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[OPINION] August 27 and a daughter’s celebration of Abacha - Festus Adedayo
Last week, August 27, 2024, was the 39th anniversary of the coup that toppled Gen Muhammadu Buhari, erstwhile GOC 3rd Armored Division of the Nigerian Army. On that day, Fatima Gumsu, daughter of military despot, Gen Sani Abacha, who is also wife of Yobe State governor, Mai Mala-Buni, sparked a debate. It led to a comparative assessment of military autocracy and civilian dictatorship. Gumsu had posted a photograph of her father in full military regalia on Facebook. On the photo, Gumsu merely wrote, “Baba na” – my father – with an emoji of “Love”. In the photo, Abacha was flanked by then Chief of Army Staff, Major Gen Ibrahim Babangida, who later became military president; and Gen Joshua Dogonyaro, who announced the palace coup on radio. The trio, who had just seized power, accused Buhari of high-handedness, incompetence and failure “to rejuvenate the economy”. Earlier, on December 31, 1983, all of them had violently brought to a rude halt Nigeria’s Second Republic.
No matter the global stench oozing out of the Abacha name, Gumsu had every right to celebrate her father; after all, back-flipping that celebration, the Yoruba say that every child is a hero in the eyes of their parent (gbogbo omo l’óńjé Jagun l’ójú ìyá è).
One thousand five hundred people commented on Gumsu’s attempt to beatify her generally loathed father. Virtually all the comments were positive, literally submitting that Abacha was worthy to be canonized. While one Ibrahim Musa wrote “Brave patriot General(,) may Allah be pleased with his soul”, one Oladipupo Michael wrote “Cow does not know the value of it’s (sic) tail, until it is cut off,” while a few others wrote: he “was a great man” by a Kene Kenneth, and an Oluwayomi Oyedepo, wrote “RIP sir, it pains me you didn’t kill Balablue, now he is killing everybody.” Generally, however, the comments were reflective of ethno-geographical sentiments, with some delivering their comments in Hausa. So, was it the passage of time that purified Abacha, making him worthy to be made a Canon? Was it ignorance by the respondents? Was it their naivety of the crookedness of military rule? Or, the fact that, successive Nigerian governments have shed democracy of the beautiful people-centric furs that citizens, like Plato, wore on this 5th century Greek city-state of Athens concept?
Perhaps coincidentally, on same August 27, Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen Taoreed Lagbaja, assured Nigerians that the Army would not yield to calls by people he called “powerful interest blocs” to re-enact the infamous hijack of power by Abacha and other military adventurists. He said this in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State. Lagbaja spoke against the backdrop of recent calls for military intervention in Nigeria, especially during the August 1 to 10 #EndbadGovernance protest. Lagbaja attributed the calls to “young Nigerians who never experienced the era of Nigeria’s extensive military rule” and stated that, with “the image-bashing” the Army received for planning coups since 1966, it “is not poised to lose the new prestige it has painstakingly built in the past 25 years.”
Lagbaja’s homily notwithstanding, Nigeria and indeed Africans, have begun to subject the democratic waves that took hold of Africa in the late 1990s to some interrogations. They place the waves side by side the backsliding into military autocracy in some other African nations in the last two years or so, the grueling poverty and absentee governance in Africa and the clear inability of so-called democratic governments to tame insecurity and hunger. The question they ask is, can what Nigeria/Africa practice today be called democracy? Or, is democracy on the decline? A case study is the current Nigerian government which has made a fatal botch of democratic rule.
Philip Schmitter and Terry Carl, both of Stanford University, in their What democracy is… and is not, (Journal of Democracy, June 1991) attempted to identify what democracy is not. They concluded that democracy is not necessarily a system of regular elections. Such understanding of democracy, they said, is a fallacy because a system of regular elections, rather than democracy, can be better defined as “electoralism”. Democracy is also not majority rule because it could be tyrannical. However, democracy, they submitted, is everything about a most distinctive element called citizens. Leonardo Morlino, in his What is a ‘Good’ Democracy? (Democratization, Vol.11, No.5, 2004) also said that democracy needs liberty and equality, rule of law, accountability, full respect for rights, freedoms and a progressive implementation of greater political, social and economic equality. Larry Diamond, in his Is democracy in decline? (2015) even submitted that there is a strong relationship between economic performance and the survival of democracies. Thus, if the definitions above constitute the irreducible minimum of what democracy is, it may be right to submit that what most parts of Africa practice today is not democracy.
Since it will be Afghanistanism, similar to a dog abandoning its soggy nose and choosing instead to bark at bystanders, (ajá ò rán ti’mú è tí ò gbe…) let us Nigerianize the issues involved. It looks pretty obvious that in the last 25 years, Nigerians have been shortchanged. In the last 15 months specifically, situations have gone direr. Life and living are worse for the people now than under military rule. For example, so much hoopla has been made about the Tinubu government’s absenteeism in the lives of the people. His 15 months in office has triggered about the worst economic downturn in Nigerian history, comparable only to the great depression era. Cost of living is kissing the firmament and Nigerians are convulsing under unprecedented socio-economic seizures and death. Like fiddling Nero, the president and his appointees breakfast in Lisbon, lunch in Paris and dine in the Antarctic. They literally buy mansions in Uranus with people’s wealth.
Life is searing hot for Nigerians. It reminds one of a 1981-written track by Immortal Peter Tosh called Solution to this Pollution: “Gas gone up/Bus fare gone up/The rent gone up/For meal gone up?/Lighting gone up/The tax gone up/Car parts gone up,.. /Onion gone up/Red beans gone up/Black pepper gone up/Chicken gone up/And the parents dem angry/Cause the pickney (pikin) dem hungry”, he sang, as if his beef was with today’s Nigeria.
More than the economic regression under the Tinubu government, what is of greater concern is its peremptory walk down river road of oppression and strangulation of free speech. It seems envious of the Sani Abachas’ footprints. Under the toga of a Decree 4-like Cybersecurity Act, a regime of repression is gradually being unleashed on Nigerians, chiefly journalists. Fear of the blood-baiting claws of the Villa looms like a pestilence. A few examples abound. Daniel Ojukwu of the Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ) was abducted by the Intelligence Response Team of the IGP, Kayode Egbetokun and detained incommunicado for three days. Segun Olatunji, editor of FirstNews, was arrested by heavily armed military personnel and detained in an underground cell for 14 days on the orders of Femi Gbajabiamila, Tinubu’s CoS. Kasarachi Aniagolu of The Whistler was allegedly arrested for covering an EFCC raid in Abuja. So also Achadu Gabriel of Daybreak Newspaper and Godwin Tsa of The Sun, assaulted and detained for covering a peaceful protest in Abuja. Last Sunday, Adejuwon Soyinka, Regional Editor of The Conversation Africa, was arrested at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport. The most recent of this media repression is that of Shafi’u Tureta, a social media critic. He was ordered arrested and taken into custody by heavily armed police in Sokoto State. His crime? He posted the viral video of Hajiya Fatima Aliyu, First Lady of the state’s lavish birthday party.
Contrary to Schmitter, Carl and Morlino’s definition of democracy above, citizens’ welfare takes backstage attention. “Liberty and equality, rule of law, accountability, full respect for rights, freedoms and a progressive implementation of greater political, social and economic equality” seem to be regressing into abeyance. Those who know, claim that the quantum of corruption under this government in the last 15 months is benumbing. However, in the eye of the state, the interest of the Leviathan is more important than the welfare of the people.
Former governor of Jigawa State, Sule Lamido, in yesterday’s edition of the Tribune, called Nigerians’ attention to what may be in the offing. With the awesome, raw powers at the disposal of the president, it will be wishful thinking dislodging him in 2027. He said, “Tinubu today is somebody who has a grip on Nigeria, who owes obeisance to nobody in Nigeria, who believes that God made him and he made himself and he is now lording it over the Nigerian people and nobody can challenge him. He was adept at studying the system, manipulating it. He exploited it and he did it well. I wish he could use his sagacity, his talent to help Nigeria’s development. It would have been wonderful. But he is using it negatively. He has everything but not for the development of Nigeria and it is affecting you, it is affecting me.”
The Nigerian state is not only in the president’s kitty, anyone who doubts that a civilian dictatorship is afoot would be fooling themselves. The Nigerian president today is a potential palace despot. He has a lickspittle parliament, headed by Villaswill, a marionette whose fancy he tickles at will; an allegedly pliant judiciary and a hugely troubling coercive apparatus. The IGP today used to be his police lapel, so brewing a police state to babysit autocracy is a done deal.
On July 23, 2024, a bill to amend the Nigerian Police Act 2020 was speedily passed by Villaswill’s Senate. Tinubu had asked that the No 1 Sheriff continued to leech to his trousers for more years, despite having reached the statutory 60-year terminus. Statutorily, 60 years or 35 years in service is the age civil servants disembark from service train. If you listened to the IGP’s oily and adulatory speech in service of Tinubu recently, you will realize how he is an icing on the cake of a potential imperial rule. Almost tearfully appreciative, Egbetokun recalled how he “met President Bola Tinubu in 1998, and that meeting produced a positive transformation in my life within 24 hours.” That is a major ingredient with which a police state that abets an imperial power broth is cooked.
In the words of Udenta O. Udenta in a television interview last week, democracies no longer die by the wielding of guns as it used to be through coups of 1966, 1983 and 1993. Once a government, which controls huge coercive apparatuses, dismantles press freedom, human liberties and sows fears as Tinubu is doing in the hearts of the people, then, we must be ready to sing nunc dimitis to democratic rule. Eleko orun np’olowo – the heavenly hawker of corn meal porridge – must then have started advertizing its wares. Nuhu Ribadu, like his predecessors as NSA, is demonstrating a conceptual naivety of what his beat, the national security, is all about. In the words of Margaret Vogt, former Nigerian diplomat and political scientist, national security isn’t state security, nor is it the security of ‘His Imperial Majesty.’ National security is security of jobs for the unemployed, foods and good living for the citizens. By failing to provide these essential ingredients, the Tinubu government has left its democratic food unattended to and flies of calls for military rule are perching on it.
If you study the manifestations of military governments in Nigeria from 1966 to 1999, what you can call a milder version of their repressiveness and recklessness are on display today. In 1973, Yakubu Gowon’s governor, Alfred Diette-Spiff, shaved the head of Meneri Amakiri, a reporter. Today, Sokoto State governor, too shaved off Shafi’u Umar Tureta’s freedom. As Sani Abacha jailed TheNews’ Kunle Ajibade for life under trumped up charges, the Tinubu government equally detained Olatunji in a dark cell, in a replica of Abacha’s Frank Omenka style.
The Nigerian economy under the military was even comparatively munificent and people-friendly. As military Head of State, to curtail ostentation, Gen Olusegun Obasanjo decreed modesty across board in Nigeria. Obasanjo himself lived by example and drove Peugeot 504 car as official car. Today, the Tinubu government asks Nigerians to tighten their belts but he and his officials live the profligate life of an Oil Sheik. Drunken stupor wastefulness is the middle name of government. It has no empathy for the people, and to compound matters, has no respect for people’s freedom, free speech and human rights. The people’s rule we thought we would have today, for which we fought hard yesterday, during which we lost many of our fathers, mothers and siblings and lost our freedom, is indistinguishable from the Khaki rule we fought yesterday.
As Gumsu Abacha did with her father’s photograph last week, I challenge Iyaloja Sade or Seyi Tinubu, the president’s daughter and son, to post their father’s picture on Facebook today and say, affectionately, like Gumsu, “Baba mi.” If it equally attracts 1500 respondents as Gumsu’s, not less than 1490 of the comments would rain curses on their father. It shows that something is fatally wrong with that thing we call democracy in our land. In any case, what we have today is what can be called the triumph of Abachaism. Abacha’s Prime Minister, the Chagoury brothers and his bagman are top henchmen of this government, back to their PM roles. NADECO, which fought Abacha tooth and nail, losing some of its soldiers in the process, didn’t realize that it had fallen into what soldiers call an ambush. It escaped from a house of infirmity only to land in the bedroom of death.
Having said all the above, however, let me borrow that timeless cliché and say, the most benevolent Abacha-kind rule can never be compared to a flip-flopping democratic government like Tinubu’s. When anyone loses their newborn child, Yoruba console them by saying, it is only the water that poured away; the pitcher remains intact (Omi l’ó fó, agbè ò fó). Yes, we lost a democratic government but we still have the spirit of democracy. For a Nigerian pollution this rank and damp, we must find solution, as Tosh counseled. But the solution can NEVER be military rule. Those of us who grew into the power manic of Khaki will never pray for its shadow in Nigeria again. We must knead the raw dough of what we currently have into a tantalizing meal.
Yes, Lamido has painted a very grim picture of the probable renewal of this imperial rule in 2027. Quoting him, he said, “even Pharaoh’s empire collapsed. So, no matter how daring you are, ultimately, it won’t end well.” However, apologies to our physically challenged compatriots, Yoruba, in their witty best, say that whoever coveys the lame to a party must convey them back to their destination (Ení gb’áro wá, ni ó gb’áro lo). Our vote was what was claimed to have brought this áro here. It must be what would wheel it back.
[OPINION] Monday Lines : Marriage, Yes; Education, No - Lasisi Olagunju
“It is President Bola Tinubu I pity more here. What his minister is toying with is a decision that will affect every home where education is prized above politics. You can’t ask sixteen-year-old children of the rich and the poor not to write their final exams and be greeted with love and thanks. No. What would those students be doing between their present age and when they would clock 18? Marriage or street trading or banditry? I should think Tinubu is too smart to own this gamble and be buried in its rubble. He will certainly find out that this matter is far more dangerous than mass hunger and oil subsidy removal. This journey is an ambiguous adventure which will likely drag his government into a forest of a billion troubles.”
At 89, old age has confined Dr. Omololu Olunloyo to the wheelchair, but he remains as sharp as he was 29 years ago when I first met him. He still does not wear eyeglasses, even to read. A genius who proved his prodigy as a toddler. I thought I should visit him and inform him how lucky he is that he was born in 1935 and not now. I sauntered into his genial presence last Friday; his back facing my arrival. He was born and raised at a time genius and youthfulness were not crimes and disabilities. Today’s children do not have his kind of luck – the girls can be married off at any age but can’t go to school at any age. From next year, both boys and girls in Nigeria are barred from seeking admission into the university at the age Olunloyo sought his.
On 16 July, 2013, our senators fought over what should be the age of maturity for the Nigerian girl. The Senate had sat to review Section 29 of the 1999 Constitution. Section 29(4)(b) says “any woman who is married shall be deemed to be of full age.” Popular Senator Ahmed Sani Yerima from Zamfara State, supported by Senator Danjuma Goje from Gombe State, stoutly opposed a recommendation that that Section 29(4)(b) be deleted so that 18 years contained in Section 29(4)(a) could be affirmed properly as the age of maturity in Nigeria. Senator Sani argued that once girls of any age are married, they are considered mature and “of full age.” The Senate upheld his argument after a storm. The provision was retained and it is there in our constitution as I write this.
Some actions and decisions are as hot as 20-year-old pounded yam – they burn fingers. Senator David Mark who presided over the voting exercise on that clause in 2013 warned his colleagues that they were “on the threshold of history.” He asked each of them to “vote according to (their) conscience.” And they did, endorsing marriage (not 18 years) as the marker of maturity for girls. Could it be that today’s education minister, Tahir Mamman, is unaware of that provision in our constitution which his senators championed and endorsed eleven short years ago? Minister Mamman told a national television last week that age 18 is the minimum for writing the Senior Secondary School Certificate exams and the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination. He said he was enforcing an old, existing policy.
If a girl of 14 years is considered “of full age” by our constitution because she is married, shouldn’t that her “full age” automatically qualify her for university education? And, shouldn’t this, in fact, apply to boys also because the same constitution – Section 42(1a & b) – expressly forbids discrimination on the basis of sex? If the married are qualified because they are married, the unmarried ones have Section 15 (2) of the constitution to run to. The section adds discrimination on the basis of “status” to the list of the prohibited. Marriage is a social status.
Senator Sani Yerima is out of the Senate but Goje is still there. So, can Goje please come out against this education policy as boldly as he and Yerima did in 2013 for marriage? If he needs to foment trouble for the Senate president as he did for David Mark in 2013, he should for the sake of the future. He should be heard loud and clear telling our minister and the president that anyone who is mature enough to read through Senior Secondary School up to the point of writing the final papers should also be deemed “of full age” and “of university age”. Whatever (and whoever) is good for marriage should be good for education – except there is something else hidden in this 18-years policy enforcement. Or is it a distraction from the existential pains of the present?
Someone should tell the minister and his boss, the president, that they cannot climb this tree from the top. The policy they are vowing to implement is 6-3-3-4. If they want to enforce the 18-years-or-nothing policy, the place to start is the point of entry into primary school – the first year of the first six years of schooling. That is, if they can do it without first expunging Section 29(4)(b) from the constitution.
It is President Bola Tinubu I pity more here. What his minister is toying with is a decision that will affect every home where education is prized above politics. You can’t ask sixteen-year-old children of the rich and the poor not to write their final exams and be greeted with love and thanks. No. What would those students be doing between their present age and when they would clock 18? Marriage or street trading or banditry? I should think Tinubu is too smart to own this gamble and be buried in its rubble. He will certainly find out that this matter is far more dangerous than mass hunger and oil subsidy removal. This journey is an ambiguous adventure which will likely drag his government into a forest of a billion troubles.
“A righteous man regards the life of his beast: but the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel.” The system appears not done with helpless parents who are condemned to life perpetually spent on petrol and palliative queues. It has moved its afflictive fingers to their children. But why?
A horde of regime choristers are online and offline singing endorsements for this hemlock. Tinubu should run away from them and check them out. Those ones and or their own children graduated long ago at ages younger than what they prescribe now. They now say today’s young ones are too much in a hurry. The median age at death is what the white man calls life expectancy. The WHO says it refers to “the number of years a person can expect to live.” In the United States, it is 79.25 years. In Nigeria, as I write, it is 56.05 years. Out of those 56 short years, ASUU will take its own which is infinite; NYSC will take one. Very crucial is unemployment which will take years that are indeterminate in number. How many do we really have to live? And you want these super kids to waste away waiting for your magic year before trying their luck by going to the university?
I met Olunloyo last Friday sitting exactly the way an Einstein would in a lab. First Class (Honours) Mathematics; PhD Applied Mathematics at age 26; commissioner at 27; former governor, Oyo State. He was there, profoundly deep, all sorts of printed materials around him. I saw him immersed in the soul of what was playing from a sound box by his side stool.
“Classical,” I said of the tune wafting in the air.
“Yes. Heavenly. W.A. Mozart, 1756 to 1791. Genius,” he told me.
Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, composer and pianist. Mozart started playing music at age 3; he started composing at age 5. By the time he was 17, he had played in European royal courts and palaces. A biographer described his physique as “remarkably small”; another agreed that “he was small” and added that “his large intense eyes gave no signs of his genius.” Mozart had a total of 626 compositions: symphonic, operatic, chamber, choral. He did all he had to do and died at thirty five. His number 626 composition is named ‘Requiem.’
“He was a prodigy. He had no time to go to school,” Olunloyo told me. I replied that if Mozart was born here and now and would want to go to school, our government would say no. He cannot; he must wait for his age and time. Even if he smuggled himself into a school, the system would wait for him at the port of disembarkation. He would not write his final papers until the year our government decreed him ripe. We laughed. Olunloyo described the government policy of outlawing writing WAEC and NECO exams before age 18 as nonsense. “I wrote mine at 17,” he stressed.
If you meet your gist mate, you become talkative. We launched into a long session, discussing the age and life of geniuses, plunging deep into music and mathematics, particularly the marriage between the two disciplines. He brought out his secondary school class four result sheet. I looked at it and smiled. He asked why. I told him his Biology looked like mine. I never scored more than 68 in that subject. He was a one hundred percenter in mathematics. I told him I had that too, not once, not twice. Maths was my forte before I was abducted by literature and the arts. Really? Yes, but that was where the comparison ends. I was not described as “very heady” by any of my own teachers. At the university, Olunloyo consistently beat his own records where he took “first place in all his mathematics classes.” He was described as a gold medallist at the 611-year-old University of St Andrews, Scotland, where he did his PhD. What does being a gold medallist mean? I asked him. He said it meant being first among the first.
“For instance, in an exam, I scored 132 over 100.” He told me and I couldn’t understand how that arithmetic was possible. I asked him how.
“If you are asked to answer five questions for full marks and you go on competitively to do as many as you wished, you get more than 100,” he explained. I asked if that happened to him once. “More than once,” he answered and I laughed. He asked why. I told him, here, he would fail; you can’t be asked to answer five questions and you proceed to answer all eight questions contained on your question paper. The system will fail and ‘jail’ you for not following instructions. You will be guilty of a crime called ‘too know.’
We went back to Mozart.
“His music makes the smart smarter”, I teased the old genius. He looked at me, flashed the old blithe smile and pointed at my phone.
“Yes, the Mozart Effect. Let’s ask Google for details on that.” I checked. The Mozart Effect is a scientific theory that links music with smartness. It is popular and proven. It claims, with more than an assumption, that listening to Mozart’s compositions and other classical music increases spatial intelligence. “Yes,” Olunloyo chipped in his experience: “When I was in school, his number 525 was always the last music we played before entering the exam hall.”
“Oh. It was your talisman, Mozart’s music?”
“It worked,” he said, smiling.
My people say a song that is not difficult to lead should not be difficult to follow. They say when a good leader says “haaay”, he wouldn’t long to hear behind him “haaah”. Given the right place and age, brilliance can be contagious. Mozart produced another music genius in a man called Ludwig Beethoven. At age seven, this child prodigy had his first public performance. He also never had formal schooling but is remembered today as “one of the most revered figures in the history of Western music.” He was lucky that he was born where he was born and when he was born. His youthful age would be of no value here – except for marriage and associated conjugal bedroom benefits.
We moved to Évariste Galois (1811-1832). Remarkable mathematics genius. People of Mathematics, and generally of STEM, remember him with thanks for giving their world Abstract Algebra and Group theory from which computer science, physics, coding theory and cryptography evolved and got their buga. What is astounding is that Galois did almost all his mathematical ‘magics’ as a teenager. History records him as that tiny boy who solved a mathematics problem that had been open for 350 years. He died at 21. If he was here, his genius would have long died before him.
There was also Carl Friedrich Gauss, one of the founders of Geophysics. Our government people who are making fetishes of age 18 should read the history of this genius who is called the ‘Prince of Mathematics’. History says at age three, Gauss corrected a maths error made by his father. There are other stories about this genius which may teach our husbands some lessons in how to implement policies without killing the star in our kids.
At age 10, Gauss found a shortcut for calculating the sum of an arithmetic progression. The story goes that one afternoon, Gauss’s schoolteacher was tired of teaching. He thought the way to find some rest was to keep his troublesome class busy. He gave his little pupils what he thought was a maths exercise that would sweat them for at least 10 or 15 minutes. Teacher asked students to sum the integers from 1 to 100. In simple English, the teacher asked his students to do 1+2+3+4+5+…up to 99+100. In less than five seconds, Gauss told teacher he had found the answer. What is the answer? Gauss replied that the sum was 5050. History says the boy’s classmates and teacher were astonished. All others fumbled and failed to get the correct answer within the allotted time. How did Gauss do it? Dr Olunloyo said precocious Gauss simply calculated 100x(100+1) and divided it by 2. He said he had his (Olunloyo’s) own way of doing the same sum – also in record seconds. My host picked a piece of paper, collected my pen, and proceeded to demonstrate the method to me, his student. I thought his is simpler and faster than Gauss’. Carl Friedrich Gauss went on in life to confound the world with his genius. He had his PhD at age 21 – a feat that would be classified irregular and unacceptable by the education policy of today’s government in Nigeria.
There was also Blaise Pascal (1623-1662). He too made his mark in maths, physical science and philosophy. He had a father that behaved almost like our minister of education who is saying that you can’t proceed in learning unless you are 18. Pascal plunged himself into studying geometry at a very young age. At age 12, he found what we still use today in our study of angles and triangles. Pascal theorized that “the inside angles of a triangle always add up to the total of two right angles.” His father, also a mathematician, was alarmed at his son’s precocity. He thought the boy was too young for what he got himself into. The way to save the boy from himself was to remove all mathematics textbooks from the house. But because the boy was on his way to meet his destiny, he found a way around his dad’s sanctions: He started doing geometry whenever his father was out or he was too busy to look his boy’s side. The father soon surrendered to his son’s genius and encouraged his flower to bloom. And it did, spectacularly. He invented the world’s first calculator in 1642 among other great things he did. Then he branched into philosophy where he used maths to prove the existence of God. He donated to the world what is known today as ‘Pascal’s Wager’: Believe in God “is a wise wager…If you gain, you gain all; if you lose, you lose nothing. Wager then without hesitation that He is.”
Tortoise wishes to fight with his fists, but he has no fingers. The helpless people of Nigeria are that Tortoise. This fact the sword holders know. What is so special about the corpse of this 40-year-old policy that it must be exhumed from the cemetery to pollute the progress of our kids? And, why now, why ever?
I had a university classmate who graduated First Class at age 19. That was 34 years ago. She is doing very well today in the United States. Immediate past governor of Kaduna State, Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, was born on 16 February, 1960. For his secondary school education, he attended Barewa College, Zaria and graduated there at the top of his class in 1976. How old was he when he achieved that feat? He was certainly not 18. Around me at home and in the office are exceptionally brilliant young men and women who left the university by or before age 20. Today’s homes are dormitories of geniuses. As Chief Afe Babalola argued in a newspaper report last Friday, “children are now demonstrating exceptional academic intelligence which is not common in their ages.” This government cannot be allowed to stop their momentum. The uproar against this government’s war on genius is loud in the air. It will remain loud. If the pesky lice of this regime stay stubborn in the hems and seams of our babanriga, our thumbs will not stop crushing them; bloodstains on the fingernails won’t be our bother.
[OPINION] Nigeria and the Illusion of Good Governance - Dakuku Peterside
Good governance is universally acknowledged as a critical factor in the progress and development of any nation. In Nigeria, both the elite and the common people share this profound understanding of governance’s impact on the country’s trajectory. However, despite this shared understanding, these groups have a significant divide in their conception of what constitutes “good governance.” For the masses, good governance is primarily about tangible improvements in living conditions—such as access to necessities, healthcare, education, and security. The elite, however, view good governance through a broader lens, encompassing systematic approaches to resolving public policy challenges. Meanwhile, technocrats and academics emphasize key principles like participation, transparency, accountability, responsiveness, equity, effectiveness, and inclusivity as the hallmarks of good governance. Despite these varied perspectives, there is a consensus across all sectors that good governance is sorely lacking in Nigeria.
This column explores the reasons behind Nigeria’s persistent struggle with good governance, even after sixty three years of independence and twenty-five years of representative democracy. The question arises: why, despite numerous opportunities for reform and change, does good governance remain elusive? To find an answer, we might consider Joseph de Maistre’s assertion that “every society gets the kind of leadership it deserves,” or Jimmy Carter’s observation that “a government is as good as its people.” However, I argue that the root causes lie deeper than these philosophical reflections. Corruption, underdevelopment, lack of political accountability, misuse of power, insecurity, and nepotism are not the root causes but symptoms of a broader deficit in good governance.
To explore this issue further, I engaged in informal discussions with ten members of Nigeria’s elite circle. Several recurring themes emerged from these conversations, offering insight into why good governance remains so elusive in Nigeria despite regular elections and changes in leadership.
One of the fundamental reasons for Nigeria’s governance challenges is the high rate of illiteracy, which is fundamentally incompatible with the demands of a functional democracy. Democracy relies on an informed citizenry that can actively participate in governance, demand accountability, and advocate for their rights. However, in Nigeria, high illiteracy levels have created a populace that cannot effectively participate in the process leading to or demand good governance. This situation has allowed the elite to maintain power with minimal resistance, perpetuating a cycle of poor governance. Without an educated and informed electorate, the necessary pressure for good governance remains absent.
Illiteracy not only weakens the citizenry’s ability to hold leaders accountable but also makes them vulnerable to manipulation by unscrupulous politicians. In many cases, illiterate voters are swayed by short-term incentives, such as cash handouts or promises of immediate benefits, rather than assessing the long-term implications of their choices. This dynamic perpetuates a cycle of poor governance, as leaders who are elected based on populist appeals rather than merit are less likely to prioritize the common good once in office.
Another significant factor contributing to Nigeria’s governance challenges is the weakness of civil society. A robust civil society is essential for fostering participatory democracy, holding leaders accountable, and ensuring that governance serves the public interest. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s civil society remains fragmented and largely ineffective. High illiteracy, economic hardship, and a lack of civic consciousness exacerbate this weakness. Historical evidence suggests that strong civil societies are correlated with better governance outcomes. For instance, countries like China and Japan experienced significant improvements in governance following periods of strong civil society engagement. China was post Chairman Mao, during the reign of Dieng Xiaoiong and Japan under Junichiro Koizumi. In contrast, Nigeria’s weak civil society continues to contribute to the persistence of poor governance.
The limitations of civil society in Nigeria are partly due to the country’s socio-economic challenges, including poverty, unemployment, and inequality. These issues have made it difficult for many citizens to engage in civil society activities, as they are preoccupied with meeting their basic needs. Additionally, the government’s often hostile stance towards civil society, including restrictive regulations and harassment of activists, has further weakened the sector’s ability to influence governance positively.
A robust civil society is essential for fostering good governance, as it provides a platform for citizens to voice their concerns, advocate for change, and hold leaders accountable. In countries where civil society is strong, such as in many Western democracies, there is often a higher level of political accountability and better governance outcomes. In contrast, Nigeria’s weak civil society has struggled to mobilize the populace effectively or to challenge the entrenched power structures that perpetuate poor governance.
Effective leadership does not occur in a vacuum; it requires strong institutional frameworks that guide and support the governance process. In Nigeria, the absence of these frameworks has resulted in unstructured and ineffective leadership. Institutions play a critical role in ensuring continuity, stability, and accountability in governance. When these structures are lacking, leadership becomes arbitrary, and the delivery of public services suffers. Without strong institutions, governance becomes a matter of personal discretion rather than a structured process to serve the public good. The absence of effective checks and balances allows for the concentration of power in the hands of a few, leading to the abuse of authority and the perpetuation of corruption. Nigeria’s governance system lacks the uniform standards, benchmarks, and guardrails necessary to ensure consistent and high-quality governance. Strengthening these institutions is essential for improving governance in Nigeria, as they provide the necessary framework for ensuring that leaders are held accountable and that public resources are managed responsibly.
Nigeria’s leadership selection process is another significant barrier to good governance. A credible governance system should be meritocratic, ensuring that the most qualified individuals ascend to leadership positions. However, the political party system in Nigeria is far from meritocratic. It is dominated by cronyism and clientelism, resulting in the selection of leaders who prioritize personal gain over public service. This flawed system perpetuates a cycle of ineffective governance, as leaders selected for their loyalty rather than their competence are unlikely to deliver the kind of leadership that fosters development and progress.
This flawed selection process is deeply rooted in the country’s political culture, where politics is often seen as a means of personal enrichment rather than public service. Political parties, rather than serving as platforms for articulating and advancing policy ideas, are often vehicles for advancing the interests of powerful individuals or groups. This results in a political landscape where the most qualified candidates are frequently sidelined in favour of those who can mobilize financial resources or secure the backing of influential figures.
Nigeria’s cultural norms and attitudes also significantly hinder good governance. These norms often create an environment resistant to public accountability, a key pillar of effective governance. In many Nigerian communities, particularly in the northern regions, there is a preference for strong, autocratic leaders, and dissent is often discouraged. This cultural disposition aligns with the ruling elite’s aversion to accountability, further stifling the development of good governance practices. In such an environment, the principles of democracy—debate, dissent, and accountability—are often viewed with suspicion or outright hostility.
Moreover, the cultural acceptance of corruption and the normalization of unethical behaviour further entrench the governance deficit in Nigeria. In many communities, corrupt practices are not only tolerated but are also seen as a necessary means of survival or advancement. This creates a vicious cycle where corruption is perpetuated at all levels of society, from the grassroots to the highest echelons of power.
The country’s diverse geopolitical, regional, and socio-cultural differences have produced a fragmented governance system with little uniformity in standards. While well-intentioned, policies such as the Federal Character and affirmative action have further complicated the governance landscape, creating disparities across regions and leading to uneven governance outcomes. The absence of clear standards and benchmarks allows for a wide variation in governance quality across different parts of the country, further complicating efforts to achieve good governance on a national scale.
The challenge of achieving good governance in Nigeria is multifaceted, rooted in a complex interplay of high illiteracy rates, weak civil society, the absence of robust institutional frameworks, a flawed leadership selection process, anti-democratic cultural norms, and the lack of uniform governance standards. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive approach that includes improving education, strengthening civil society, building robust institutions, reforming the leadership selection process, promoting democratic cultural norms, and establishing clear governance standards. Only by addressing these underlying issues in a comprehensive manner can Nigeria hope to overcome its governance challenges and achieve sustainable development.
Re: Why smuggling of fuel from Nigeria to neighbouring countries cannot stop — Oil Minister - Femi Falana
The federal government has acknowledged that fuel smuggling from Nigeria to neighbouring countries is an issue that can not be entirely eradicated. The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Heineken Lokpobiri, highlighted this at the 2024 Energy and Labour Summit in Abuja, explaining that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) lacks the funds necessary to rebuild the nation’s aging pipelines, which contributes to the problem.
Lokpobiri pointed out that the old, corroded pipelines, some of which date back to the 1960s and 1970s, are easily vandalized, facilitating the illegal transport of fuel. The Minister also said that if NNPC imports PMS and sells to marketers at perhaps N600 or below, there’s no way that smuggling can stop and that the situation is exacerbated by security agents at the borders who are complicit in the smuggling activities.
Although the Minister was honest to indict the Federal Government in the smuggling of PMS which he blamed on lacks of funds necessary to rebuild the nation’s aging pipelines and security agents at the borders who are complicit in the smuggling activities, the reason adduced for smuggling are totally misleading. The Minister cannot be unaware of the deliberate encouragement of smuggling of PMS by the Federal Government and the deliberate sabotage of the national economy by the NNPCL.
In 2010, the federal government and a private company, TPMS, operated the policy on the basis of a PPP arrangement. Even though the system dealt a heavy blow to smuggling of petrol and oil theft, the arrangement was terminated in 2011. Since then, all efforts to restore the Cargo Trafficking Note have been frustrated. However, on August 9, 2018, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved the installation of technology monitoring schemes and structures under the Petroleum Equalisation Fund (PEF) for N17 billion.
The then Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Ibe Kachikwu, disclosed that the deployment of the automated fuel system management and censor network would ensure 100 per cent tracking and monitoring of petroleum products as the system would enable Nigerians to know how much PMS is consumed in Nigeria; volumes of products moved out illegally and the whole impact on Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). But the
automated fuel system management was never installed, while the contract sum of N17 billion was stolen.
On July 13, 2024, the Federal Executive Council announced the award of a $21m contract for the metering of 187 crude oil flow stations in Nigeria, to properly account for the country’s production and exports. It was also disclosed that the council awarded another contract for the deployment of software that would enable the government to monitor the movement of Nigeria’s crude from the point of loading of every cargo in Nigeria up to the point of the cargo’s destination.
Mr. Heineken Lokpobiri, who disclosed Nigerians about the award of the two contracts, stated that “It is a major development that has never happened in this country. And this project is meant to be completed within six months, within 180 days." He also pointed out that the approved cost for the deployment of the meters was $21m, adding that it would be complemented with advanced cargo tracking technology.
Having awarded contracts for the metering of 187 crude oil flow stations in Nigeria complemented with advanced cargo tracking technology, a software for tracking and monitoring of petroleum products including PMS, the Federal Government cannot turn round to say that oil theft and smuggling of petrol out of Nigeria to neighboring countries will continue unabated to the detriment of the national economy.
Apart from the acquisition of the software to stop the smuggling of petroleum products from Nigeria, the NNPCL had embraced the suggestion to establish mega stations in the neighbouring countries. Both policies were, however, discarded by the NNPCL in order to boost the smuggling of PMS from Nigeria.
In view of the foregoing, Mr. Lokpobiri should be advised to stop exposing Nigeria to ridicule by saying that the federal government lacks the capacity to curb the nefarious activities of smugglers. However, the federal government should come out clean if it has added to the monumental suffering of the Nigerian people by increasing the price of PMS. After all, from less than N700 in July, a litre of petrol has since risen gradually to above N1,000 in most filling stations since the beginning of August. The upward trend of the price of PMS has continued with no successful attempt to stop it as of today.
Femi Falana SAN,
The Chair,
Alliance on Surviving COVID-19 and Beyond (ASCAB)
[PRESS RELEASE] NNPC Ltd Faces Financial Strain Due to PMS Supply Costs, Impacting Supply Sustainability
NNPC Ltd has acknowledged recent reports in national newspapers regarding the company's significant debt to petrol suppliers. This financial strain has placed considerable pressure on the Company and poses a threat to the sustainability of fuel supply.
In line with the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), NNPC Ltd remains dedicated to its role as the supplier of last resort, ensuring national energy security. We are actively collaborating with relevant government agencies and other stakeholders to maintain a consistent supply of petroleum products nationwide.
Olufemi Soneye
Chief Corporate Communications Officer
NNPC Ltd.
[OPINION] Why Is Hate So Alluring? - Wole Olaoye
Despite digital civilisation and pretences to sophistication, man still prefers hate to love. Hate is as attractive as mortal sin. It was one of the building blocks of the Holocaust. Haters will tell you that hate is what makes the world go round. You hate me; I hate you; we hate each other, hoping that someday, we may be able to blindside the object of our hate and pound his skull into a porridge mess.
Hate is so attractive. It doesn’t require any fine qualities, nor does it demand introspection. It makes no demands of your finer emotions. To hell with empathy! Logic be damned! What’s the relevance of that ancient admonition of doing unto others as you would want them to do unto you? Nonsense! The world is better served when man is beast to man.
…Don’t look farther than the United Kingdom (UK) to know exactly how primitive human society could still be in 2024. Between July 30 and August 5, man, as represented by white supremacists, was beast to fellow man – in this case, people of colour.
Primitive
The descent to medieval beastliness was caused by disinformation on social media by a wannabe influencer. On July 29, there was a knife attack at a children’s yoga and dance workshop in which three children were killed and eight others injured. There was incorrect speculation about the identity (nationality, immigration status, religion) of the attacker on social media which was widely shared by far-right activists. An incendiary posting believed to have originated on the X platform of a well-known racist falsely claimed that the killer was one “Ali Al-Shakati” (insinuation: Muslim; Arab or Middle-Eastern; illegal immigrant). The falsehood went viral when it was rebroadcast by a notorious fake news website called Channel3Now.
Protesters attacked the police and the mosque in Southport. Then, the riots spread to other towns and cities. Immigrants were verbally and physically assaulted, their businesses attacked and looted, homes ransacked, and hotels accommodating asylum seekers assailed. On July 31, over 100 protesters were arrested in London. By August 6, men and women of conscience in the anti-racist lobby took over the streets, outnumbering the far-right extremists and rallying to the cause of common humanity.
Once again, we have seen how social media can be deployed as a force for evil and social dislocation. With the new media, there is no longer any need for protest organisers to formally organise. The most they need is a chat group or dedicated website where they can share their prejudices and conspiracies, and schedule demonstrations.
Nigerians living in the UK tried to keep a low profile as much as possible. Still, there was nothing they could do about the prejudices of the largely semi-illiterate, white, economically-marginalised horde who continued to believe that immigrants were the cause of all their problems.
Premium Times reported the story of one Mrs Oyindamola, who said the riots were orchestrated as a cover for existing grievances: “A lot of Brits are of the notion that immigrants come here free, get all the jobs, stay in five-star hotels and take all the benefits,” she noted, adding that she was comforted by her British friends who had condemned the ongoing violence.
Genocide Advocate
Shocks from that week of madness reminded the world that HATE is the oxygen that sustains far-right extremism. Unfortunately, the rude din of that alarm has not discouraged some of our countrymen and women from treading the same destructive path as was witnessed recently in the case of Canada-based Amaka Patience Sunnberger whose tribal tirade and threat against Yoruba and Bini people in Canada has gone viral and stirred passions. In an era when tribal fences are being mended by patriots who believe in our common humanity, this preachment of hate could not have come at a worse time.
It was offensive enough listening to the harangue once. I won’t desecrate these pages with a repost. Every platform that has featured the story has literally caught fire with the habitual Nigerian pastime of insult flinging. We shouldn’t fall into the traps of those who insist that the best way we can relate with our brothers and sisters is by treating them with contempt.
Don’t Generalise
The culprit in this case may have been Igbo, but she was not speaking for all Igbos – otherwise, we would be guilty of the same fallacy as America’s white supremacists who insist that every Black man is either a thief, murderer or rapist.
Amaka’s mass murder plan, outlined and broadcast to give notice to the world that a serial genocidal war had commenced, is so hair-brained that I doubt her sanity. She is probably in more urgent need of psychiatric help than excoriation.
We must all avoid the temptation of allowing this woman’s sick verbal effusions to poison the waters of amity between Igbo and their Yoruba and Bini compatriots, although I concede that there is a fertile market for hate to go round the respective tribal territories several times over. But that resignation to hate-for-hate would only expand the demonic attraction that fascinates our firefly to self-immolation.
Some of us have consistently spoken up against hate whenever and wherever it reared its head because it always rebounds. In 1996, on Airport Road, Abuja, I was nearly shot by one of Abacha’s Strike Force operatives, a drunken boy of about 18 years, wielding a menacing firearm and wondering what a “Yoruba idiot” like me was doing in the FCT. If you experience hate once, you won’t desire it for your worst enemy.
When some Nigerians started the conspiracy theory that former President Muhammadu Buhari was dead and that a body double whose real name was Jibrin Al Sudani had been planted in the presidential villa to complete Buhari’s tenure, I cautioned the rumour mongers that their pastime was a dangerous venture which could destroy the country if the hate behind it metastasised.
The same kind of hate was evident during the last elections when political “Oro” festival was introduced in Lagos ostensibly with the intention of scaring non-indigenes away from the polls. Hate is hate, no matter who demonstrates it. I condemned it then; I revile it now; I will always denounce it.
Dangerous
If the streets of major towns and cities in the United Kingdom could be set afire by just one targeted piece of disinformation on the internet which played on a real-life tragedy involving the death of three innocent children, let no one underestimate the fallout that could be triggered by the insane video clip shared by Amaka Patience Sunnberger against whom, I hear, a Nigerian government agency has now formally protested to the Canadian authorities.
Did that hater spare any consideration for the fact that quite a number of her tribesmen and women have mixed Igbo/Yoruba, or Igbo/Bini heritage?
Hate may appear alluring but it is cheap. Let’s try the good old system of genuine interaction based on a dispassionate assessment of where the rain started beating us, what our respective aspirations and frustrations are, the areas where we all need tweaking (Yes!), and then how we can navigate the treacherous waters of life in whatever part of the world we find ourselves as Nigerians.
Appreciating the goodness on the other side of the aisle will not be as easy as it sounds. But it will be worth our while.
[OPINION] My fear for Wike - Lanre Adewole
No doubt, PDP has a Nyesom Wike problem. Forget his raucous and rambling messaging, he is adamant on a southerner in the villa till 2031 and his “party” still appears not committed to his conviction, the same way it wasn’t in 2023. Despite his perceived chummy-chummy with the acting National chairman of his “party” Iliya Damagum, Wike has a recent history to teach him that the “needful” would still be done at the last minute for an average Northern political establishment royalty to give the North what it wants. Political North wants to beat Bola Tinubu badly in 2027 and Damagum can’t be seen standing in the way of a bigger picture. It’s possibly why he is seen going out of the rule book to hand Rivers PDP to Wike as compensation for the national platform the FCT Minister would not be allowed to fully have as long as North wants to make Atiku Abubakar president. Wike appears to know this as he shifts gear calling for an elected national chairman and other exco members. Politicians will sort themselves out, and thankfully it’s the judiciary they now use mostly as well as state power of coercion. Rampant political assassinations that heralded this republic have thankfully receded to a blurry yesterday though almost none was resolved by security agencies. Top political figures now secure themselves more, at least as humanly possible, with men and technology, while some are practically putting their security in their own hands, by openly slugging rifles to public events, as seen in a recent viral video somewhere in the East.
Yoruba will describe what Wike is doing in and with PDP as kaka keku ma je sese a fi se awa danu (it will be useful to no one if I won’t have it). Such a mindset has led to the demise of many two-timing men, where none of the “sharing” women, is ready to let go, including the party that has no need for the two-timer. Wike is obviously not running for president in 2027 even if PDP yields the platform to him, to fail once and for all, and to forever quieten him, just like it did with Dino Melaye in Kogi, when it was obvious that even his Ijumu people would desire a better representation.
The FCT Minister is Tinubu’s wingman who is content with being a bogeyman in PDP and would have enjoyed these dual identities for as long as his relevance would carry him, only that the North is desperate again and like in 2014 when it looked West-ward to smile again, it would only need to look East-ward this time to smile again in 2027. And unlike 2023, the deprivation desperation across the land would easily persuade seemingly impossible alliances that even dreams would not have hitherto conjured. Like I said in past writings, Tinubu isn’t only vulnerable but very very beatable in 2027 even in a very tainted and uneven contest, regardless of what becomes of the economy in the next two years, which only a miracle now, can turn into a thing of joy for Nigerians. His presidential record and ability are already cast. Yoruba always wonder about a man who spends two decades laying foundation for madness; how long is he going to be mad for? Yes, the foundation of a structure that will endure vicissitudes must be firmly planted and could take a while, but you don’t contour out the landscape further with meaningless burrowing, all in the name of starting afresh. The part of the building that most thoughtfulness should go into, remains the foundation. You can’t do a flight of fancy with it, because some spirit possessed you on your very first day at work. The foundation of the economy appears damaged and Psalm 11:3 is rhetorically asking “if the foundations are being destroyed what can the righteous do? The Bible has answers. Desperate Nigerians should ask God through His Word the ways out of the dolorous season.
No politician has the magic wand and Nigerians’ eyes should be wide to that by now, at least not after the one called idan (magical) himself has worked more misfortune into the lives of both his haters and hailers. But politicians won’t stop baying for power which is fast becoming a couture for self-aggrandizement for most of them worldwide and a spectacle is looming in the tragicomical tryst expected to feature Wike/Tinubu, PDP and the Judiciary, for the soul of the nation ahead of 2027.
Under Ariwoola as CJN, Wike walked unhindered into the heart of the Judiciary using patronage. As he was building for judiciary in Abuja, his wife was being built into the penultimate court in the land. Yoruba will say “gbafun Gbada nile, ni gbafun Gbada loko (rubbing backs).
Wike has repeatedly said he would not seek the presidency as long as Tinubu is on the ballot. No matter what, as they say, the president is expected to be on the ballot, God sparing his life. But nothing is given. At least the Biden bounce and thud is a lesson in assuming nothing. The supposed most powerful man on the earth had locked the nomination of his Democratic party and the leverage of incumbency was counting for him in the photo-finish he was doing with Republican Trump in battleground states and national polling. Then he dared God to come down and get him off the ballot and God proved His Omnipotence to him using his closest allies like ex-Speaker Nancy Pelosi to turn on him. The rest is history with his three-day COVID excuse.
Even if God is stopping Tinubu in 2027, APC is never likely to field Wike. South West would want to retain the ticket and for a leader without a visible and known successor after falling out with Rauf Aregbesola, a likely free-for-all, won’t still favour Wike, with the one leg in, one leg out, he is doing with APC. The absence of Tinubu on the 2027 ballot won’t also open the PDP presidential ticket to him, though the opposition party is believed to run more on filthy lucre than principle and constitutional integrity, even if Damagum is properly elected by Wike’s billions and ready to do the bidding of the payer of the piper. As currently constituted South and its leaders are dsadvantaged in PDP, despite the recent ruckus raked by Bode George against Atiku Abubakar, arguably the opposition leader in the country, though Peter Obi is hard on his heels and the younger man, is more nationally regarded in the public opinion court.
So if Wike currently has no presidential path in PDP, why is he fighting to finish? Why not in APC where he is better acknowledged, at least by Tinubu, the official leader of the ruling party? Definitely, the Ikwerre fellow would have self-convincing reason(s) to continue playing what is widely seen as a spoiler role in the party he professes its front-row membership. Maybe it has to do with the personal war he declared on Atiku leading to the victory he cost the PDP candidate in the 2023 poll and his desire to reinflict the same electoral pain in 2027, considering the cold reality Turaki is on his way to another nomination by PDP. But what happens after another Turaki loss, if indeed he would lose this time to Tinubu, though I personally believe only a Southern candidate on another platform with a semblance of national acceptability, backed majorly by the North, stands the chance of sending Tinubu back to Bourdillion in 2027 and there is no chance in heaven Wike is that candidate. So, why doing what Yoruba will call atoko wa ba ile je (the one who comes from the village to scatter the city). Yoruba will accuse such a fellow to be mon daru (one who relishes confusion).
Another atoko wa ba ile je, Ekiti’s Ayo Fayose who claims to lead PDP in the state but endorsing APC’s incumbent Governor Abiodun Oyebanji, was seen in a viral video warning Governor Siminalayi “sim” Fubara of Rivers of Wike’s capacity for unending hideous acrimony once he starts, during the state dinner “washing” Fubara’s election, with Wike beaming beside his now-estranged political son. How can one glory in Yoruba describing him as ala jai gbila (the one who can’t be persuaded to embrace peace once in a fight). When someone won’t let when he should give peace a chance, Yoruba have a way of predicting a shameful end with “alaseju pere ni te (the unrelenting will soon tank). Even for those who are hailing his supposed heroism in ensuring a Southern president which was a correct equity call to make in 2023, the spirit of aja i gbila (scattering everything without peace allowance) would soon make this unlikely hero of Southern Nigeria a villain back home. Wike is already a marked man in the North, he should position his politics to reflect his growing image as a leader from the South. Nothing says he must beTinubu’s night soil-man in 2027 to remain relevant. And he doesn’t have to destroy platforms where credible alternatives to the president can emerge. The time to reset is now.
[OPINION] Reengineering the bureaucracy as engine room of government - Tunji Olaopa
The recently concluded maiden annual distinguished public lecture of the Association of Retired Heads of Service and Permanent Secretaries of Oyo and Osun State (ARHESPSOOS) held at the International Conference Centre, University of Ibadan, provided another opportunity to brainstorm on the present challenges and future possibilities of the civil service system in Nigeria. The occasion is a significant one for the fundamental reason that it pools the administrative experiences of retired heads of service and permanent secretaries who in their own rights constitute a legitimate institutional memory that ought to be harness in all the conversations that reflect on and rethink the capability of the civil service in Nigeria.
For those familiar with my public commentaries on the civil service and its institutional reform, my preferred methodological approach is to deploy a mix of historical and analytical methodology to outline a trajectory of administrative development, philosophies, and management design thinking to interrogate the current state of the civil service in Nigeria, as basis for our reflection on the future of public administration in Nigeria. This method not only allows us to make critical deductions from the narrative about administrative history and praxis in Nigeria and how they have influenced and affected the series of reform strategies and programmes that have been put in place to redirect the civil service system. Further than this, these deductions allow us to explore extrapolations and scenarios for future reform possibilities, with the objective of excavating a number of recommendations that could possibly feed into the policy intelligence of the political and administrative leadership in Nigeria in their spirited efforts to transform the institutional capability requirements of the civil service necessary for achieving democratic service delivery, infrastructural development and ultimately, national socio-economic transformation.
Public administration has come a long way in historical reckoning. From the ancient pharaonic society to the height of Roman sociopolitical requirement, public administration was a phenomenon whose necessity has increased in complexity today. The ancient Pharaohs needed to dam the River Nile and build the mathematically complex pyramids. The ancient Romans needed to efficiently win many complex wars and ingeniously build many engineering feats. From the scribal authority of the ancient pharaohs to the tenured and salaried profession that public administration demanded in the Roman Empire, public administration eventually evolved into a noble vocation that mirrored the Levitical spiritual order of the Hebrews. With Max Weber, the bureaucracy was modelled into a legal-rational command-and-control structure that reflects the Prussian military governance system.
This is the origin of the “I-am-directed” Weberian administrative tradition that Nigeria, as well as most countries of the world, inherited. This tradition conceives of the bureaucracy as a neutral, hierarchically organised, efficient organisation, which demands precision, continuity, discipline, strictness and reliability. The framework of the legal-rational authority privileges written rules and procedures. Each position in the bureaucracy has its duties and rights, which are clearly defined; rules and procedures are laid down to determine how the given authority is to be exercised. Bureaucracy therefore promises a stable organisation, despite the fact that its incumbents come and go. How did the bureaucracy then earn its bad reputation? A better question is: What is it about the bureaucratic system that makes it so powerful as to threaten its very own essence as well as the service it is supposed to carry out on behalf of government? The short answer is that as the locus of governmental power, the bureaucracy is saddled with the coordination of complex administrative that raises the possibility that street-level and front-line bureaucrats follow rules for their own sake.
This is the origin of the bureau pathologies of the civil service system, a pathological predicament that is aggravated in a postcolonial context like Nigeria. Douglas McGregor characterized that tradition as Theory X, a transactional model that conceives of the administrator as a thermostat regulating an organization founded on a bleak picture of employees. Theory X is undergirded by the perception of human nature as indolent, lacking motivation, naturally egoistic and resistant to change. This is why it became necessary to impose a legal-rational framework. The General Order (GO) represents the codified operating standard for this administrative model.
By 1968, the Fulton Report had already been submitted as Britain’s concession to the new managerial revolution of that time, and the urgency of reforming the British civil service that had become a great rock in the tideline. By 1974, the Udoji Commission Report had taken the challenge of reorienting Nigeria’s civil service system away from the Weberian tradition towards managerialism. The Report’s assessment of the system is its administrative inflexibility which makes it difficult to anticipate and respond to governance and administrative challenges and positive institutional transformation. This particularly concerned, for example, the generalist-professionals rivalry, and the need to inject the system with new blood working within a result-oriented performance management model. Since this Report, and the failure to ground its fundamental recommendation that would have strategically transformed the civil service system, Nigeria has been swinging between moving away from the Weberian tradition (as in the Dotun Phillip Report of 1984 that would have managerialism as the foundation of the civil service) and the Allison Ayida administrative revisionism that reconstituted the system along the Weberian order based on the conception-reality gap it detected in the Philip Report.
And yet, since the 1999 commencement of Nigeria’s democratic experiment, the civil service system has witnessed a series of institutional reforms that keep pushing the system towards the goal of being a world class institution. These reforms include the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS), SERVICOM, pension and pay reforms, the professionalisation of the FOS/NBS, FIRS/NEITI, the price intelligence and procurement reform, fiscal responsibility plus MTSS/MTEF, to name just a few. But these achievements are too small and far in-between to short-circuit the already distorted trajectory of organizational development through the five-stage life-cycle: birth-adolescence-maturity-institutionalisation-reformulation. We have majorly the military intervention in Nigeria’s political development to ‘thank’ for this.
An engineering metaphor helps make the point of reform very clearly: Whereas the Nigerian state urgently needs an administrative backend that is efficiently propelled by a jet engine, what the many years of administrative hiccups, institutional disruptions, reform misconceptions and fortuitous breakthroughs have equipped the bureaucracy with is the capacity inherent in the engine of a Beatle car. Essentially, the service workforce structure can be characterized by a situation where there are too many doing nothing, too many doing too little, and too few people doing too much. It is not surprising therefore that a key part of diagnosis of the system’s dysfunction is the execution trap derivable from the system’s inability to achieve capability readiness for democratic service delivery. And so, in a 2005 study, a World Bank review reported the finding that: 29% of development programmes ever got completed, 45% of on-going projects are rated satisfactory, and 26% of such projects usually get cancelled.
How then can we move from institutional debilitation to bureaucratic reform? Institutional reforms underscore the possibility of creatively evolving a developmental democratic state in Nigeria. Such a state, in global discourse, is backstopped by a functional, effective, efficient and optimal civil service system. And so, the reform of the public service is the first condition towards such objective. This means that the ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs)—the engine rooms of the public service system and therefore of governance—must be adequately capacitated to become effective and efficient as the formidable institutional framework that would be ready at all times to meet the challenge of nation building, good governance and national development. This requires a change management framework that is anchored around three critical frameworks of significantly reprofiling:
- the quality of bureaucratic efficiency;
- the quality of service delivery and performance accountability within a democracy; and
c. the professionalism of the public servants
These critical frameworks focus the objective of institutional reform: the public bureaucracies must be transformed to become:
* Fast moving, intelligent, professional, information-rich, flexible, adaptable and entrepreneurial;
* Less employee-focused and rule-driven, deliver quality service;
* Performance-focused, accountable and productive—defined objectives and measurable results, outputs and outcomes;
* Capable of creating the policy climate that will unlock the energy of the private sector and other sectors and to install a new productivity paradigm in the national economy;
* Operated by multidisciplinary team of new generation public managers and project teams signed on to performance agreements or contracts within carefully crafted ministerial scorecards to which everyone is held accountable;
*Bound within a framework of social compact stewardship that sees citizens as clients deserving of effective and efficient services
To achieve such a new public service demands several systemic and structural imperatives in change management that go straight to the heart of the old Weberian administrative tradition, and its business model and procedures. The first is that a developmental state demands neo-Weberian administrative framework. The idea of the neo-Weberian is useful for two reasons. One, the managerial revolution in most Western countries was not an attempt to entirely jettison the Weberian model. Rather, the reform efforts were an incremental attempt to recalibrate its efficiency and effectiveness. Two, the Weberian bureaucratic framework has not outlived its utility, especially when considering the African context. The implication of this is that the new public management has to be brought into conversation with the Weberian tradition to be able to achieve the effectiveness and efficiency of the new public service envisioned in Nigeria.
The second imperative is the urgency of rethinking the intellectual foundations of public administration as the vehicle for the administrative reconstruction of the Nigerian state and the quest for good governance. This will involve several developments. There is first the need to reflect on a non-adversarial and cooperative relationship between politicians and administrators. Secondly, the system demands a firm and meritocratic gatekeeping measure that is founded on the principles of public-spiritedness and professionalism. And thirdly, the necessity of keying into global and regional best practices in terms of competency and human resource framework for doing government business and articulating efficiency in the workplace.
The next imperative is correlative. The new foundation on which the public service must be based needs a new generation and cohort of public managers who are capacitated with the requisite values and competences to manage the demands of the new public service that the developmental state in Nigeria needs to make an appearance in the fourth industrial revolution. This will necessarily serve as the first condition for the possibility of instituting a new performance management system and HRM framework that could transform the workplace efficiency and productivity, especially in the face of the new normal that COVID-19 has imposed on the world, and the flexibility demanded by the Gen Z. This is the move that transforms the service IQ in the form of a strategic leadership intelligence through the creation of a multidisciplinary talents-reinforced senior executive service (SES) guided by a new ethical professionalism.
Next, the new public service must deal with the demand of facilitating public-private partnership dynamics, and moving them to a higher level that allows good corporate governance principles to drive the frameworks for democratic governance. This enables, as part of the HR function transformation, the possibility of incorporating commercial skills as part of the HRM capacitation of the public managers. Lastly, none of these reform imperatives would make any sense if the public service does not facilitate a paradigmatic shift away from an adversarial to developmental industrial relations that makes it possible for the workplace to generate the level of performance and productivity commensurate with the reform inputs.
Transforming the civil service system is not an issue to be politicized. And the simple but fundamental reason is that it is the fulcrum for achieving sustainable development that constitutes the most significant objective of the developmental state. That, in overall analysis, is where the Nigerian state should be headed.
(Being a Distinguished Public Lecture Delivered by Prof. Tunji Olaopa, professor of public administration and Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission, at the Maiden Annual Association of Retired Heads of Service and Permanent Secretaries of Oyo and Osun State – ARHESPSOOS – held at the International Conference Centre, University of Ibadan, on Wednesday, 21st of August, 2024)
[OPINION] Using Cybercrimes Act to cover-up corrupt Nigerians - Tonnie Iredia
The drafters of the Nigerian constitution also known as the wise men had two posers, they were not immediately able to solve. The first was what to do with the lofty objectives in chapter two of the constitution titled ‘Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy.’ The thrust of what the chapter required government to do was to implement ideals such as free education and free health for all etc.
It was obvious that in reality, those objectives were rather unattainable in the first few years of government in a developing society. So, it was agreed that the objectives be captioned‘non-justiciable’ meaning they cannot be enforced by the courts. Put differently, nobody would be allowed to go to court on the subject because as ideal objectives, government should be given the discretion to determine which objective to deal with and to what extent at a given point in time.
The second poser was what to do with any government that abuses the discretion by totally ignoring the objectives which could impede societal growth and development. This was what gave birth to Section 22 of the constitution which mandated the media to hold government accountable to the people. It was expected that the media which harassed the colonial master in favour of Nigerians would similarly be able to use their powerful organs of mass communication to push government to be pragmatic about attaining many of the fundamental objectives. No one expected that Nigerian politicians would design and legalize strategies to completely neutralize the nation’s journalists from meeting the clear mandate given to them by the constitution. One of the things our politicians did was to introduce the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention Etc)Act 2015.
Although the Act had in mind serious crimes concerning digital electronic messaging that could undermine national security, politicians at state level immediately domesticated the Act to make it impossible for the state government and its official to be made subject of any media investigation. They assumed that since the world had progressed to the digital age of technology any journalist could be held under the Act because everyone now uses computers. Ebonyi State was one of those that introduced its own Cybercrimes Law under which any political opponent who criticized government was immediately arrested as having breached the law. In 2022 however, the federal high court in Abakaliki quashed the law when it became obvious that it was enacted in secret without public knowledge and quickly accented to by the governor merely to criminalize political dissent.
The most unfortunate part of the law was that those arrested were not given an opportunity to open up on the grave allegations concerning corrupt practices by officials of government especially governors and their relations. In Cross River State, a journalist Agba Jalingo was detained for accusing former Governor Ben Ayade of diverting N500 million from the state treasury. Rather than give the journalist an opportunity to prove his allegation for the good of society, he was charged with treasonable felony, terrorism, cultism and disturbance of public peace. Within a month, Joseph Odok, another journalist and critic of the same governor was arrested over an allegation of terrorism. It became obvious that the charges of terrorism were made by the police to justify the detention of the critics while the facts of the criticisms were covered up.The practice is yet to end.
Only last week,Shafi’u Umar Tureta, a social media critic was hastily sent to prison in Sokoto for posting a viral video featuring a lavish birthday party hosted by the wife of the state governor. The video also allegedly showed the celebrant virtually abusing the naira by spreading money on the ground during the party. Another media report said the social critic also allegedly shared a video of the governor struggling to construct a sentence in English. He was also alleged to have posted the governor’s senior secondary leaving certificate which stated that the governor failed the examination and also earned F9 in English suggesting that the governor was incapable of speaking the language fluently. This case no doubt opens up several issues worth considering starting with the supposed birthday celebrant.
To start with, was there such a birthday party? If yes,nothing is wrong with holding a party. Many people do that often and the fact that a lady is married to a governor should not bar her from holding a birthday party. Second, did the governor’s wife spread money on the ground during the party? If yes, it means the report is correct but she probably would not be asked to account for abusing the naira because of her status. But if the story is only an imagination of the accused, then he could be described as mischievous. In the case of the governor, if the school result reportedly shared was correct, then it is a valid report. Again, did he score F9 in English and did the video show him struggling to construct a sentence in English? All these must be false before the critic can be said to have a case to answer. Even at that,is imprisonment the first step to take? In fact, who authorised the police to imprison the accused before charging him to court?
It was also reported that Fatima Hassan, the Magistrate before whom the accused was arraigned barred reporters from covering the court proceedings. What was the reason for such a decision on a matter of public interest? Here, we need to return to S22 of our constitution which mandates the media to hold government accountable to the people. If the judiciary is the third arm of government, is Magistrate Hassan not part of government? If she is, how will the media hold her accountable to the people where her court holds secret sessions? This is probably a political case in which everyone is wrongly answerable to those in power. Some two years ago, the situation would have been different because the accused in this case is said to be a passionate follower of the former governor of the state, Aminu Tambuwal now a senator. It is perhaps the different political camps to which the parties belong that seems to explain the importance of the case.
It is however worrisome that a case such as the one before us whose facts are clearly verifiable is sufficiently remarkable enough to warrant what the accused has gone through. Let us assume that some of the allegations if not all are wrong, why order an accused to be held in a correctional centre for as long as September 6 as the magistrate directed? Is that not more than enough punishment before the case starts? From history, we know that the case will end up with nothing to write home about because as usual the authority offended may not be anxious to follow the case to its logical end; the goal in essence,is just to punish the accused. The case would however join other notorious ones that continually dissuade anyone from exposing the misapplication of public funds. While the police ought to obey those in authority, they should also have an idea of what the law says about an offence. If the governor and his wife thought their image was damaged, the accused would still be free to establish his innocence because in a case of defamation, truth is critical in favour of the accused
The point that must be made is that whether it is Cybercrimes Act or any other issue that those in authority hope to hide under, we cannot develop if our leaders are allowed to use other strategies to overwhelm the constitution. Any person who decides to hold public office must recognise that he has opted to be the servant of the people. In other words, it is wrong for a governor who has chosen to be a servant to seek to lord it over the same people that are his masters. No person in government should seek to use his office to punish a journalist that the constitution has mandated to make him answerable to the people. This is because on the authority of S22 of our constitution, the media can compel those in authority to fall in line since governance objectives in Chapter 2 of our constitution cannot be taken to court.
EPL round-up: Haaland’s hattrick sustains Man City’s perfect start as Arsenal stumble
Erling Haaland scored a hattrick as Manchester City defeated West Ham United 3-1 in their English Premier League (EPL) clash at the London stadium on Saturday.
The late kick-off saw Haaland continue his scintillating start to the season, scoring all three goals against an attacking side that troubled the EPL champions but could not make the most of their impressive performance.
Haaland put City ahead in the 10th minute when he slid in to convert Bernardo Silva’s pass but West Ham responded with the equalizer nine minutes later, Ruben Dias scoring an own goal.
The Norwegian striker restored City’s lead with a fierce shot that flew into the roof of the net in the 30th minute before putting the game to bed seven minutes from time with another well-taken goal.
The hattrick is Haaland’s 11th of his Man City career — eighth in the EPL. He has scored seven goals in the opening three matches of the season as Pep Guardiola’s side continues their 100% start to the season.
In earlier matches, Brighton held ten-man Arsenal to a 1-1 draw in a match Declan Rice was dismissed for a second yellow card for time wastage.
Everton, however, surrendered a two-goal lead with three minutes of regulation time remaining and lost 3-2 to Bournemouth at Goodison Park.
However, Aston Villa held on to win 2-1 at Leicester City.
RESULTS
Arsenal 1-1 Brighton & Hove Albion
Ipswich Town 1-1 Fulham
Leicester City 1-2 Aston Villa
Everton 2-3 Bournemouth
Brentford 3-1 Southampton
Nottingham Forest 1-1 Wolverhampton Wanderers
West Ham United 1-3 Manchester City
[TheCable]