Portugal striker Cristiano Ronaldo is ready to extend his stay with Saudi pro side Al Nassr and is even prepared to sign a new deal.

According to Fabrizio Romano’s post on X on Monday, the Portuguese have dismissed rumours of leaving Al Nassr.

The post read, “Cristiano Ronaldo confirms plan to stay at Al Nassr by signing a new deal.

“My future? Basically, nothing is gonna change. Staying at Al Nassr? Yea.”

Recall that the 40-year-old on Sunday helped his national team to secure the Nation’s League for the second time four years after the Nation’s League was unveiled.

Ronaldo, who joined Al Nassr in December 2022 on a record-breaking deal, has played a transformative role both on and off the pitch.

His arrival marked a turning point for Saudi football, drawing global attention to the Saudi Pro League and triggering a wave of high-profile signings across the league.

During his time at Al Nassr so far, Ronaldo has delivered impressive performances, scoring consistently and helping the club remain competitive at the top level. His presence has not only boosted the club’s visibility but also played a key role in the league’s growing popularity worldwide.

The announcement of his continued stay is seen as a significant boost for Al Nassr and the Saudi Pro League as a whole. It also signals Ronaldo’s long-term commitment to the ambitious football project unfolding in the region.

[Punch]

Your weeping is turning into joy! You know the story of this woman married to a Levite from the Clan of Zuph called Elkanah. Although, he had two wives – Hannah and Peninnah, Elkanah loved Hannah so much, even when she was yet to have children for him. Peninnah, the co –wife already had children for their husband, and instead of being thankful, decided to taunt the other wife. Look at the way bible put it,  “But Peninnah made fun of Hannah because the Lord had closed her womb. Year after year it was the same – Peninnah would taunt Hannah as they went to the Tabernacle. Hannah would finally be reduced to tears and would not even eat.”1 Samuel 1: 6-7 

  I want you to fully appreciate the condition of this woman – Hannah. This was a young, beautiful, promising woman who left her father’s house and got married, with the hope of having all the blessings that go with marriage – including children. But this was not to be. Though, she had a loving husband, the co-wife made her life miserable. Each time Hannah made some positive efforts to move on with life in spite of being barren, the co-wife Peninnah would quickly remind of her the position of a barren woman in a family, especially in a polygamous one. And as a result, Hannah would soak herself with tears. In very deep anguish she would cry bitterly and even refuse to eat. This was the situation of this woman for so many years. 

   You may not appreciate what this woman was going through unless you have been in a similar situation. One of the greatest trials any one could go through in this life is childlessness. This explains the reason why people go to any length to seek the fruit of the womb. Some even step into forbidden places. Others drink horrible concoctions, just to see that they have babies like others. Some weep uncontrollably in their closets and ask God why He should allow them to pass such situations. Yes! Children are that important.   Children are like crown on their parents. They are sweet companions for the present, security for your old age and also a guarantee for the continuation of your name and a link to your next generation. Even God recognizes the importance of them and promised that no barren woman shall be found in His house. Then, you may also listen to the Psalmist. I think his is a profound declaration on the importance of children,   “Children are a gift from the LORD, they are a reward from him. Children born to a young man are like sharp arrows in a warrior’s hands. How happy is the man whose quiver is full of them! He will not be put to shame, when he confronts his accusers at the City gates” Psalm 127: 3-5. 

  Did you read that? That is true. Hannah understood all this and each time the reality dawns on her, the bible says that she would be reduced to tears. Her life was bitter. She even refused to be consoled by her husband’s love and care. Yes, because what she wanted was a child and nothing less. You will agree with me that this woman was humiliated, and was actually sitting in ashes and shame. Yes, for a very long time! There may be a particular thing you’re expecting from God; that is paramount to your destiny. Or you could even be exactly in Hannah’s shoes – childless, unproductive. I want to tell you that all hope is not yet lost. We have a God that can turn ashes into beauty. I have seen Him giving children to hitherto childless couple. What He did in the bible He is repeating even in own time. He has not changed. He said that He made you to be fruitful. So you must not accept that you’re barren. He wants you to be fruitful in every area of your life.

Professor Jibril  Muhammed Aminu, formerly known as Aminu  Song, passed away on June 5, 2025. May his great soul find eternal rest. It was with deep sorrow the ruling elites rose in unison praising his undeniable academic brilliance. True, the demise of a member of any group reminds the rest that despite whatever acquisitions made, they are mere mortals.

The Presidency described the late cardiologist as one of the country’s most decorated medical professionals who “straddled his profession and politics exceptionally, bringing erudition and brilliance to statecraft”. Vice President Kashim Shettima claimed Aminu was “the last of the great titans, an iconic figure, who enormously contributed to the development of the nation… He is irreplaceable.”

Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, wrote that his contributions in medicine, academia and “the growth of democracy in Nigeria remain legendary, and his demise a huge loss to humanity”. Ex-Senate President Bukola Saraki described him as “a rare kind of public servant, one who brought excellence and purpose to every role he held”. One-time National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Chief Olabode George, posited that Aminu was: “A man of great intellect and integrity, whose service to humanity and Nigeria, inspired generations.” The tributaries of tributes continue to flow from various sources, but they are, essentially, a single narration, and a different interpretation of his role is possible.

For instance, he came to national attention in 1978 when as the Secretary of the Nigerian University Commission, NUC, he announced  astronomical per cent increases  in feeding and accommodation fees across all universities. This announcement led to the April 1978 Students Uprising in which students, school children and some other Nigerians were shot dead. The argument could be that he was ‘merely doing his job’. But even at that he showed no empathy. 

One argument could be that he was serving in a military dictatorship, and therefore had no choice but to follow orders. However, when five years later,  the country was under constitutional order and he was fully in charge of a tertiary institution as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Maiduguri, UNIMAID, the Supreme Court found he was intolerant, dictatorial, dismissive of basic rules and procedures, excessive in reaction and arbitrary in handling grievances. This was to the extent of denying about five hundred students he accused of crimes, including arson, fair hearing.

The crises in the university began in January 1983 when a Professor of Medicine who was virtually in charge of the new School of Medicine, was late in resumption from the Christmas break due to the well-known epileptic flight schedules from Lagos. When the Professor, said to be a professional mentor of Aminu, arrived, he had a query waiting for him. Angered that there was a lack of empathy, he tore the query and took the next flight back to Lagos. His exit threatened the medicine programme and the pioneer students of the faculty were told they could not take their final examinations. They took their case to the Students Union with Paul Zadok, later the Hamman of Bachama, as President.

The union tried to persuade Aminu to reach some understanding with the Professor so the medical students would not lose the session, he refused. So the students in solidarity with their colleagues in Medicine decided to boycott classes. On February 2, 1983, the student union called a rally on the issue. The leaders lost control, and tidal waves of students swept through the houses of the Vice Chancellor, Deputy Vice Chancellors, Registrar, bookshop and staff club, damaging property. An enraged Aminu described the incident as a carefully planned but hurriedly executed insurrection.

He claimed some 500 students out of the 4,000-student population were guilty. This number was later scaled down to an alleged core of 100 students. Names were compiled, investigation panel headed by one of the victims established, and the Senate convened. All the 4,000 students were surcharged, and 29 of them, including the union leadership, were expelled. They were found guilty of willful destruction, arson, looting and assault. The students went to the High Court of Justice of Borno State where Justice Adagun set aside the disciplinary measures. The basis was that the students were not given fair hearing, including the right to cross examine any witness, or for their alibi to be checked out.

The university proceeded to the Appeal Court before Nasir, Akanbi, Agbaje, Ogundare and Abdullahi, JJ.C.A.  The Appeal Court, while agreeing with the High Court that the students were not given fair hearing, however, ruled that the lower court ought to have referred the matter back to the university to correct itself.  The students, with Chief Gani Fawehinmi handling their case pro bono, headed for the Supreme Court before Obaseki, Eso, Nnamani, Uwais, Coker, Kawu, Oputa JJ.S.C.

The Supreme Court found that the university grossly violated the fundamental rights of the students and ruled that: “Government functionaries, be they legislative, executive, or judicial, cannot act in contravention of such rights and if the rights are to be taken away, it is the Constitution itself which has to be amended.” Secondly, that the: “Disciplinary Board into which the Senate at its meeting was constituted did not investigate the matter or conduct any inquiry of its own… It never satisfied itself that the appellants were guilty of the offences charged before proceeding to impose the punishment.”

Thirdly, that: “Guilt in criminal matters is left for the ascertainment of courts of law or other tribunals before it is accepted and acted upon by Administrative Tribunals.” Also, that since the students were accused of destroying university property under the institution’s authorities: “The vice-chancellor and other officers are vital witnesses and cannot be a judge in their own cause. It is also the law that a visitor cannot be a judge in his own cause.” So, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the students and they returned to their studies.

There are also encomiums showered on Aminu for serving the country as Education and then,  Petroleum Minister for three years from 1989, and in the 1994 National Conference. However, there are those that can point out that these are in the service of  the brutal military regimes of Babangida and Abacha which ousted the jurisdiction of the courts, were anti-democracy and sought to perpetuate themselves  in power.

In the post-military era, he was appointed Ambassador to the United States by President Olusegun Obasanjo that he had served in the 1970s when the latter was a military dictator. He was also a two term Senator. People have the fundamental right to assess Aminu from their perspectives. All I pray is that God Almighty forgives him his short comings. Ameen.

“Mice are mice; that is why mouse traps work.”

President Bola Tinubu’s fresh request to the National Assembly to approve external loans totalling $24.14 billion is tiresome. 

Once again, it raises concerns that Nigeria is hurtling towards a fiscal precipice, with public debt increasing at an alarming rate even as government revenues show signs of recovery.”  Editorialof a national newspaper, June 1, 2025. The Editorial was right about the likely repercussions of the new loan request, but, wrong in the assertion that “government revenues show signs of recovery”. Quite the contrary; when government revenues are measured in dollars, rather than Naira, the picture of dismal performance will be revealed. It is because the government’s dollar revenues, have declined relative to budget, that the FG is once again going cap in hand again in search of loans. In fact, VANGUARD had anticipated the loan request in articles published earlier this year. 

BUDGETARY ILLUSION

“The most obstinate illusions are ultimately broken by facts.”

Trevor Roper, 1914-2003, in The Last Days of Hitler.

Nothing is more dangerous than a positive and convincing illusion. Most government leaders, in times of social and economic stress, dispense them liberally. Jonathan, Buhari and now, Tinubu have led us into a greater debt trap for the same reason. The major cause is budgetary illusion. The three Presidents fell into the same trap which is now creating a swelling tide of fiscal gloom threatening the nation’s future. The $24.14 billion loan request might not even be the last in 2025. The most unfortunate fact about the loan lies in the fact that no realistic revenue projections can reassure Nigerians that it can be repaid without more borrowing.

At the heart of our perpetual fiscal gloom is the refusal of every President to admit that Nigeria cannot now, if ever, produce 2 million barrels per day, 2mbpd, of fuel and export that quantity. May 2025 production figures will soon be available; and if it follows the pattern from January to April, the real output would be about 1.5mbpd. The shortfall of 500,000 barrels per day or 14 million barrels for the month will result in a negative revenue variance of $1.125 billion for the month alone or $5.625 billion cumulatively for five months.

 Additionally, at the risk of sounding like a broken record, the budget for 2025 was more of a political document than an economic projection. My personal experience on the budget committee of a US multinational taught me that the success or failure of every budget, given foreseeable occurrences, depends on no more than five factors whose forecasts must be as accurate as possible. For Nigeria, the most important are: crude oil exports; average crude prices, exchange rates and internally generated revenue. The disparity, especially negative, between the actual and the projected figures should not be too wide; otherwise the budget is in trouble. Deficits will exceed what was budgeted and fresh loans will be needed. That has been the national experience since 2013. On the last Saturday of December 2024, I made a forecast in the WEEKEND VANGUARD; stating emphatically that “crude oil exports will probably not exceed 1.5mbpd in 2025”. The FG budgeted 2.06mbpd. As we start June, five months are already behind us. The results explain why Tinubu is asking for $24.14bn loans. Instead of 2mbpd, Nigeria has produced just about 1.5mbpd; 42 million barrels a month and 210 million barrels in five months and about $8.6bn negative variance has occurred. That is bad enough. Every single barrel produced had been sold for less than the $75 budget benchmark by at least $10; that has created another $2.1bn shortfall. The request for $24.14bn must have included anticipated negative variances in the last seven months.

“Global oil demand growth is projected to slow from 990kb/d in Q125 to 650kb/d for the remainder of the year as economic headwinds and record EV sales curb use.” Google Report.

Nigerian governments, even when Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was Co-ordinating Minister for the Economy, under President Jonathan, had been behaving as if the nation is an island existing by itself without regard to global economic events and our obligations to organisations worldwide which restrain our freedom to act – particularly with respect to crude oil production and export. This particular illusion has resulted each year in unintended consequences. Okonjo-Iweala started it in 2013 when she presented the Medium Term Expenditure Framework, MTEF, which projected 2mbpd of crude to be produced by Nigeria for 2013 to 2015. This projection was made against the background of the quota approved for Nigeria by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries, OPEC – which was 1.7mbpd. Everybody in government, then and now, knows that Nigeria could not unilaterally exceed its production quota without serious repercussions.

 Furthermore, Nigeria’s Minister for Petroleum Resources who attended the meeting at which the quotas were determined for each country, was aware of the major reason. High crude prices were threatening a global recession; demand was declining; and the only way to keep prices up was to reduce supply. Why the FG proposed 2mbpd in the 2014 Budget remains a mystery given Okonjo-Iweala’s grasp of economics. The target was missed in 2014; yet, the FG went ahead and projected the same figure in the 2015 Budget – with OPEC quota remaining the same. Again, Nigeria failed to produce 2mbpd of crude.”Most of the problems a President has to face have their roots in the past.”US President Harry Truman, 1884-1972.

Buhari inherited a budget designed to fail from Jonathan. He compounded the calamity by taking three steps which have paved the way for the hell in which Nigerians are living now. One, he delayed the appointment of Ministers; he appointed an Accountant as Finance Minister; and, above all, he accepted the 2mbpd fiction as the basis of the eight budgets he presented to the National Assembly, NASS. Tinubu received the 2023 Budget which was doomed to fail right from the start and followed Buhari down the familiar road of basing budgets on wishful thinking instead of the hard rock of reality. Predictably, Tinubu, has presented two straight budgets based on 2mbpd. The 2024 Budget failed woefully. The 2025 is now getting unravelled by the global factors which all our Presidents and their economic advisers choose to ignore.

THE RISE OF EV; THE DEATH OF PETROL FUELLED CARS

“Everything comes to an end.” That was wisdom drilled into my head by my parents; which had been reinforced by studies and personal experience. The rise and enduring reign of fossil fuels were made possible by vehicles driven by their products.

The Age of Oil is over. China, the USA, Europe and now India, account for almost 75 per cent of global consumption of fuel. All of them are moving away from fossil fuel. Even Saudi is building hydrogen fuel capacity. Very few new cars requiring petrol are now being produced. Who will consume 2mbpd of crude – assuming we can produce it?

Tinubu urgently needs people who can write realistic financial budgets.

Mike Ejeagha, popularly known as “Gentleman Mike Ejeagha,” was a celebrated Nigerian folklorist, songwriter, and musician born on April 4, 1930, in Imezi Owa, Ezeagu Local Government Area of Enugu State.

Growing up in Coal Camp, Enugu, in a family headed by a civil servant father, he developed a passion for music early, playing the ogene and later learning guitar from local musicians Moses “Moscow” Aduba and Cyprian Uzochiawa.

Ejeagha began his music career in the mid-20th century, joining local groups like the Coal Camp Boys and later forming his own band, Mike Ejeagha and the Merrymakers, in 1950. That same year, he was invited by Atu Ona, Controller of the Nigerian Broadcasting Service, to audition and subsequently hosted a radio program titled Guitar Playtime, which marked the start of his broadcasting career. He also formed a larger band called Premier Dance Band and played with the Paradise Rhythm Orchestra, blending indigenous sounds with Ghanaian highlife influences.

His breakthrough came in 1960, the year of Nigeria’s independence, with the hit song “Ofu Nwa Anaaa,” which drew on folklore and helped shape Igbo language music. During the Nigerian Civil War, he disbanded his group but continued producing music on Radio Nigeria with a program called Igbo Play, even playing for soldiers as the war progressed. After the war, in 1974, he formed Gentleman Mike Ejeagha and His Trio, continuing to influence Igbo folk music.

Ejeagha was also a storyteller who combined research with his musical craft, producing over 350 songs throughout his career. He experienced personal losses, including the death of his first wife in 1963, whom he honored with an album, and he had ten children. He recorded under Premier Music Ltd and Polygram Label.

Mike Ejeagha passed away on June 6, 2025, leaving behind a rich legacy as a pioneer and custodian of Igbo folk music and culture over more than six decades.

In summary, Mike Ejeagha’s life and times reflect a deep commitment to preserving and evolving Igbo musical traditions, blending folklore with contemporary influences, and using radio and live performances to reach audiences even through challenging periods like the civil war.

[Vanguard]

I still remember the evening I first heard the term “Japa.” It came in the form of a meme—“If you’re seeing this, pack your bags”—plastered over an image of a dusty road disappearing into a golden horizon. The joke wasn’t just funny—it was painfully accurate. “Japa,” a Yoruba word meaning “to flee,” has evolved into a cultural and economic phenomenon, serving as a shorthand for the restless exodus of Nigerians, particularly the young and educated, in search of a better life. What was once a quiet movement of the desperate and the privileged has now morphed into a defining feature of Nigeria’s national psyche. It reflects not only a failure of the state but also the boundless courage of individuals who continue to chase dignity, safety, and opportunity across oceans.

Beneath the headline-grabbing migration figures lie deeply human stories, complicated by trade-offs that span continents and generations. When Aisha, a surgical nurse from Kaduna, arrived in London in 2022, she secured an NHS position that paid her over three times her salary in Nigeria. Her new life was a dream on paper—financial stability, functional healthcare, and reliable electricity. But the price was steep: her mother, widowed and diabetic, was left behind with no one to accompany her to clinic visits. Her younger siblings, used to Aisha’s help with tuition and groceries, now relied on irregular remittance flows and prayer. Her calls home, filled with reassurance and cheer, barely masked the weight of her absence. Aisha’s story is not exceptional—it is replicated across tens of thousands of households in Lagos, Yenegoa,Owerri, Ilorin, and beyond.

In 2023, Nigeria received an estimated $20.13 billion in remittances, the highest in sub-Saharan Africa and one of the few bright spots in the country’s bleak economic landscape. Remittances now account for nearly 4% of Nigeria’s GDP—greater than direct foreign investment — and serve as a vital buffer for families struggling with inflation, food insecurity, and crippling unemployment. These inflows fund school fees, hospital bills, building projects, and sometimes entire family businesses. For many, having a child or sibling abroad is the difference between collapse and survival. But money doesn’t hug you. It doesn’t walk your grandmother to the mosque or church. It doesn’t explain puberty to your 13-year-old son now growing up without a father figure.

What’s less visible but just as real is the emotional price of migration. There’s the guilt of leaving ageing parents in precarious health, the pain of missing births and funerals, and the slow erosion of intimacy with friends and siblings. Couples stretch their marriages across time zones, relying on WhatsApp calls that feel both immediate and artificial. Children born abroad grow up with hybrid identities, sometimes unable to speak their parents’ language or understand the values they left behind. 

The psychological price of migration is huge. Take Emmanuel, a computer science graduate from Enugu who arrived in Toronto in late 2023. At first, he thrived—new friends, a buzzing tech hub, crisp winter mornings. Within weeks, though, he began waking at 3 a.m., heart pounding, unable to shake the fear that he was alone in a strange land. Migraines set in, his appetite vanished, and he drifted into a fog of irritability and despair—a textbook case of the “Ulysses syndrome,” an immigrant stress reaction marked by anxiety, insomnia, and somatic pains. A 2020 meta-analysis of Nigerian-American immigrants found that higher acculturative stress was strongly linked to poorer mental health outcomes. Emmanuel endured six months of silent struggles before reaching out for therapy, finally realising that the cost of leaving home included the erosion of his well-being.

Nigeria, as a state, teeters between the benefits and burdens of this migration wave. On the one hand, remittances boost foreign reserves, provide fiscal stability, and enhance the purchasing power of recipient households. Diaspora investments are also reshaping the tech ecosystem. Diaspora entrepreneurs in London and Toronto have launched some of Europe’s fastest-growing fintech startups. Additionally, Nigeria ranks second only to India in terms of long-term migrants to the UK, with approximately 120,000 Nigerians relocating there as of June 2024. Nigerian-led startups in the UK, Canada, and the US are channelling capital, ideas, and tools back home, with Lagos fast becoming a West African tech hub despite its infrastructural challenges. Culturally, the country is undergoing a kind of global flowering—Afrobeat now dominates international music charts, Nollywood films are streaming on Netflix, and Nigerian chefs are redefining fine dining in New York, Toronto, and Berlin.

But the cost of this “success” is staggering. Over 75,000 Nigerian professionals have emigrated between 2019 and 2024. The health sector has been particularly hard hit: the Nigerian Medical Association estimates that more than 50% of registered doctors are practising abroad, widening the patient-doctor gap at home and prompting emergency staffing drives that still fall short. In 2023 alone, over 3,600 nurses were licensed to practice in the United Kingdom. University classrooms, once bustling with brilliant lecturers, now depend on visiting professors and part-time faculty. Hospitals are forced to recruit unqualified assistants to fill gaps. In the public sector, civil service talent is drying up, with young officers resigning en masse. The result is a talent vacuum that weakens national institutions just when they are most needed.

Government responses have been largely reactive and uncoordinated. Proposals to bond medical graduates to public service contracts for five to ten years have sparked outrage, especially among young professionals who argue that the state has no moral authority to restrict their freedom after failing to provide basic infrastructure, job security, or personal safety. Some state governments have introduced scholarship retention schemes and returnee investment incentives, but these remain too few, poorly implemented, or overshadowed by more attractive foreign offers. Policy inertia persists because Japa isn’t just a problem of economics—it is a verdict on governance. People are not leaving because they lack patriotism; they are leaving because patriotism no longer feeds them.

And while the Nigerian government tries to cope, Western host countries also wrestle with their own dilemmas. Nigerian migrants now comprise a significant portion of new arrivals in countries such as Canada and the United Kingdom. In Canada’s 2024 immigration data, Nigerians ranked among the top five sources of skilled workers. Western host nations find themselves in a precarious balancing act. Nigerian nurses and engineers fill critical shortages, bolstering public coffers through taxes and consumer spending. In the UK, they are heavily represented in the National Health Service and private care homes. These workers are praised for their diligence, education, and resilience.

However, the systems receiving them are often ill-prepared to integrate them. Many face bureaucratic roadblocks, including slow credential recognition and expensive licensing exams, which delay their full participation in the workforce. Years of retraining blunt the momentum of eager professionals, and discrimination can turn anticipation into anxiety. Others face subtle racism, wage disparities, and cultural isolation. Britain’s new Code of Practice for ethical health-worker recruitment aims to ensure that “poaching” talent doesn’t hollow out Nigeria’s fragile health system, yet the debate over “brain drain” ethics continues amid NHS staffing crises.

Despite these challenges, the Nigerian presence abroad is growing stronger and more confident. Nigerian culture is reshaping Western norms—Afrobeat now pulses through Glastonbury stages; jollof rice trucks line the streets of London; Yoruba phrases are sneaking into British slang; and the children of migrants are rising to prominence in politics, academia, and the arts. In 2025, the UK’s political landscape saw its first major-party leadership candidate of Nigerian descent. In America, Nigerian-American students consistently excel academically, and Nigerian churches and businesses have transformed entire neighbourhoods. These are not signs of assimilation—they are signs of expansion, the Nigerian identity flowering beyond borders.

Yet the question remains: what happens to the country they left behind? Who teaches in the schools from which they once graduated? Who rebuilds the hospitals where they were trained? Who ensures that power stays on long enough to power a mother’s air conditioner? Who stays to fix the power grid, redesign the curriculum, enforce the laws, and tell the next generation that hope is still possible at home?

Japa is not a simple story of brain drain or economic migration. It is a reckoning. It is a mirror held up to a nation that has failed too many of its brightest and bravest. But it is also a thread—an invisible umbilical cord—that connects the streets of Lagos to the clinics of Manchester, the classrooms of Toronto, and the startups of Berlin. And through that thread flows not just money but longing, memory, identity, and love. Japa is not unequivocal gain. It is a human response to systemic failures—economic, social, and political—and to the boundless courage of individuals chasing the promise of a better life. Its actual impact is braided across continents: in the phone calls between a migrant nurse and her mother, in the budget sheets of national ministries, and the urban rhythms of Toronto’s Chinatown.

Perhaps, over time, Japa will evolve from a flight to a return, as seen in India. Possibly, one day, Aisha will bring her NHS experience back to Kaduna to build a clinic of her own, and Emmanuel will reopen his old bedroom as a co-working space for local tech startups. Perhaps Nigeria will invest in a future that gives people a reason to stay, not just a means to leave. Until then, the suitcase remains half-packed, the visa application opens on the browser, and the heart is torn in two—between what is and what should have been.

So I woke up thinking about The Digital Juju vs. “National Cake” Chopping and in my mind I whispered—Ah, the question hangs in the air like the thick Lagos humidity, heavy with possibility and the faint, familiar scent of… something questionable. Can Artificial Intelligence, this shiny new oyinbo magic, truly sniff out the cunning “choppers” of Nigeria’s “national cake”? Can algorithms pierce the veil of Panama Papers, phantom contracts, and sudden unexplained wealth that rivals Mansa Musa’s caravan? Well, my friend, grab your akara and if there’s pap, let’s reason together – it’s a story laced with hope, sharp wit, and some hard garri truths.

First, let’s acknowledge the elephant in the room, or rather, the fleet of bulletproof SUVs parked outside the National Assembly: Nigerian political corruption is a sophisticated beast. It’s not just crude stuffing of naira into Ghana-must-go bags anymore (though that still happens, abi?). It’s layered like a well-made jollof rice – offshore accounts, inflated contracts awarded to fronts (“my boy is doing very well”), complex money laundering schemes dancing through multiple banks, and the sheer audacity of lifestyles that scream “How?” louder than a Pentecostal pastor on Sunday. Detecting this requires more than just eagle eyes; it needs the processing power of a thousand EFCC agents hopped on strong coffee.

Enter AI: The Digital Bloodhound with potential, I imagine this powerful tool. A Pattern Recognition Powerhouse. AI can devour mountains of data – procurement records, budget allocations, asset declarations (however…creative they might be), bank transactions, property registries, even news reports and social media chatter. It can spot anomalies invisible to humans: a senator suddenly sponsoring 50 bills after a major contract award in their constituency; a governor whose declared assets remain static while his wife’s boutique chain magically expands into Dubai; a ministry consistently spending 300% over market value for “consultancy fees” on road projects that look like buba after the rain.

Network Mapping Ninja: Corruption rarely works alone. AI can map intricate networks – linking politicians to contractors, shell companies, family members suddenly flush, and even seemingly unrelated businesses. It can expose the “godfatherism” infrastructure digitally, showing how funds flow like illicit palm wine through hidden pipes. Its Predictive Prowess by analyzing historical data, can potentially flag high-risk behaviours or contracts before the deal is sealed. Think of it as an early warning system: “Alert! This contract award process smells like a week-old ponmo left in the sun!”

It can automate the tedious, sifting through thousands of pages of documents? AI can do it in seconds, freeing up human investigators for the complex interrogation and strategic work. No more “the file is missing” excuses that hold more water than a basket.

This sounds like juju, abi? Hold your asho-oke…

Before we crown AI the anti-corruption Messiah, let’s inject some sharp Nigerian reality – the “buts” are as plentiful as potholes on the Benin-Ore road:

Garbage In, Garbage Out” (The Nigerian Edition). AI is only as good as the data it’s fed. Where will this data come from? Reliable, digitized, and accessible public records? Kai!Our data ecosystem is often fragmented, incomplete, deliberately obscured, or simply non-existent. Asset declarations? Many treat them like wedding lists – aspirational fiction. Procurement data? Often buried deeper than crude oil. If the data is “touched” or missing, even the smartest AI becomes like a blind man searching for a black goat in the dark.

The “Man Know Man” Firewall, Nigerian corruption is deeply human, built on complex webs of loyalty, ethnicity, fear, and patronage (“stomach infrastructure” is realpolitik). AI might spot the financial anomaly, but can it understand why a particular contractor must get the job? Can it penetrate the unspoken agreements, the threats, the egunje (bribes) disguised as “community development levies”? The human element – the connections – is a formidable encryption.

The “Oga at the Top” Problem, so controls the AI? Who sets its parameters? Who acts on its findings? If the agency deploying it is itself compromised, or answers to politicians who benefit from the status quo, the AI becomes a very expensive paperweight, or worse, a tool for selective witch-hunts against opponents. Imagine an AI programmed to conveniently overlook certain “big men” while flagging only the small fries. Power, in Nigeria, often seeks to protect itself.

The “Smart Criminals” Factor because our politicians are nothing if not adaptable. If AI flags sudden wealth, they’ll find slower, more complex laundering routes. If it monitors contracts, they’ll create more sophisticated shell companies, perhaps registered in jurisdictions where data is opaque. They’ll hire their own tech experts to find loopholes. It becomes an arms race – silicon versus slippery ingenuity.

The “Wetin Consign Me?” Syndrome is real because ultimately, AI provides evidence or suspicion. It doesn’t make arrests or secure convictions. That requires a robust, independent, and fearless judiciary, law enforcement agencies with integrity, and a political will that’s currently scarcer than stable electricity. No AI can convict a powerful politician shielded by impunity and a broken system.

So, can AI help? Yes, absolutely. It has the potential to be a game-changer, a powerful magnifying glass on the intricate workings of illicit wealth. But it is not a magic wand. It’s a tool, and like any tool, its effectiveness depends entirely on the hands that wield it and the environment it operates in.

Tech is a tool, not a cure, don’t be fooled by Silicon Valley hype. AI won’t solve corruption because corruption isn’t just a technical problem; it’s a deep-seated societal, political, and moral crisis. We must fix the foundations – transparency, accountability, strong institutions, ethical leadership – for AI to have fertile ground to work. As the saying goes, “You don’t use a golden cup to drink dirty water.” Clean the system first.

Data is the New Oil (and needs refining): Nigeria must prioritize creating comprehensive, open, and digitized public data systems. Mandatory, verifiable asset declarations. Transparent, accessible procurement portals. Centralized beneficial ownership registers. Without this fuel, the AI engine sputters and dies. Transparency is the ultimate disinfectant, and data is its carrier.

The Human Element is Irreplaceable: AI can flag anomalies, but humans must investigate motives, navigate complex social terrain, build cases, and demand justice. We need courageous journalists, whistleblowers, activists, judges, and citizens who care. AI empowers them; it doesn’t replace them. “Computers” can show the numbers, but only humans can feel the outrage and demand change.

Vigilance is Eternal: The corrupt will adapt. Any anti-corruption system, AI-powered or not, must be dynamic, constantly updated, fiercely protected from political interference, and backed by unwavering public pressure. Complacency is their greatest ally.

The wit is in the skepticism: A healthy dose of Nigerian skepticism is crucial. Don’t just believe the hype about “AI will save us.” Ask the hard questions: Who owns it? Who feeds it? Who acts on its findings? Trust, but verify – with the sharp eyes of someone who knows a 419 proposal when they see one.

Can AI help detect corrupt Nigerian politicians? Yes, it can. It can shine a powerful, unforgiving light into dark corners. It can process what would take humans lifetimes. It can be a formidable digital bloodhound. But will it lead to fewer corrupt politicians? That depends entirely on us.

AI is a potential catalyst, not the reaction itself. It offers a powerful new weapon, but the war against corruption will still be won or lost on the battlegrounds of political will, institutional integrity, judicial courage, and an empowered citizenry unwilling to tolerate the looting any longer. We must build the systems, demand transparency, and foster the culture where AI’s findings aren’t buried or ignored, but acted upon with the full force of the law.

So, let’s embrace the potential of this digital juju, but keep our feet firmly planted in Nigerian reality. Feed the AI clean data, shield it from “Oga at the Top” syndrome, back its findings with fearless human action, and maybe, just maybe, we can make the “chopping” of our commonwealth far harder, riskier, and ultimately, less profitable. The journey is long, and the road is rough, but as we say, “Slow and steady, no dey carry go quick quick, na im dey win race.” Perhaps AI can help us pick up the pace. The ball, as always, is in our court. Let’s play wisely, so that—Nigeria will win.

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

Team Lead

In a state known for political stability, Akwa Ibom is now grappling with a fresh wave of betrayal, not just of political godfathers or party structures, but of the very electorate who entrusted their hopes to the ballot box. Governor Umo Eno’s defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) marks more than a shift in party loyalty, it is a loud indictment of how self-interest has hijacked Nigeria’s democracy.

This political earthquake occurred two years into Eno’s first term, but its tremors are being felt across the entire democratic structure of the state. Backed by thunderous opposition from the people during a town hall meeting in Ikot Abasi, Governor Eno pressed forward with his declaration to “move” Akwa Ibom politically to the APC. When he asked, “Are you going with us?” the crowd’s resounding “No!” should have stopped him in his tracks. But it did not. That resistance was a referendum on his decision, a signal that the people do not support the move. Yet, true to Nigeria’s prevailing brand of politics, the will of the people was ignored.

The fallout from this defection is not just political, it is personal and moral. The man who handpicked Eno to succeed him, former Governor Udom Emmanuel, publicly condemned the defection, describing it as a betrayal, not just of him, but of the entire Akwa Ibom electorate. In a statement issued on Saturday, June 7, 2025, Emmanuel did not mince words:

“I’m deeply surprised by this development. This is a time when Nigerians are facing severe challenges, hardship, insecurity, and a high cost of living. One would expect any well-meaning leader to distance themselves from the party responsible for these problems. Instead, we see the governor throwing his weight behind the same party.”

Here is a man who mentored and positioned Eno for leadership within the PDP, only to be rewarded with a dagger in the back. But beyond personal betrayal lies a deeper concern: the subversion of democratic ideals and the abuse of electoral trust.

Let us cut through the fog of political spin. Governor Eno is not defecting to the APC because of ideological realignment or a desire to serve the people better. He is doing it out of desperation for political survival, a gambit to secure support from the federal government as he eyes a second term in 2027. As Emmanuel rightly said, “We all know the Governor is desperate. He is fighting tooth and nail to secure a second term.”

Two weeks before officially announcing his defection, Governor Eno reportedly issued an ultimatum to his cabinet members: join me in the APC or resign. Three commissioners resigned. Fifteen members of the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly reportedly refused to defect. That kind of coercion is not just unethical, it is undemocratic. Loyalty in a democracy must be earned, not extorted.

When leaders start threatening their subordinates to follow them across party lines, it becomes clear: this is no longer about governance, it is about political control.

Let us not forget the most important stakeholders in any democratic system, the people. The electorate voted Umo Eno into office under the PDP platform. They believed in the policies, the manifesto, and the promise that party represented. They did not vote for a last-minute backdoor merger with the APC.

Defecting from the party midterm, without any referendum, consultation, or grassroots consensus, is nothing short of stealing the people’s mandate. The idea that one man, irrespective of his office, can override the collective will of millions without consequence, reveals just how broken our system is.

When a governor makes a seismic political move without public consultation, when the crowd screams “No!” and he still presses on, what we have is autocracy in democratic clothing.

The Nigerian constitution, as it stands, is too lenient on executive defections. While lawmakers risk losing their seats for crossing the floor without a crisis in their party, governors face no such checks. This loophole allows governors like Eno to ride roughshod over voters’ wishes with zero repercussions. It is a legal imbalance that needs urgent correction.

There must be legal provisions requiring elected executives to seek public approval, perhaps through referendum, before defecting from one political party to another. Anything short of that is nothing but political robbery.

Thankfully, not everyone is for sale. The commissioners who resigned rather than switch allegiance, and the 15 lawmakers who stood their ground, have shown that integrity still has a pulse in Nigerian politics. Udom Emmanuel was right to congratulate them: “It shows that we still have people of integrity who put the people first.”

These individuals are setting the kind of precedent Nigeria desperately needs, a political culture where loyalty to principles, not perks, guides action. It is their resistance, along with the vocal rejection from the people that offers a glimmer of hope in this unfolding betrayal.

If Akwa Ibom’s citizens do not respond to this betrayal with political consequences, they send a dangerous signal that leaders can do as they please once elected. The people must rise, organize, and resist this hijack of their democratic right. Civil society must speak out. The media must probe deeper. And the judiciary must be bold in interpreting the law for the people’s benefit, not the politicians’.

In the 2027 elections, if Governor Eno indeed seeks reelection under the APC, the voters must remember this moment, not just for the betrayal it represents, but for what it says about the future of democracy in the state.

Governor Eno’s defection is a mirror reflecting the state of Nigeria’s political system: self-serving, elite-driven, and dangerously detached from the people it claims to serve. Whether you call it betrayal, opportunism, or a survival strategy, it boils down to one truth, defection without the people’s consent is undemocratic.

This is not just about party politics. It’s about a system where leaders prioritize power over principle and survival over service. Unless this trend is reversed through legislative reform, civic resistance, and political awareness, Nigeria’s democracy will remain under siege, not from foreign invaders, but from its own elected leaders.

The tragedy of Akwa Ibom is not just that a governor defected. It is that he did so with impunity, and expected everyone else to simply clap.

The Kano State Government has demanded financial compensation from the Federal Government over the cancellation of the annual Durbar celebrations for two consecutive years in Kano Emirate, citing heavy economic losses.

The State’s Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Alhaji Tajo Uthman, made the demand on Sunday during the traditional Sallah homage paid by the 16th Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II, to the Government House.

Speaking during the event, Uthman said the suspension of the Durbar festival had deprived the state of significant revenue that is usually generated from tourism and associated economic activities.

“Kano State has suffered huge financial losses due to the cancellation of the Durbar. It is more than just a cultural event—it is an economic driver,” Uthman stated. “it is high time we begin demanding reparation from the federal government for the losses incurred over the past two years”

LEADERSHIP reports that the annual Durbar, a colourful display of horsemanship, traditionally draws thousands of spectators, including tourists from within and outside Nigeria. The event is a major source of revenue for hotels, restaurants, transport operators, artisans, and traders.

Uthman stressed that even the smallest transactions during the festival season, such as shoe polishing and street food sales, play an essential role in boosting the local economy.

“When these tourists come, they stay in hotels, enjoy local dishes, watch the Durbar, and when their shoes get dusty, they pay someone to clean them. Some even buy snacks like Gurasa,” he explained. “These seemingly minor activities inject money into the economy. Now that the Durbar has been cancelled two years in a row, all of that revenue is gone.”

The commissioner added that the state had included revenue from the Durbar festivities in its annual budget, and the cancellation had created a financial gap that needed to be addressed.

“We included these revenues in our annual budget. Now that we’ve lost them, we’ll need the Federal Government to step in and cover the gap,” he added.

LEADERSHIP reports that the Kano State Police Command had placed a total ban on Durbar in the State since 2014 over the Kano emirship tussle between Emir Sanusi II and the 15th Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero, in order to forestall possible breakdown of law and order.

[Leadership]

Each of the 3,200 pilgrims from Sokoto state have received 1000 Saudi Riyals which is equivalent to N450,000 as Sallah gift from Governor Ahmed Aliyu.

The governor made the announcement on Saturday during a visit to the Sokoto contingent in Minna, where he congratulated them on the successful completion of the Hajj exercise.

Aliyu said the gesture was aimed at supporting the pilgrims financially as they prepare for their return journey to Nigeria.

He expressed satisfaction with the conduct of the state’s pilgrims, noting that none were found violating Saudi Arabian laws during their stay in the holy land.

“I want to thank you most profoundly for being good ambassadors of our dear state in this holy land. I am indeed very proud of you,” the governor said.

“I equally appreciate your maturity and high sense of responsibility while undertaking the Hajj rituals.”

He reassured the pilgrims of his administration’s continued commitment to their welfare and that of all residents of Sokoto State.

Governor Aliyu also commended the State Amirul Hajj, Alhaji Ummarun Kwabo, for his tireless efforts to ensure the success of this year’s Hajj. He further appreciated the officials of the Sokoto State Pilgrims Welfare Agency for their dedication in organizing a successful pilgrimage.

He urged the pilgrims to intensify prayers for Nigeria, especially for divine intervention in addressing the country’s numerous challenges, with emphasis on insecurity.

“No matter the effort we are putting into addressing insecurity, prayer remains the best weapon to end the insecurity that has been crippling our development,” he added.

The governor also used the visit to condole with pilgrims from Gudu and Shagari Local Government Areas over the demise of Hajiya Hadiza and Bala Jangebe, who passed away during the pilgrimage. He prayed for Allah’s forgiveness for the departed souls and comfort for their grieving families.

Earlier, the State Amirul Hajj, Alhaji Ummarun Kwabo, thanked the governor for his support, which he said significantly contributed to the success of this year’s Hajj operations. He noted that all the committees set up for the pilgrimage have been working diligently to ensure a smooth and successful exercise.

[DailyTrust]