forces were not ready to accept her presence in the Senate. The political persecution she endured before her election seamlessly transitioned into a new phase, one that involved attempts to frustrate her legislative efforts and, eventually, remove her from office.

The situation reached a boiling point when she was suspended from the Senate under controversial circumstances. The reason given for her suspension was a supposed breach of parliamentary rules, but many political analysts believe it was nothing more than a calculated move to silence her for crying out loud that she was being harassed sexually by the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio.

Her suspension followed a series of confrontations with powerful figures within the National Assembly and her state government. Unlike many lawmakers who prefer to toe the line of political godfathers, Natasha has remained vocal in her criticism of policies that do not favor the people she represents. This, undoubtedly, made her a target.

Given her travails, it is not out of context to ask, “Is she a victim of being a woman, or rather is it because she is a fearless woman in a man’s world?

In answering the foregoing question, one cannot overlook the gender dynamics at play in Natasha’s travails. Nigerian politics has long been an exclusive club for men, with women often relegated to the background. When women dare to challenge this dominance, they are met with aggressive resistance, and Natasha’s case is a classic example.

From verbal attacks laced with sexist undertones to physical threats and outright political exclusion, Natasha has faced it all. The hostility towards her is reminiscent of the experiences of other female politicians in Nigeria who have had to fight twice as hard as their male counterparts to gain recognition and respect.

Rather than judge her based on her capabilities and contributions, many of her critics have chosen to focus on her gender, using it as a weapon to discredit her. If she were a man, would she have faced the same level of opposition? This question lingers in the minds of many who have followed her political journey.

There is no denying the fact that Kogi State has a reputation for political turbulence, and Natasha’s struggles cannot be divorced from the power play within the state. Her victory in the senatorial election was a significant blow to the ruling party in the state, as she defeated a candidate who had the backing of the former governor, Yahaya Bello.

The ruling party in Kogi has made no secret of its disdain for Natasha. The state’s political machinery has been mobilized against her at every turn. The legal battles, the threats, the propaganda, all point to a coordinated effort to undermine her influence.

One of the most telling signs of this political vendetta was the alleged role played by state-sponsored thugs in disrupting her campaign activities before the election. Even after winning, her victory was contested in court in what many saw as a desperate attempt to keep her out of the Senate.

Concerning her suspension from the Senate, it is not an exaggeration to opine that it is a dangerous precedent. In fact, her suspension from the Senate is not just an attack on her but a dangerous precedent that could be used to silence other dissenting voices. If a senator can be suspended simply for speaking out about her plight in the Senate, what does that say about the state of democracy in Nigeria?

Her suspension also raises questions about the impartiality of the leadership of the Senate. If parliamentary rules were truly the issue, why have other senators who have engaged in far more controversial activities not faced the same fate? The selective application of disciplinary measures suggests that Natasha’s case is politically motivated.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it cannot be wrong to contextually scream, “Enough is enough!” The persecution of Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan must stop. It is time for those behind this unrelenting campaign against her to step back and allow her to perform her legislative duties without intimidation.

The Senate must revisit her suspension and ensure that due process is followed. If she is guilty of any offense, let it be addressed in a fair and transparent manner, not through politically motivated vendettas. More importantly, the political class in Kogi State must recognize that democracy thrives on diversity of opinions. The constant attempt to shut out opposition figures does not bode well for the state or the country at large.

Natasha has shown remarkable resilience in the face of adversity. She has refused to be cowed by the intimidation tactics used against her. Her story is an inspiration to many young Nigerians, particularly women, who aspire to leadership positions. If she can stand her ground despite the odds, then others can too.

Just today, April 1, 2025, she defies Kogi rally ban, even confirms Sallah visit to constituency, and announced that she would not back out on her plan to return to her constituency for the Sallah break. She also urged her supporters to disregard speculations making the round that she has cancelled her scheduled visit.

Without a doubt, the political war against Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is excessive and unjustifiable. It is a reflection of a broader problem in Nigeria’s political system, where opposition voices are often treated as enemies rather than partners in governance.

It is time for the powers that be to allow Natasha to breathe. She won her election fair and square, and she deserves to serve her people without undue interference. This roforofo fight against her must stop—haba, wetin happen?

The recent tragic incident in Uromi, Edo State, where a vigilante group allegedly killed 16 hunters of Northern Nigeria extraction, has sparked national outrage. The media has been flooded with reports, some portraying the people of Uromi as hostile and unjust in their actions. However, the deeper, underlying issues that led to this unfortunate event have been largely ignored. A critical question must be asked: Who pushed the people of Uromi to the wall?

Without a doubt, Uromi, and neighboring communities in Esanland have been witnessing a history of hostility and survival from the hands of herdsmen and hunters of Northern extraction. For years, Uromi, a largely agrarian community, has been under siege from armed herdsmen. The people have suffered relentless attacks, farm destruction, kidnappings, and killings. The tension between herders and farmers in Nigeria is well documented, but in Uromi, it has been particularly intense. Their plight has often been overlooked by both state and federal governments, leaving them to fend for themselves in the face of grave security threats.

The people of Uromi are not aggressors; they are victims who have had to adopt self-defense mechanisms for their survival. The killing of the 16 hunters, while tragic, cannot be viewed in isolation. It is a culmination of years of terror, frustration, and a desperate attempt to secure their land and lives.

To aptly put it, Uromi people have been fight a silent war as they have been under attack. There have been several documented cases of herdsmen attacks on Uromi and other Esan communities. In 2018, suspected armed herdsmen attacked a farm settlement in Uromi, killing farmers and displacing many families. The attack left the community in mourning and heightened fears among locals.

Again, in 2020, gunmen, believed to be herdsmen, stormed another farming settlement, killing four people and destroying large hectares of farmland. The police response was lackluster, as no arrests were made, and the community was left to deal with the trauma alone.

In 2022, another brutal attack took place in Uromi, where a farmer and his son were slaughtered in cold blood while working on their farm. Their only crime was resisting the invasion of their farmlands by cattle. In response to this growing insecurity, many communities, including Uromi, formed local vigilante groups to protect themselves.

Despite the incessant attack on the people of Uromi, it is widely alleged that the government has been silent to the people’s response for years, even as pleas from the people of Uromi for better security have fallen on deaf ears. Without a doubt, the government has failed to provide adequate policing or deploy military forces to curb the activities of these violent herdsmen. This neglect has fueled local efforts to establish self-defense groups, a move that some authorities have criticized, despite providing no alternatives.

When people are pushed to their limits, when their sources of livelihood are threatened, and when they live in constant fear for their lives, self-defense becomes inevitable. The people of Uromi, like many other Nigerians facing similar threats, have been left with no choice but to take matters into their own hands.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to ask, given the unfolding tragedy, “Was the killings in Uromi perpetrated due to self-defense or murder?

According to reports, the 16 men who were killed by the Uromi vigilante group were found with arms. The vigilantes, already on high alert due to past attacks, likely saw them as a potential threat. In a region where armed men have frequently carried out massacres, such an encounter was bound to escalate.

However, rather than painting the Uromi people as ruthless murderers, it is imperative to understand their fears and the history that shaped their response. It is easy to condemn an action without considering the buildup of events that led to it. It is important to ask whether these 16 men were truly hunters or if they had other motives, especially in a region that has suffered immense trauma from armed groups.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient in this context to urge the government to look beyond the Killings.  While investigating the incident in Uromi is necessary, the Nigerian government must look beyond the killings and address the root cause of the conflict. The real issue at hand is the unchecked movement of armed herdsmen and hunters of Northern extraction, who invade farms and disrupt the livelihoods of people in the South. The government must recognize that this pattern of violence, displacement, and destruction is the primary factor fueling tensions between local communities and these groups.

It is unacceptable for individuals to roam freely with dangerous weapons under the guise of being hunters or herdsmen. This has led to consistent clashes, with innocent farming communities like Uromi bearing the brunt of the violence. If the government is truly interested in peace and justice, it must take immediate steps to regulate the movement of these armed groups and put an end to their activities.

For too long, the government has turned a blind eye to the complaints of farmers in the South, who continuously suffer losses due to cattle destruction of their crops and attacks from armed herdsmen. This neglect has left communities with no option but to resort to self-help, which can sometimes lead to tragic incidents like the recent one in Uromi. Instead of merely condemning the actions of the vigilantes, the government must take decisive action to prevent future clashes by addressing the issue from its root.

In fact, the Nigerian government must step in, not just to investigate this latest tragedy, but to address the root cause of the conflict. It is not enough to condemn the killings in Uromi while ignoring the years of attacks on the community. Justice must be served on both sides. If indeed the slain men were innocent hunters, then the perpetrators should face the law. However, if they were part of the larger insecurity problem in the region, the government must acknowledge this and act accordingly.

Moreover, security agencies must do more than issue statements. There must be a proactive approach to ensuring that all Nigerian communities, including Uromi, are protected from armed non-state actors. Policies should be put in place to prevent future conflicts and ensure that no community feels abandoned or forced into vigilantism.

To the view of this writer, by virtue of being an Edolite, having socialized with many Uromi people, particularly in his secondary school days, the people of Uromi are not evil, nor are they bloodthirsty. They are hospitable, peace-loving people who have endured years of suffering in silence. They have been pushed to the brink, left to defend themselves in the absence of government protection. The real question remains: Who pushed Uromi to the wall?

Until the Nigerian government takes decisive action to protect vulnerable communities, similar incidents are likely to occur across the country. It is time to address the underlying security crisis, restore faith in law enforcement, and ensure that no community is left to fight for its survival alone. The government must look at the bigger picture and acknowledge that allowing armed herdsmen and hunters to move freely is a threat to national security. Only then can lasting peace be achieved.

The senator representing Kogi Central, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, yesterday, defied security restrictions imposed on Kogi State hours to her home-coming rally, shutting down all commercial and other activities in the senatorial district.

The suspended lawmaker, who arrived in a chopper, was received by a jubilant crowd in Okehi Local Government Area of the state, where the council chairman had earlier declared a curfew.

Her return came after the Kogi State government banned public gatherings and rallies over alleged security concerns.

The Kogi State police command had also asked her to cancel a planned Eid-el-Fitr celebration rally in the district.

The state Commissioner of Police, Miller Dantawaye, had in a statement signed, yesterday, by the Police Public Relations Officer, ASP William Aya, said the rally was against the proclamation on ban on political gathering by the state government issued on Monday.

He said: “Following the intelligence report on security threats in Kogi State and the subsequent ban on all forms of Rally and procession by the Kogi State Government, the Nigeria Police Force, Kogi State Police Command has called on the organisers of planned rally at Okene to cancel such event in the interest of the peace in Kogi State.

“The call for cancellation becomes necessary, noting that intelligence reveals that some hoodlums plan to hijack the process and cause disturbance of peace in the State. The Command cannot afford to jeopardize the existing peace the State is currently enjoying.

“In view of the security threat received on the planned rally, the Kogi State Police Command is, therefore, advising the organisers to cancel the event so as to avoid any breakdown of law and order in the state.

‘’The command will not hesitate to apply the full wrath of law on any one who causes disturbance of peace and order in the state.’’

However, her media team dismissed any speculation about a cancellation, maintaining that the visit would proceed as planned.

Earlier, the chairman of Okehi LGA, Amoka Monday, had also declared a curfew across the council area.
Amoka had in a statement he personally signed yesterday, said: “The curfew, which takes immediate effect, restricts movement and gatherings in designated areas.

“Anyone found loitering or assembling in restricted zones without clearance from the relevant authorities will be arrested and prosecuted. This is in line with the directive of the state government and Kogi State Commissioner of Police.

“The safety and security of our people are our top priority. We will not tolerate any actions that could compromise the peace and stability of our communities.”

He added that the decision to impose the curfew was a “proactive measure” to prevent any potential security breaches.’’

Nobody can stop me from coming home —Akpoti-Uduaghan

Before her return, the senator had alleged that any violence during the event should be blamed on Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, Kogi State governor, Usman Ododo, and former governor of the state, Yahaya Bello.

She wrote on Facebook: “My dear people of Kogi Central, I look forward to our peaceful Sallah celebrations today (yesterday).

“However, should we be met with or infiltrated by violence, Nigerians should hold Governor Ododo, Yahaya Bello and the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, wholly responsible.”

However, despite the security concerns and government restrictions, Akpoti-Uduaghan’s return was met with widespread celebrations, as supporters gathered to welcome the lawmaker back to her hometown.

Addressing constituents in Ebira language, the suspended senator said: “Nobody and nothing can stop me from coming home. I’m an Ebira person; this is my land.

“I’m the daughter of the late Jimoh Abdul Akpoti. I know my roots; I’m not a bastard and I’m not afraid of anybody.”

…accuses INEC of bias in her recall

Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan accused the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, of bias in her recall from the Senate.

She told the jubilant crowd: “What I see INEC doing is aiding and guiding petitioners on how to perfect their illicit acts. The first time the petition was submitted, they didn’t have address and phone numbers, so INEC went out to guide them on how to submit information that will perfect their petition.

“What did they do? The petitioners, who were from the other party, the APC, submitted a letterhead. What was the name on it? Kogi Central Political Frontier and the address there was number 4, Oboroke.”

Akpoti-Uduaghan said the address does not exist, adding that she ran a check on the status of registration of Kogi Central Political Frontier, the association, which sponsored her recall.

According to her, “the CAC report came negative, that the association is not registered. So, I’m still waiting and wondering why INEC has not yet made a statement to that effect or sent people down to Oboroke here, which is just five minutes away, to ascertain whether that address is real.

“Or have we stooped to the point whereby fictitious, non-existing associations and individuals can call for the recall of a senator? Are we in a kangaroo country? We should not allow that.

“I don’t know whether the process will be stalled but we are in courts as well. Also, I don’t know when they will come down here to verify.

“But I will say this, if the time ever comes for the verification of the 250,000 people that signed for my recall, I trust that you will do right.”

Natasha has no respect for rules, laws —Kogi govt

Reacting to the suspended senator’s visit, yesterday, Kogi State government accused her of inciting chaos in the state.

In a statement by the state Commissioner for Information and Communication, Mr. Kingsley Fanwo, the government said: “The attention of the Kogi State government has been drawn to the reckless, malicious and utterly false allegations made by the suspended Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan in her verified Facebook Page, in which she claims that Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo, former Governor Yahaya Bello, and the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio should be held responsible if anything happens to her.

“This is yet another desperate and calculated attempt by her to mislead the public, incite unrest, and present herself as a victim, after deliberately violating the ban on political gatherings imposed by the state government to maintain law and order.

“Her statement exposed her plans to use her visit to stir trouble and violence in Kogi Central senatorial district. We will not allow any part of the state to go up in flames nor permit killing of innocent souls by the actions of the suspended senator.

“Although she has since deleted the post after realising what the lie would cost her, we have a screenshot of it which was saved before she deleted the post. Her actions since the early hours of today (yesterday) have confirmed the authenticity of the security report that certain elements were planning to foment trouble in Kogi Central.

“Let it be categorically stated that Governor Ododo absolutely has no interest in the political theatrics of the suspended Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. Her baseless allegations are nothing but a feeble attempt to stir unnecessary controversy and cover up her blatant disregard for the law. She has once again proven that she has no respect for rules and the laws.

“Suspended Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has consistently demonstrated a pattern of lawlessness, using lies and deceit as her tools of political engagement. The recent disturbances in Kogi State, orchestrated by her defiance of the state’s security directives, have further confirmed her status as a security threat to the people of the state.

“She deliberately violated the state government’s ban on political gatherings, which was put in place to prevent security breaches and maintain peace. Instead of respecting the law, she chose to incite chaos, disregarding the safety and stability of the state.

‘’When confronted with the consequences of her actions, she resorted to her usual tactics of playing the victim and fabricating baseless accusations against respected leaders of the state and the nation.
“The people of Kogi State and Nigerians at large should see through her deceptive ploys and reject her attempt to manipulate public perception with outright lies. Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan is not a victim; she is an instigator of disorder who thrives on spreading falsehoods to gain public sympathy.

“Kogi State government will not be blackmailed or intimidated by the antics of a politician who has built her political career on falsehoods. We remain committed to upholding law and order and will take all necessary steps to ensure that no individual, no matter how highly placed, is allowed to breach public peace with impunity.

‘’The building tension and cloud of violence hanging on Kogi Central wouldn’t have been necessary if Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan had complied with the position of the state government and cooperated with security agencies. She would be held responsible if her actions result in any violence in Kogi Central or any part of the state.

“Let it be clear that the security of every citizen in Kogi State, including that of Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, remains a priority. However, the government will not tolerate anyone deliberately provoking crises and then crying wolf when confronted with the consequences of his or her actions.

“We call on the security agencies to take note of her reckless utterances and inflammatory actions that pose a serious threat to peace and stability in the state. She should be held accountable for her blatant attempts to incite violence and cause unnecessary tension.’’

[Opinion Nigeria]

Natasha Akpoti was just a woman like Benazir Bhutto. Benazir, was a passionate, brilliant woman who loved her country, her people, her family and friends. She was the daughter of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistani Prime Minister who was execution by the state of Pakistan. It’s difficult to describe Benazir Bhutto in words. She was a woman of so many faces; she was so many things to so many different people.

Sometimes, I still look back and find myself humbled by the thought that I had created a ‘look’ for such an empowering woman, a great amazon and iconic global figure. As time progressed, Benazir became more than just a politician – she was an inspiration to many of us who desire a decent society and detest violence. Sadly, the assassination of Benazir Bhutto which took place on 27 December 2007 in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. It was a tragic end of the great Amazon.

Benazir Bhutto profoundly posited: “You can imprison a man, but not an idea. You can exile a man, but not an idea.” “Ultimately, leadership is about the strength of one’s convictions, the ability to endure the punches, and the energy to promote an idea.” These are some of her profound statements (quotes).

Eight years after fleeing into exile, Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan in October 2007 to contest elections in which she had a strong chance of becoming prime minister again. Both her supporters and her family’s old enemies were prepared. There comes the first female prime minister of Pakistan, a rival of General Pervez Musharraf, and an important role model for Malala. Benazir Bhutto is a talented and charismatic politician who uses her influence to fight for women’s rights, and claims that she will fight the forces of religious extremism in her country.

In her own world, Natasha Hadiza Akpoti, a Nigerian politician and lawyer who serves as a member of the 10th Nigeria National Assembly representing Kogi Central Senatorial District since 2023. She is the first elected female senator in Kogi State. Ironically, events in the past few weeks characterized by nostalgia evoke the sad memories of the dark era of which the global world rise to condemned.

Natasha on Tuesday alleged that Senate President Godswill Akpabio contracted the former governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, to commence her recall and assassination. Speaking during her homecoming rally on Tuesday, April 1, Akpoti-Uduaghan told her supporters that although the alleged plot was not publicly revealed, she had officially reported the matter to the Inspector General of Police.

Detailing the events, she alleged that Akpabio had initially contacted Kogi Governor Usman Ododo, urging him to begin her recall process. When Ododo reportedly declined, citing her strong grassroots support, Akpabio allegedly reached out to Bello, promising to fund the recall effort. Against all odds, she stormed her constituency in a chopper, defying warnings by the police, state governor, and a curfew declared in her local government to stop her from coming home.

Historically significant, it has been established that, we have a proactive governments and security forces when it comes to moving against opposition elements and innocent citizens who are demanding for their fundamental rights and responsive leadership, but a sleeping one when its banditry, insurgency, criminal herdsmen killings and other criminal issues.

In conclusion, the world is tired of the dark era of politically motivated assassinations. Aside from the fact that this is an extremely stupid thing to do. Nevertheless, the memories of the past ugly examples are there to put us in check. Apart from the example of Benazir Bhutto, the sad memories of many others including that of Chief James Ajibola Ige (Bola Ige) who was shot to death right in his home at Bodija in Ibadan at 8:30pm evening of Sunday 23, December 2001 are clear examples of politically motivated assassinations.

Finally, it seems that, there are far too many leaders who are useless for peace and in creating a world working together and cooperating for the good of everyone, rather than deliberately creating tension and threats of aggression and war; invariably for self aggrandizement while exacerbating the self-centred, corruptive attitude of the few power drunk elements which signposts political intolerance and abuse of power.

Bukayo Saka made a sensational return for Arsenal on Tuesday, scoring in a 2-1 win over Fulham after a three-month spell on the sidelines.

Saka, 23, hadn’t featured for Arsenal since injuring his hamstring at Crystal Palace just before Christmas, with the England star forced into surgery and a rehabilitation programme.

But he came off the bench in the 66th minute to a raucous ovation from the Emirates crowd and then netted Arsenal’s second goal of the night with a cushioned header at the back post after a neat flick on from Gabriel Martinelli.

“The reception speaks for itself,” Saka’s teammate Declan Rice said after the game. “That’s why he’s one of the best wingers in the world, because he attacks the box and sniffs the goal. You take them, he’s in the right position at the right time and topped off a great night for him and for us.

“He gives us an outlet. All of our front players are so different and rotate so well. With Bukayo back it’s a real boost.”

The second-place Gunners were all over Fulham in the opening half and finally took the lead in the 37th minute with a strike from Mikel Merino.

[Leadership]

•Apex bank insists it is at 3-year high

Nigeria’s net foreign exchange reserves (NFER) was $23.11 billion at the end of last year, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has said. The value is $15.6 billion short of the current gross reserves, which are currently at $38.7 billion, a slight slip from the $40.2 billion it closed last year.

There may be a material difference between the real-term value and what it was three months ago. Yet, the peg has laid to rest the speculation that Nigeria might have carried on with negative NFER in the face of the protracted FX crisis. Still, the CBN said the net value is at its highest in over three years.

The apex bank, yesterday, said the feat achieved as of the end of 2024 reflects a substantial improvement in the country’s external liquidity, reduced short-term obligations and renewed investor confidence.

According to the CBN, the figure was a remarkable increase from $3.99 billion at 2023 ending, $8.19 billion in 2022 and $14.59 billion in 2021. NFER adjusts gross reserves to account for near-term liabilities such as FX swaps and forward contracts.

It is widely regarded as a more accurate indicator of the foreign exchange buffers available to meet immediate external obligations. A few years ago, there was apprehension that Nigeria’s net FX reserve would have slipped into negative territory. The CBN, then, kept mute over the actual figure.

Last year at the World Bank/International Monetary Fund (IMF) general meeting in Washington DC, the apex bank’s boss, Yemi Cardoso, promised that his team would, beginning from last quarter, start disclosing the NFER as part of its commitment to full disclosure and transparency.

Gross external reserves also increased to $40.19 billion, compared to $33.22 billion at the close of 2023, the bank argued. The bank noted that the increase in reserves reflects a combination of its strategic measures, including a deliberate and substantial reduction in short-term foreign exchange liabilities – notably swaps and forward obligations.

It added that the strengthening was also spurred by policy actions to rebuild confidence in the FX market and increase reserve buffers, along with recently improved foreign exchange inflows – particularly from non-oil sources.

It further disclosed that the result is a stronger and more transparent reserves position that better equips Nigeria to withstand external shocks. The expansion occurred even as the CBN continued to reduce short-term liabilities, thereby improving the overall quality of the reserve position.

In his comment on the achievement, the governor of the CBN, Yemi Cardoso, said: “This improvement in our net reserves is not accidental; it is the outcome of deliberate policy choices aimed at rebuilding confidence, reducing vulnerabilities and laying the foundation for long-term stability. We remain focused on sustaining this progress through transparency, discipline, and market-driven reforms.”

The CBN hinted that reserves would continue to strengthen in 2025.

While the first quarter figures reflected some seasonal and transitional adjustments, including significant interest payments on foreign-denominated debt, underlying fundamentals remain intact, and reserves are expected to continue improving over the second quarter of this year.

Going forward, the CBN said it anticipates a steady uptick in reserves, underpinned by improved oil production levels, and a more supporting export growth environment expected to boost non-oil FX earnings and diversify external inflows.

“The CBN remains committed to prudent reserve management, transparent reporting and macroeconomic policies that support a stable exchange rate, attract investment and build long-term resilience,” it stated

[Guardian]

A reporter and author, Jonathan Allen on Tuesday alleged that former United States, US, President, Barack Obama secretly worked against former Vice President Kamala Harris.

Allen, a senior reporter with NBC News, alleged that Obama worked against Harris after former President Joe Biden dropped out.

In an interview with MSNBC, Allen claimed that Obama advocated for an open primary because he didn’t think Harris could win.

“President Obama absolutely did not think that Joe Biden should continue, according to our sources close to President Obama.

“And he also didn’t want Kamala Harris to be the replacement for Biden. He didn’t think that she was the best choice for Democrats, and he worked really behind the scenes for a long time to try to have a mini-primary, or an open convention, or a mini-primary leading to an open convention, did not have faith in her ability to win the election.

“As it turned out, she didn’t win, but he was really working against her,” he claimed.

Harris, a Democrat had emerged as the party’s presidential candidate after Biden stepped down from running for a second term.

Despite Allen’s allegations, Obama had openly endorsed and campaigned for Harris to emerge as president ahead of Donald Trump.

[DailyPost]

Oil wells’ licensees that have failed to initiate drilling operations in the last 30 years risk losing such licenses.

They will as well lose ownership of the facilities under the “drill or drop” provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021.

The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Oil) Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, made this known while speaking at the Cross Industry Group (CIG) Meeting held in Florence, Italy, organised by international oil companies (IOCs) operating in Nigeria. He said any proactive government will revoke the licenses for undeveloped assets and reallocate them to those willing and ready to drill them.

He urged industry players to explore collaborative measures such as shared resources for contiguous assets, farm-outs, and the release of underutilised assets to operators ready to invest in production.

According to his spokesman Nneamaka Okafor, the minister added that the decision to enforce the “drill or drop” in the PIA 2021, is in line with the Federal Government’s drive to boost production.

 “We cannot continue to have assets sitting idle for 20 to 30 years without development. If you are not utilising an asset and it remains underdeveloped for decades, it neither adds value to your books nor to us as a country.

“We encourage industry players to explore collaborative measures such as shared resources for contiguous assets, farm-outs, and the release of underutilised assets to operators ready to invest in production. Otherwise, like any responsible government, we will take back these assets and allocate them to those willing to go to work,” Lokpobiri said.

The minister also urged operators to consider farm-out agreements where assets are close to existing infrastructure, rather than incurring high costs on new Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) units.

He urged IOCs operating in Nigeria to ramp up investments in the country’s oil and gas sector, emphasising that the administration of President Bola Tinubu had provided every necessary incentive to ensure seamless and profitable operations.

Lokpobiri noted that while IOCs have pointed to engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) contractors as a challenge, EPCs will only commit when they see strong investment decisions from industry players.

“The government has done its part by providing the requisite and investment-friendly fiscal policies, including the President’s Executive Order incentivising deepwater investments.  Now, the ball is in the court of the IOCs and other operators to make strategic investment decisions that will drive increased production and sustainability in the sector,” the Minister stated.

He further emphasised the need for IOCs to support local refining efforts, noting that more refineries are coming on stream and will require a steady supply of crude oil.

To make this easy and possible, he stressed that ramping up production will enable Nigeria to meet both local and international obligations.

The Chairman of the Oil Producers Trade Section (OPTS), Osagie Osunbor, commended the Minister for his direct engagement with industry players and for the Federal Government’s continued efforts in advancing the sector.

“We appreciate the government’s commitment to creating a conducive environment for investment. The Minister’s engagement has provided critical insights and has also challenged us as industry players to step up efforts to increase production,” Osunbor stated.

The Federal Government, he said, remains committed to ensuring a thriving oil and gas industry and expects operators to match its commitment by making tangible investment decisions that will drive growth, sustainability, and national energy security.

[TheNation]

The earliest form of governance system is the monarchy. Even the Holy Books confirm this. That is why in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and many countries in the Middle East, they are still ruled by kings. England, Spain, and Morocco are still ruled by kings. In the traditional and pre-colonial Nigeria, all the communities, towns and villages were governed by traditional rulers-kings and queens. There was Queen Amina of Zauzau, King Jaja of Opobo, Oba of Benin, Alaafin of Oyo and Ooni of Ife, to mention but a few. These kings perform the executive, legislative and judicial functions with the support of their kingmakers and palace chiefs.

For instance, the Alaafin of Oyo heads the old Oyo Empire that covers most of South-West Nigeria down to Dahomey in the present Benin Republic.  The empire’s military is under the Aare-Ona-Kakanfo (Generalissimo), who is answerable to the Alaafin. The Oyomesi and Ogboni assisted the Alaafin in the performance of the legislative and judicial functions. The empire had prisons called Tubu where those convicted of crimes served their prison terms. There was also an effective tax system. Vassal communities pay Isakole to the Alaafin, and failure to pay may lead to war being declared on such communities. Any Alaafin who commits an abominable act could be asked by the Oyomesi to compulsorily commit suicide by opening a sacred calabash. This well-structured governance system was the reason the colonial masters decided to adopt indirect rule in Northern Nigeria and Yorubaland. It was only in the South-East, especially Igboland, that the colonialists decided to adopt direct rule.

One of the major side effects of the pre-colonial rulership system was the recurring inter-tribal and inter-ethnic wars as empires embarked on an expansionist agenda, wanting to conquer more territories to increase their economic prosperity. This act of aggression is often resisted, and rebellion became the order of the day within the empires, whether it was the Kanem-Borno or Oyo Empires. Slave raiding and trading were also a prominent feature of the pre-colonial traditional governance systems. But for the coming of the British colonialists, many towns and villages currently in existence would have been wiped out by bigger ones. It was the colonialists who brought all traditional governance systems under their control, which moderates the influence of big towns over the small ones. Where would Aawe, Fiditi, Iroko, Akinmorin and smaller towns around Oyo have been if not for the moderating influence of modern governance systems?

Recall that Ile-Ife attempted to subdue Modakeke for many years. Online sources said, “Historians have described the crisis between Ile-Ife and Modakeke as one of the oldest intra-ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. Seven major violent clashes have been recorded between them in 1835-1849, 1882-1909, 1946-1949, 1981, 1983, 1997-1998, and 2000.” Likewise, the Kiriji War, also known as the Ekiti-Parapo War, was a 16-year-long civil war (1877-1893) between Yoruba sub-ethnic kingdoms, primarily pitting Ibadan against the Ekiti-Parapo confederation. All these wars were fought on the orders of their respective traditional rulers. Before the declaration of any war, there is usually an aroko, which are totems sent by the oba of the town that wants to declare war on the oba of other towns to be attacked.

Interesting thing about kingship is that those who belong to royal families enjoy special privileges. They are referred to as having blue blood and are served by the people of the town. The king, his household and his clan live large at the expense of their respective communities. They do not have to work but are rather fed, served and honoured by their people. This is why ascension to the royal throne is often acrimonious, as princes from the royal families sometimes apply the Machiavellian principle of “end justifying the means” in the bid for the throne. Though in many communities Ifa oracle is consulted by the kingmakers in the selection of a new king in Yorubaland, despite that, as is recently with the case of the newly installed Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade, litigation, strife and spiritual attacks are still used as weapons by losers against the winner.

Quite unfortunately, the enthronement of royal fathers has been greatly politicised as divination has been waved aside. Even if the oracle chooses any king now, the governor of the state has the final say, as he is the one to give a certificate and royal staff of office before such a king can be coronated and recognised. Aside from politics, the financial inducement of the kingmakers is now frequently cited as the major influence in the choice of modern kings. The throne now goes to the highest bidder. Perhaps except Ibadan town, whose ascendancy to the throne is based on a long queue of aspirants from the ruling houses.

While it is true that subjugating kingship under state and local government control has diminished the esteem and influence of modern kings, I dare say it is highly desirable because if not so, inter-tribal conflict would not have ceased. Imagine that as recently as last month (March 2025), there was still a communal rift among Ilobu, Ifon and Erin Osun, where the Osun State governor had to impose a curfew and threatened to depose the monarchs of the towns if they failed to maintain peace.

Talking about dethronement, that is another weapon the political class has been using against any monarch who is perceived to be against their government. That is what is playing out in Kano currently between Emir Aminu Ado-Bayero and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. Indeed, during the colonial rule, the British colonialists deposed Oba Ovonramwen Nogbaisi of the Benin Kingdom as well as King Jaja of Opobo. The Western Region government deposed the late Alaaafin of Oyo, Oba Raji Adeniran Adeyemi. He became Alaafin in 1945 and was deposed and exiled in 1954, 10 years later, for sympathising with the National Council of Nigerian Citizens. King Dosunmu of Lagos was also deposed and had to relocate to Epe before he later regained the throne. The Alake of Egbaland, Oba Ladapo Ademola, who ruled between 1920 and 1962, was exiled between 1948 and 1950, following the popular women’s uprising against taxation, led by Mrs Funmilayo Ransom-Kuti. However, Oba Ademola regained his throne.

The Zarki of Arigidi-Akoko, Oba Olanipekun, was a minister without portfolio under the Akintola government in the Western Region. The rift between the Action Group and the Nigerian National Democratic Party polarised his town. The monarch was alleged to have taken sides with a political tendency. His people revolted, and the king went into exile. But 25 years later, he returned to his throne. Similar to that was that of Olowo of Owo, Oba Olateru Olagbegi, who was dethroned by the Western Region government and came back to the throne 25 years later.

Is kingship still relevant in Nigeria? Yes. This is because they are the custodians of our culture and tradition. They are supposed to be the embodiment of societal mores and values. Though their function is largely ceremonial now, they are still needed as they play vital roles in settling family disputes, squabbles and maintenance of law and order at the grassroots. I sincerely believe that there should be a constitutional role for them with appropriate guidelines and a code of ethics. It is unfortunate that some traditional rulers are morally bankrupt and sometimes collude with criminal elements to terrorise their communities; nonetheless, with a proper code of conduct, such fifth columnists can be weeded out.