A woman simply identified as Zainab was delivered of a baby boy in the open in Mangu town of Plateau State as killings and destruction of properties continued unabated late into the night of Tuesday and yesterday, Daily Trust reports.

This is coming as some of the victims of the fresh violence that broke out in Mangu Local Government Area of the state continued to narrate their harrowing tales.

Also, leaders of Christian and Islamic religious groups are accusing the military and a vigilante group called Operation Rainbow of taking sides in the conflict.

It was gathered that the fresh attacks, which started early on Tuesday left many people dead, according to local sources.

Although security sources could not give official confirmation of the death toll, the Jama’atu Nasril Islam (JNI) said it lost 13 of its members while the Mwaghavul Development Association (MDA) put the death toll of its members at 30.

 Efforts to verify these claims were unsuccessful as the Nigeria Red Cross officials said they were focusing greater attention to providing humanitarian relief than counting dead bodies.

 The attacks, it was gathered, continued on Wednesday morning despite the 24-hour curfew imposed on Tuesday by the state governor, Caleb Mutfwang. 

‘My baby dropped on the street’

Zainab, who was heavily pregnant when the killings started, narrated how she was frightened by the deafening sounds of guns and the sight of people being killed, only to suddenly feel a sharp pain in her lower abdomen.

The 25-year-old mother of two said out of shock, her baby slipped out of her while she was standing in the open, oblivious of what to do.

“When I noticed that the baby was coming out, I knelt immediately to ensure the baby was safely delivered.

“There was no medical assistance, sterilized equipment, or conducive atmosphere. It was a neighbour who stopped to assist me as everyone else fled,” she said. 

According to her, “There was no hospital nearby.  Even right now, we couldn’t take the baby to hospital due to the curfew and my stomach has been hurting badly.

“Right now (Wednesday afternoon) there are gunshots everywhere and as for the baby, we haven’t even bathed him since we can’t even get hot water. I also haven’t taken hot water myself,” she narrated to one of our reporters via a phone call.

 “As for my other children, I don’t know where they are; I don’t even know where my husband is,” she added. Shafa’atu, the only neighbour who stood back to help deliver Zainab’s baby also shared her version of the story with Daily Trust.

“It was in the process of running with the five orphans in my care that I saw her on the streets in a bad situation and everyone was running away. So, I decided to go and help her. I still don’t know the whereabouts of my husband and one of the orphans in my care,” she said.

Another woman, Maryam, narrated how she discovered the decapitated body of her husband.

“I could not (run?) because I had been sick for the past four months. But after fleeing to a seemingly safe place, we heard that our house was burnt, and my shop and belongings I bought in preparation for my son’s wedding worth millions of naira were burnt.

“So, I became worried about my kids and started calling my husband’s phone to know where he was. The phone kept ringing and no one to pick and thereafter, it was switched off.

“When I finally saw my kids, they also said they were looking for their dad. Then we met a woman who asked if I saw my husband, and she told me where she saw him but pleaded that I had to be patient because he had been killed,” she said. Husseina Salihu Maisaje, the sister of Maryam’s husband, also corroborated Maryam’s version of how they discovered that her brother was killed, and that they found his decapitated body burnt.

She said most of the women who escaped Tuesday’s attacks were looking for their children. 

How violence escalated

Killings and burning of houses continued in Mangu on Tuesday, despite a 24-hour curfew imposed by the state government.

Governor Celeb Mutfwang, who hails from the troubled local government area, had imposed a curfew after fresh killings were recorded in the area.

But the crisis continued yesterday as residents of Mangu confirmed that gunmen stormed several communities, shooting at everyone in sight.

Suleiman Muhammad, a resident, of Mangu, told Daily Trust that: “At around 9:30am this morning (Wednesday), gunmen armed with sophisticated weapons came and started shooting sporadically. They burnt a lot of houses and schools including the Sunnah Islamiyya School, Islamic Nursery, Primary and Secondary School, Arewa Model Private School, Arewa College of Health, Mangu, and Audi Musa Memorial School, Mangu.

“Some persons were killed; they have overwhelmed the security personnel currently in Mangu. We are surrounded by the gunmen. They burnt down all the religious centres and houses in Anguwan Fyemawa, Anguwan Hayi, Anguwan Kwata, and Anguwan Maijirgi – all in ward 2 of Mangu”, he said.

Operation Rainbow accused of extrajudicial killings, arson

Muslims in some communities are accusing the state-owned security outfit code named ‘Operation Rainbow’ of extrajudicial killings and arson within Mangu town. Salisu Mu’azu, a resident of the Kwata community told our reporter that gunmen led by Operation Rainbow stormed their community around 9:30am yesterday and started shooting and burning of houses.

Another resident of Anguwan Fyemawa, Ibrahim Isa, also accused Operation Rainbow and a mob of invading their community. 

He said: “There is lawlessness now in Mangu. Killings and gunshots are going on everywhere. We don’t know how many people have died. We have not been able to bury the corpses we have on the ground because of the situation. Now we are recording more deaths.” Musa Salisu, a resident of Hayi community in Mangu, also decried the activities of Operation Rainbow in his area.

He said: “We are begging the federal government to come to our aid. We are being killed; our houses are being burnt. Where is the security in Mangu? Is Operation Rainbow the only force we have to tackle this problem? Personnel of the Operation are only killing us instead of restoring peace.”

They’re hired killers – JNI

The Plateau State chapter of JNI has also accused Operation Rainbow of lop-sidedness in its operation.

A statement signed by the state Secretary of the group, Dr Salim Musa Umar, condemned the violence in Mangu, and called on security agencies to rise up to the occasion to salvage the lives and properties of the people in the area.

“Reports from Mangu town this morning are not encouraging, as places of worship and faith-based schools were torched and demolished while the killings continue. Residents are decrying the negative role of the state government’s security outfit codenamed ‘Operation Rainbow’, accusing them of glaring partisanship. 

“Security agents should be on the lookout for possible infiltrators as it is widely alleged that some hired killers are on the prowl with the intent to carry out massive attacks on Muslims in the community. This is an act that shouldn’t be allowed to happen”, Salim appealed.

However, the Public Relations Officer of the security outfit, Panam Gongden, denied the allegations labelled against it. 

He said, “Operation Rainbow belongs to everyone and it compromises of conventional police, immigration, Civil Defence and other security agencies.

“We wonder how some people will be accusing us of taking side. The dispatch of personnel is not done based on ethnicity or religion. It is a joined patrol. It is just baseless. People who have lost touch with what they are sent to do will definitely make such accusations”, he said.

Some members of Muslim communities in Mangu local government area have lamented the condition of the corpses recorded in the crisis, saying that the fluid security situation in the area does not allow them to bury their dead.

Adamu Abdulssalam, Deputy Chairman of the JNI in Mangu, said: “We have 13 corpses in the mosque but we cannot bury them. There is fear of taking the corpses to the graveyard for burial and they are now decomposing.”

We are going to fight – says CAN chairman 

In a video that went viral, the Mangu LGA Chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Rev. Timothy Daluk, said yesterday that if the government did not listen to their plea, they were prepared to fight until the last drop of their blood.

The CAN chairman also said he would personally call a meeting of pastors to that effect, adding that they have tried all they could to ensure peace in Mangu but could not achieve such.

Rev. Daluk, who accused the Nigerian Army of lop-sidedness in their operation in Mangu, called for the withdrawal of all soldiers in the area, adding that their presence does not provide any positive impact.

In the trending video on social media, the religious leader called on the military to pack their loads and leave their communities.

Captain Oya James, spokesperson of the military team in the state codenamed Operation Safe Haven, did not respond to a message requesting for his response to the allegations.

Rev. Daluk said: “I am the CAN chairman of Mangu LG. I am here to report the situation in Mangu to the whole world to understand. What is happening in Mangu, at this particular point in time, the military are the ones chasing our people to allow militia to burn their houses. At this particular point in time, they have sent every Christian away from New Market.

“And they are leaving the Muslims to burn their houses. They said there is curfew but they only restricted the curfew to people within Christian domain. But the Muslim domain, they are free to move and do whatever they wanted to do. And not only that, the military has killed three of our young men in which I know. One is even from own Church. They killed one yesterday. And I reported to the security, he said he is a fake soldier.

“At first, he said I was lying, but when I proved to him beyond reasonable doubt, he finally accepted that he is not a fake soldier. I said it is the real soldier that killed him. Finally, he disappeared from the scene. Now that I am speaking to you, all of them have switched off their phones and they allowed the place to be burned and razed by the people and this is what is happening as I am speaking to you.

“People around Gindiri Junction, down from this side (pointing at a direction with his hand), their houses are now ablaze because the soldiers protected them and allowed them to burn people’s houses. They are not doing anything about it. So, we in Mangu LGA, as far as Christians are concerned, we don’t want the military in Mangu LGA. They should park their loads and go. We don’t want them. We don’t want them and we don’t need them because they have planned. They have been bought. They have been paid to carry out what they are doing. For that reason, I am calling on the whole world to understand that this thing should stop,” he said.

Earlier in the day, the CAN chairman said they were still collating the number of their killed members as well as those injured or displaced.

Rev Daluk said those injured were taken to Nanret Hospital in Mangu, but that they buried three dead victims yesterday (Wednesday).

According to him, some of the military personnel jumped through the fence of ECWA Church Number 1, Mangu, where he was, and then seized the light weapons some persons were carrying to protect the internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the premises, and also harassed some of the IDPs around.

Mwaghavul group expresses sadness, deplores security personnel

On its part, the leadership of the Mwaghavul Development Association (MDA) had expressed sadness at the breakdown of law and order in Mangu town.

This was contained in a statement by its Director of Public Affairs, Mr Lawrence Kyarshik.

“The Executive Governor of Plateau State, Barr Caleb Mutfwang yesterday, in a swift reaction to curtail the situation imposed a 24-hr curfew in Mangu, only for the Fulani to unleash mayhem on Kwahaslalek, leaving over 30 people dead, houses completely raised down and properties, including food items, destroyed with fire.

“One then wonders how these criminals operated without any resistance from the security personnel already deployed in the area. Sadly enough, a security alert received on Monday, 22nd had shown that there were pending attacks in Mangu and other places, yet these carnages went on unhindered.

“The MDA frowns at the activities of some of the military personnel who appear to be complacent in carrying out the constitutional duties they swore to protect all citizens of the country, irrespective of tribe and religion,” he said.

The spokesperson said the Mwaghavul Nation and Christians in Mangu have coexisted peacefully with Muslims in the area for decades, and that most of them are even brothers who have inter-married.

He decried that their brothers have however allowed bad elements to settle amongst them and used them against their own brothers and sisters.

No comment from military

The spokesperson of Operation Safe Haven, maintaining peace in the area, Captain Oya James, did not respond to inquiries by our correspondent regarding the current developments.

However, the Plateau State government said it was working hard to restore peace, not just in Mangu, but everywhere in the state.

Musa Ashom, Commissioner for Communication and Information, who could not give casualty figure said: “We condemn the destruction of properties in totality and will not be cowed into making sensational statements.

“Religious bodies should do more to preach peace, tolerance, and harmonious co-existence than invest so much energy in fanning the embers of disaffection and misleading the public”, he said.

 [DailyTrust]

Bright Osayi-Samuel has said it is important for the Super Eagles to start converting their chances at the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations.

The Super Eagles have struggled in front of goal in the competition despite the glut of attacking talents at the disposal of head coach, Jose Peseiro.

The three-time champions have scored two goals from open play, with the other coming from a penalty.

They were guilty of wasting several scoring chances in their three group games.

With the competition now at the knockout phase, Osayi-Samuel has harped on the need for the team to improve on their finishing.

“In general I think we played well; we had a clean sheet, so it’s positive in terms of the defence,” the Fenerbahce star said on NFF TV.

“Collectively we had many chances and we know we will get chances in every game with the quality that we have and I think it’s about converting those chances.

“Overall, the game (against Guinea-Bissau) was good, it’s a learning curve now to see what we can improve to do better in our next game against Cameroon.“

The Super Eagles will take on Cameroon in a Round of 16 contest at the Felix Houphouet Boigny Stadium, Abidjan, on Saturday night.

[DailyPost]

It is not just that politicians are the most distrusted group of professionals in the world, being a politician in itself is a nightmare as it carries a stigma of being an unprincipled, corruptible double-dealer. And as if to justify this, their zero-sum struggle for power is often anchored on the belief that ‘the end justifies the means’ or as John Lylys puts it in his novel Euphus: The Anatomy of Wits, ‘All, is fair in love as in war’.

Ironically, we need politicians more than they need us. We owe our survival as organized society to their brinkmanship and skilful exploitation of our infirmities. In a world where it is the survival of the fittest, politicians are the only people who are capable of reconciling private affluence with public squalor. It is they alone that can make us dream dreams and convert such dreams to reality.

It is this paradoxical nature of politics that is responsible for the dearth of politician statesmen. Committed politicians dedicated to the service of humanity often face what many regard as ‘politician occupational hazards.’  Nearer home, Awolowo in an effort to create a more egalitarian society for his people and the rest of the country, was framed up and jailed for 10 years by those, who because they did not share his world view, accused him of trying ‘to topple her majesty’s government’ citing as evidence, entries in his diary to the effect that he dreamt he became the Prime Minister of Nigeria. Adekunle Ajasin, Bisi Onabanjo, Bola Ige and Prof. Ambrose Alli whose only earthly possession was an empty plot of land at death, were jailed for a total of 400 years for creatively raising funds from state contractors to prosecute free education, free health and setting up of universities in their different states. Bisi Akande, Ige’s deputy was jailed 44 years.

For standing up against his fellow politicians who wanted to loot the resources of Osun State, Governor Akande was rigged out of office as governor of Osun State in the fourth republic. Long after some of those who fraudulently took over power have been found to be men with feet of clay, Akande was described by Buhari, his former persecutor, as “a man of inflexible integrity”. 

If there is anyone who truly understands occupational hazards of committed politicians in Nigeria, Bisi Akande fits the bill. With Ambrose Alli going blind in Buhari’s gulag and his colleagues’ untimely deaths as a result of their inhuman treatment in detention, Pa Akande is in best position to raise an alarm about the danger of allowing fraudsters posing as anti-corruption crusaders take over power in the country.

It is from this context we must understand his last week’s timely warning about the danger that lies ahead with the prospect of take-over of power by those he described as “the new brand of vagabonds’, the drug barons, crude oil thieves,” who he claims “are among you; are richer than you; are calling you corrupt and hiding behind the cloak that they are not corrupt, but they are more corrupt and they will fight you.” For him the danger is real because “we are in a Nigeria now where everybody is struggling to be corrupt and the mind-set of everybody is corruption, and they don’t point the fingers to themselves; they are pointing it at you, politicians.”

Successive administrations in Nigeria according Chief Akande, have failed to defeat corruption due to the mind-set of Nigerians. According to him, “In a country where everybody is corrupt like Nigeria, The mind-set is corrupt. The man who wants prosperity by miracle is corrupt. You want to own a car, or house by miracle. Such a community can never be prosperous except of course “Nigerians have a change of mind-set and embrace the virtues of dedication and hard work”.

Akande has been around long enough to also understand Nigerian miracle seekers have short memories. He also knows how vulnerable we are as a people, especially with the advent of social media and some unprincipled main stream media who after changing all the rules of journalism, pretend to be driven by national interest.

Two events during the 2023 election exposed their hypocrisy. Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi were leading light of PDP, a party that raped the country for 16 years. Atiku Abubakar, as Obasanjo’s VP presided over the mismanaged privatization programme and was accordingly indicted by a National Assembly report. Peter Obi, who moved from PDP to Labour on the eve of the 2023 election was mentioned by the PANDORA Papers as one of the rich people in the world “who clandestinely set up businesses operated overseas, including in notorious tax and secrecy havens in ways that breached Nigerian laws” Curiously, the duo were presented as anti-corruption crusaders trying to save the nation from Bola Tinubu who had never held public office or engaged in federal government contract.

There was also the case of Godwin Emefiele who as sitting CBN governor, wanted to contest for the presidency of Nigeria on the platform of APC. He was ably promoted and supported by segment of the media. However as soon as his ambition was truncated by the judiciary, he donned the toga of an anti-corruption crusader. In October 2022, he embarked on a political redesign of N200, N100 and N1,000 bills. He ordered depositors to take their savings to the banks. He claimed his target were some presidential candidates and governors he accused of stashing funds to buy votes. His media promoters were less restrained. They made it clear the target was Bola Tinubu who they alleged shipped monies in bullion vans to his residence on the eve of Buhari’s 2019 contest against Atiku Abubakar.

It turned out that enough new notes were not printed. The result was that banks and bank staff were attacked by angry depositors who could not access their deposits when needed. A number of people died on the queues while trying to make withdrawal. Intervention by the Supreme Court declaring the old note legal tender was ignored by anti-corruption crusading Emefiele. Even as Nigerians groaned, he was egged on by the social media and his mainstream media sponsors.

Now out of office, the full report of the Special Investigator on Management of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), under anti-corruption crusading Emefiele, has revealed that the redesigned Naira is

 “illegal and should be withdrawn from circulation with immediate effect while Emefiele and his group should be made to face criminal charges for an aberration that led to the loss of lives of many Nigerians, the closure of businesses and joblessness.”

That “The sum of N1,727,500,000, according to the Obazee report “was also spent on questionable legal fees on 19 cases that are directly traceable to the Naira Redesign and reconfiguration agenda”;

That in the UK alone, the Special Investigator said his probe led him to 543.4 million pounds kept by Emefiele in fixed deposit accounts. The report claims Emefiele manipulated the Naira exchange rate and perpetrated fraud in the e-Naira project of the CBN.

The investigator also discovered a “fraudulent cash withdrawal of $6.23 million” – about N2.9 billion at the then official exchange rate of N461 to a dollar.

With the above revelations, Nigeria would have been doomed under Emefiele and his promoters. Having experienced first-hand, the betrayal of corrupt elements in borrowed anti-corruption cloak, I suspect Pa Akande is trying to remind us of the danger ahead if we allow ‘a brand of vagabonds, powerful drug barons, crude oil thieves who share the same worldview with Godwin Emefiele, the fake anti-corruption crusader, to take over power.

By now, you must have read the story of the Al-Kadriyar family. Their five daughters and a female relative were kidnapped for ransom on January 2, 2024, following a gun battle that left several policemen and a relative dead. During their harrowing three weeks in the kidnappers’ den, those girls would become the face(s) of the Nigerian kidnapping crisis. Reports of abductions have become so normative there is no telling where and how one can be picked. People are abducted in their homes as much as they are taken on the highway. It is hard to hide from an evil that has grown omnipresent.

From the news reports, there is no specific type of victim. Virtually anyone is vulnerable. The kidnappers do not seem to have prior information about those they pick up. They demand an unreasonable sum of money from families to test how far they are willing to demonstrate their love and then calibrate the ransom figures accordingly. If not for the trauma and potential of death involved, one could say it is a transaction that carries no malice in its intent. It is just random. Talk of the banality of evil!

Accounts of people being abducted for money have steadily grown in the past years, and the numbers are unrelenting. There is a high probability that a significant number of the cases are unreported. So commonplace have the incidents become that people now go to church for thanksgiving after the incidents. I was stunned to listen to testimonies in a church where the speaker talked about getting their loved ones back safely after paying a ransom. There was a time when testimonies of abductions used to feature fantastic accounts of miraculous interventions. Now abductions have become so routine they no longer test our creative faculties to produce a story of divine intervention that edifies as much as it entertains. We have entered a new normal.

The father of the abducted girls, Mansoor Al-Kadriyar, was initially kidnapped along with his children but later released to source for money. When the deadline they gave him to raise the huge amount demanded passed, the kidnappers killed one of the sisters, 21-year-old Nabeeha Al-Kadriyar, to stimulate a sense of urgency in the fundraising. Thankfully, the remaining five girls in the kidnappers’ den have now been released. Following their return home are the conflicting narratives of whether they were rescued through the efforts of security operatives or whether their family paid a ransom.

On Sunday, the Police Command in the Federal Capital Territory released a press statement claiming that, in concerted efforts with the troops of the Nigerian Army, they rescued those girls the previous night. They claimed they “accomplished” the “successful rescue…following the relentless advancement of the Federal Capital Territory Police Command’s Anti-Kidnapping squad…” The Al-Kadriyar family, however, disputes the police version of the rescue account. BBC News quoted the girls’ uncle, Sheriff Al-Kadriyar, saying the family picked up the girls after paying the ransom. He said, “There’s nothing like rescue on this matter, we paid ransom – even though I can’t disclose how much for security reasons.”

The difference between the accounts has implications beyond the police’s using an unfortunate incident to steal credit to redeem its image after being serially embarrassed by its inability to curtail Nigeria’s insecurity problems. Whether ransom is paid or not in high profile (or highly publicised) cases goes a long way in determining future incidents and the tensile strength of a society’s moral resolve. That is because kidnappers do not just want money. Like terrorists, they also want to shake a society’s moral foundations to create an atmosphere of fear that not only makes us vulnerable but also makes society even more conducive to their operations.

The kidnapping crisis has degenerated to the point that the question is no longer about whether to pay or not to pay but whether to admit it publicly. It does not even help that an existing law explicitly proscribes ransom payments. The penalty is a jail sentence of 15 years minimum. In the history of poorly conceived (and therefore unimplementable) laws in Nigeria, this one must be one of the top five. Even the lawmakers who passed the law would spurn it if they—or their loved ones—were ever to be taken hostage. Really, what were the sponsors of that bill thinking? That people whose children are taken would worry about a 15-year jail term, or that abductors would understand that the families of victims were incommoded by a section of the constitution that forbids paying ransom?

One cannot, of course, blame the families that admit they paid. To ask them to redact the truth and let the police take the credit is also to demand they absorb more trauma. They would be bearing the weight of the lie in addition to everything they have been through. Equally important is that people who crowdfund for ransom cannot allow the police to get away with a story of ransom-less rescue because they must be accountable to the public that opened their hearts as well as their wallets.

Yet, one cannot dismiss the implications of admitting ransom payment. Somewhere right now, a bunch of criminally-minded people have been inspired by the Al-Kadriyar episode. Knowing that the public can even be moved to contribute toward a ransom means, every potential abductor will be hoping for a story that will go viral. Every life is of course important, but those kidnappers also know that people are more likely to respond to a type of victim quicker than others. In this case, society must be entirely desensitised not to be outraged by the abduction of six children. They use that sentiment to taunt us to prove our humanity by donating money. Even if it feels wrong to us that we are being wound up to join the abductors in putting a monetary value on human life, we still cannot look away. We cannot negate our own humanity; we must donate. Viscerally or vicariously, we all thus become victims.

Whether ransom is paid or not has crucial significance for society at large. Knowing that previous incidents ended with ransom payment emboldens kidnappers while also whittling society’s faith in the police’s ability to protect. Once a case becomes a national (or international) sensation, the kidnappers know they have the upper hand, and the stakes go up. Some people have suggested that public fundraising efforts should be downplayed so as not to play into the hands of the abductors, but how does one get people to donate money if the case is not sensationalised? How do you stampede government and security agents into taking urgent action if the case does not dominate the news cycle?

There are no simple solutions to the situation, but we are also not helpless tools in the hands of abductors. If there is any lesson the Chibok girls’ case taught us, it is the importance of discretion in how kidnapping is reported. The moment the United States First Lady Michelle Obama raised the “Bring Back our Girls,” placard on social media, it changed the game forever. Her action was in good faith but the global attention and the media campaign that followed practically legitimated the existence of Boko Haram (the abductors).

Going forward, the police and families of abductors should work together to craft a coherent (and less dramatic) account of how people are rescued. The Police Public Relations unit needs to be especially proactive and not merely leave the families talking to the press. They should work together with the family to shape the narrative that accompanies high-profile/highly publicised abductions rescue operations in a way that rightly balances the necessity of delegitimising the abductors while also factoring accountability to the public that donated money.

Former Governor of Cross River State, Mr Donald Duke, has a great deal of archival materials and enjoys discussing historical issues.  Last week, he sent me a treasured publication that speaks to our country’s past and may help explain some of the challenges we grapple with today. ‘The Nigeria Handbook 1919 (Issued with the approval of the Nigerian Government)’. Compiled by A.C. Burns of the Central Secretary’s Office, Lagos, the publication contains ‘Statistical and General Information respecting the Colony and Protectorate’ in the years preceding 1919. It was printed by the Government Printer in Lagos. “Please read page 128 to 134 on education and health but generally, an interesting read,” Duke had written in the message he sent me. 

The moment I received the 304-page handbook, I knew straightaway that I would go beyond the area highlighted by Duke. And having read the entire publication, I am aware that there are aspects that could exhume ancient prejudices and animosities. But that is not my interest. I am more concerned by what we can learn about Nigeria of the past. Without history, according to the opening statement of the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) Social Science website, “a society shares no common memory of where it has been, what its core values are, or what decisions of the past account for present circumstances.” And without such historical knowledge and inquiry, “we cannot achieve the informed, discriminating citizenship essential to effective participation in the democratic processes of governance.” 

Divided into 21 chapters with nine appendices and 11 supplementary documents, the conclusion I drew after completing the publication is that for the British to extract maximum benefit from their colonial exploitation, they adopted a divide and conquer approach between Northern and Southern Nigeria. Since no conscious efforts at nation building were made by post-colonial leaders in the country, it is also no surprise that we continue to be dogged by mutual ethno-religious suspicions that hinder the peace and progress of Nigeria. But I should not get ahead of myself. My first curiosity was the identity of A.C. Burns, listed as the compiler. My online search yielded this: “Sir Alan Cuthbert Maxwell Burns (9 November 1887 – 29 September 1980) was a British civil servant who rose through the ranks to become governor of several colonies… He served in the Leeward Islands from 1905 to 1912 and then became Supervisor of Customs in Nigeria. In 1914, he enlisted in the West Africa Frontier Force. He served in the Cameroons Campaign and became Adjutant of the Nigeria Land Contingent. Burns was Private Secretary to Sir Frederick (later Lord) Lugard and then Huge Clifford during their times as governors of Nigeria.” 

The handbook opens in Chapter One with the ‘Geographical and Historical’. The first paragraph characterizing our country jolted me from the start: “The Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria is the largest of the British West African possessions, its approximate area being 335,700 square miles, or nearly three times that of the United Kingdom.” As Duke remarked in a follow-up message, “We were just a business entity to the British.” That’s generous. At least business entities have legal standing. Nigeria was just their possession! 

The handbook had this to say on the country’s history prior to colonialism: “The history of Nigeria as a whole, prior to the advent of the British, has not been written, and it is sufficient here to observe that there existed several powerful kingdoms in the north, which, owing to the Mohammedan influences, had attained to a certain degree of civilization, while in the south, few of even such kingdoms as existed had advanced much beyond a primitive barbarism.” From here, the handbook provides interesting insights about the history of Lagos, as well as that of The Protectorate of Rivers, the Niger Coast and Benin, the formation of the Nigerian Regimen for the First World War, completion of the railway etc.

Let’s take the account of events preceding the amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria which occurred five years before the publication: “While the southern portion of Nigeria was being brought under the control of the British Government, the country to the north was being developed by the Royal Niger Company which had been granted its charter in 1886. Treaties were made with the native chiefs, and trading and administrative stations established. In 1897, Nupe and Ilorin were subdued, and the same year the legal status of slavery was declared abolished throughout the territories of the company. A conflict between the British and French troops seemed imminent, but an arrangement was at last come to and the boundary settled. On 1st January 1900, the transfer of the Niger Company territory to the Crown took place; these territories becoming the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria, with Colonel Lugard as the first High Commissioner. The Emirates of Kontagora, Yola, Bauchi, Borno, Kano and Sokoto were subdued in turn, and a rising at Satiru in 1906 was suppressed. Numerous minor expeditions against truculent pagan tribes were also undertaken.” 

The narrative in Chapter Three, ‘Population, Religion and Languages’, is enough to ignite another firestorm between the internet warriors of Yoruba and Igbo, “the two chief tribes in the Colony and Southern Provinces.” Since it is not my intention to stir inter-ethnic Wahala, I leave others to do that when they read the handbook. Meanwhile, the total population of Nigeria in 1919 was put at 16,393,000 with 166,000 within the colony (Lagos), 7,690,000 in Southern Provinces and 8,537,000 in Northern Provinces. Incidentally, the population of the United Kingdom that same year (1919) was 19,559,000. This means their population at the time exceeded that of Nigeria by more than 20 percent! We have since reversed those statistics. While the estimated population of UK today is 67,691,439, that of Nigeria is 229,152,217—more than tripled theirs despite the wide disparity in our economic conditions. I know some would rather live in denial about our largely unproductive population but it’s a reality we must, at some point, come to terms with. 

In Chapter Four, ‘Constitution’, there is a piece of information that I found quite surprising. After highlighting the process that led to the 1914 amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria, the handbook then states, “The present headquarters and place of residence of the (Colonial) Governor is Lagos, which is also the headquarters of the Colony and of the Southern Provinces. The headquarters of the Northern Provinces is Kaduna which has also been selected as the future Capital of Nigeria.”  

This is the first literature to reveal that Kaduna was ever pencilled down by the British as a future capital city for the country. I have also further researched this and cannot find such information anywhere. Yet, this is authoritative despite the disclaimer in one of the opening pages: “This Handbook is not an official publication but is issued with the approval of the Nigerian Government.” Compiled by Lugard’s private secretary and printed by the Government Printer (and with approval), I wonder what could be more official. It is of course no surprise that the economy was designed for the benefit of the British to the detriment of Nigeria. Sample: “There have been five meetings of the Nigerian Council, in December 1914,1915,1916,1917 and 1918 respectively. At the second meeting, a resolution was passed pledging the Government of Nigeria to take over, after the war, six million pounds of the Imperial War Loan, which would be added to the public debt of Nigeria.” 

By most historical accounts, the colonial administration faced fewer challenges in the North because of the well-established traditional ruler system. They were less successful in the southern part of the country which is evident in the handbook. “In some parts of Nigeria where native chiefs have shown a capacity to rule, and especially in the Northern Provinces, the Government exercises only an indirect control, the Resident assuming the role of an adviser. In other parts, however, where there is no strong native authority capable of governing, the rule of the political officers is a more direct one, but even in such districts a native judiciary with powers limited in proportions to its ability and integrity is made use of with results that are increasingly satisfactory.” 

Chapter Five details ‘Trade and Customs’ and provides a comprehensive picture of the economy of the country at the time. “The trade of Nigeria in 1918 was nearly five times as great as it was in 1900 and it is still increasing. As the country is opened up and the means of transport improve, the raw material which is now inaccessible will be exported still in large quantities, the wealth and standard of living of the people will improve, and a larger amount of imports will be required to meet the increased demand…” Figures were provided in this highly revealing section that speaks to a relatively strong economy and balanced budgets at the time. In 1900, for instance, the amount for total imports was £1,735,244 while that for total exports was £1,886,883 with total trade amounting to £3,622,127. In 1913, total imports raked in £6,331751 while £7,097646 was realized for total exports. The amount for total trade was £13,429397. In 2018, £7,423158 was realized from total imports with £9,511970 made from total exports. That year, £16,935,128 was made from total trade.  

Nigerians have long lamented how Malaysia grew its wealth on the strength of palm seedlings from Nigeria. Details from the handbook say a lot: “The most important of these exports are palm oil and palm kernels which in 1918 were valued at £5,937526 which is over 63% of the total value of all produce exported during the year.” So, almost two-thirds of Nigeria’s export proceeds in 1918 came from palm oil and palm kernels. Today, we import these same commodities. Chapter Six, on banking, currency, weights and measures, is also very detailed. But readers can take this: “The natives are very suspicious of and are unwilling to be paid in coins of Queen Victoria’s reign and half-crowns of any date. Native currency in the forms of cowries, manillas, and brass rods is still used in some parts, but further importation is prohibited, and the abolition of such native currency is being gradually effected. Barter still prevails in the more backward districts.” 

Readers will enjoy the chapters on ‘Climate and Rainfall’, ‘Shipping, Ports, and Internal Communications’ and ‘Law, Courts, Criminal Statistics, Police and Prisons’. But Chapter Eight, ‘Mines, Manufactures and Fisheries’, is another reminder of squandered riches. “The mineral wealth of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria is now an accepted fact, and tin mining industry has become of great importance. There is evidence that the existence of tin on the Bauchi plateau was known to the natives long before the advent of the British and they had smelted it on a small scale for many years. As long as 1885, this was known to the Europeans, but owing to the unsettled condition of the country no attempt at prospecting could be made,” it was written in the handbook. “Further inland than the swamp forests lie evergreen tropical forests which contain the most valuable of the economic trees of Nigeria. Owing to the wasteful native system of farming and the extensive migrations of tribes in earlier times, the bulk of the vegetation consists of secondary growth which has sprung up rapidly in deserted clearings. Mainly for this reason, the number of different species growing together is very large.” 

Chapter 11 deals with ‘Government Finances’ and the handbook provides details: “The total revenue of Nigeria (i.e. Lagos, Southern Nigeria and Northern Nigeria) for the financial year 1900-1901 amounted over £683,000, while the revenue for 1913 (the last year unaffected by war condition) was over £3,462,000, or more than five times as much, and there is no doubt that but for the war the year 1914 would have shown a further remarkable increase. The revenue for the years 1917 and 1918 have beaten all previous records.” 

The breakdown for seven years follows the narrative. 1912: Revenue, £2,806,905; Expenditure, £2,768,539. 1913: Revenue, £3,462,507; Expenditure, £2,916,801. 1914: Revenue, £3,048,381; Expenditure, £3,596,764. 1915: Revenue, £2,703,257; Expenditure, £3,484,215. 1916: Revenue, £2,943,184; Expenditure, £3,609,638. 1917: Revenue, £3,492,738; Expenditure, £3,219,958. 1918: Revenue, £4,014,190; Expenditure, £3,459,774. There was this note: “Prior to the amalgamation an annual refund (£70,000 in 1911) was made by Southern Nigeria to Northern Nigeria on account of Customs Duties collected at the coast on goods in transit to the latter Protectorate. Northern Nigeria also received an annual Imperial Grant-in-Aid which in 1911 amounted to £317,000. This Grant-in-Aid was afterwards reduced to £100,000 and has now ceased.” 

As an aside, nothing confirms the adage about the tale of the hunt glorifying the hunter than the 1919 Handbook account of the ill-motivated and patently provocative 1897 Benin expedition by a British trade officer which ended tragically. In the late 19th century, as I wrote in a June 2021 column, what is now the Edo state capital had a strong kingdom that survived the British expedition and the 1885 Berlin Conference where Africa was partitioned and shared among European powers at the time. In the last decade of that century, James Phillips, the British Consul General for Niger Coast Protectorate (the present-day South-South zone) found the Benin Kingdom too independent and sought to neutralise the powers of the Oba on the pretext that the palace was engaged in human sacrifices. He therefore requested permission from London to invade the city, depose the Oba and replace him with a Native Council. “I have reason to hope that sufficient ivory would be found in the King’s house to pay the expenses incurred in removing the King from his stool,” Phillips wrote in his December 1896 letter to Lord Salisbury, then Foreign Secretary.   

Without waiting for a response from London, Phillips sent a request to the Benin palace to expect a delegation from him. Despite the plea from the Oba of Benin that he could not at the period receive visitors, Philips nonetheless sent a military contingent on a supposedly peaceful mission, and they were confronted by Benin chiefs. In the aftermath, only two members of the contingent survived to tell the tale of what became known in British history as the ‘Benin Massacre’. In retaliation, Rear-Admiral Harry Rawson, a Naval commander was appointed to lead as many as 1,200 Royal Marines for the 9th February 1897 invasion of Benin, capture the Oba and destroy the city, in an operation codenamed ‘The Benin Punitive Expedition.’ Never mind that the whole exercise became a looting expedition by the British.

It took just weeks after that invasion for the looted Benin artifacts to find their way to museums and private collections around the world, either as gifts or through purchases. The first public auction reportedly took place in May 1897, following advertisement in the ‘Times’ newspaper for the sale of “several carved tusks and other trophies from Benin city collected by naval officers in the recent expedition”. Meanwhile, here is the terse narrative of that episode in the 1919 Nigeria Handbook: “In 1897, a peaceful mission to Benin was treacherously attacked and all but two of the European members were massacred. A powerful expedition captured the city and the king surrendered and was deported.” Now we know how it took a certain Mr Mungo Park to ‘discover’ River Niger for our people! 

Several pages in the handbook were devoted to advertisements by British companies, including the Bank of British West Africa Limited (Established 1894). Listed as ‘Bankers to the Governments of the Colonies of the Gambia, Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast and Nigeria,’ with head office in London, the advert highlighted its Authorised Capital as £2,000,000; Subscribed Capital, £1,450,000 and Called-up capital, £580,000. There was also an advert by The Colonial Bank. Subscribed Capital was put at £3,000,000, Paid Up Capital, £900,000 and Reserve Fund, £350,000. In the adverts, I found a few Nigerian companies. One, L.A Cardoso engaged in import and export with, among other things, ‘600 Acre Farm in Agege District’. I don’t know if it belongs to the family of the current CBN Governor whose father, Felix Bankole Cardoso, was the first indigenous accountant general of the federation in 1963. Or even whether the company still exists. There is also ‘Dada Adeshigbin and Sons’ who were said to be the ‘Sole Importer of Singer Sewing Machines’.

I have done some rudimentary online searches on the man. In one posting Dada Adeshigbin was described as “a 19th Century townsman and one of the principal founders of the African Bethel Church” who was born in 1865 and died in February 1925 at age 60. There are postings by journals of universities in the United States and United Kingdom that speak to Adeshigbin’s business acumen but details about him can be found in the book, ‘The African Churches in Yorubaland (1888—1922)’ by James Bertin Webster. The interesting thing for me is that Adeshigbin is a name I am hearing for the first time, yet we are talking about a prominent man in the late 19th and early 20th century Nigeria. Why is it that the wealth our people produce does not last for generations? I intend to interrogate this issue one day.  

While I intend to continue, and possibly conclude the series next week, it was Chapter 14 on ‘Education’ that Duke drew my attention to, perhaps because of the opening statement: “Education in Nigeria is not compulsory, and indeed until comparatively recently, was left entirely in the hands of missionaries, the first government school being founded so late as 1899. In the Colony and Southern Provinces, there were, at the end of 1918, 41 Government Schools, 189 ‘Assisted’ private schools, and a large number (probably more than 1400) of unassisted schools.” Duke also wants me to read Chapter 15 on ‘Public Health, Sanitation, Hospitals etc.’ I hope this wasn’t what fired his interest: “Syphilis and gonorrhoea are common diseases all over the country.” 

NOTE: To be concluded next week. 

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Abuja-based legal luminary, Dr. Kayode Ajulo SAN, OON, has expressed commendation for the selection of Chief Olayide Adelami as the nominee for Deputy Governor alongside Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa in Ondo State.

Ajulo also extolled Governor Aiyedatiwa's leadership for identifying a reliable and competent co-pilot, calling it a demonstration of Governor Aiyedatiwa’s readiness to elevate Ondo State to new heights. The legal luminary sees Akinlami as a capable partner, heralding good governance for the people of Ondo.

Describing Akinlami as a progressive technocrat with a commendable track record, Ajulo highlighted his extensive service to Nigeria's development. He said the former Deputy Clerk of the National Assembly and pioneer of critical departments at the Federal level possesses a wealth of experience poised to enrich Governor Aiyedatiwa's administration and contribute to Ondo State's advancement.

Speaking in Akure on Wednesday, Ajulo praised Akinlami's dedication to Ondo State, emphasizing his role as a pivotal figure in the establishment of critical departments in the country. He said "Chief Akinlami is one of the finest technocrats of Ondo State extraction. He was a pioneer staff of the Constituent Assembly which became the present-day National Assembly, and set up the Finance and Accounts Department of the National Assembly and the Accounts Department of the Petroleum Special Trust Fund among others. I personally know him as someone who loves Ondo State dearly, and he's one of our best ambassadors"

"Governor Aiyedatiwa deserves applause for recognizing an indigene of Owo, a testament to his respect for the entire Owo kingdom and a worthy tribute to Arakunrin Rotimi Akeredolu," remarked Ajulo.

Expressing appreciation for the Ondo State Assembly's unwavering dedication, Ajulo urged swift confirmation for Akinlami, emphasizing the significance of expeditious proceedings for the State's progress.

He also used the occasion to salute Late Governor Akeredolu and commends all Owo people for their contribution to the State, Nigeria and the world at large.

In March 2023, I wrote a short article advising the then governor-elect, Pastor Umo Eno, on what he should do as the 5th elected governor of Akwa Ibom State. Among the few suggestions that I made, I asked him to dispose off the state executive aircraft that is exclusively used by the governor. I reasoned that selling the aircraft would save costs, and since the state has an airline, Ibom Air, which is actually the nation’s most preferred airline, the governor does not need the executive jet. It was one piece of advice that I didn’t expect the new governor to take. Nigerian politicians tend to place their personal comfort and privileges above the welfare of the people. A few months after I wrote that piece, I met a prominent Akwa Ibom son at Hilton Hotel, Abuja. He told me that he had a good laugh when he read my suggestion. ‘’Every governor will want to enjoy the perks of office which his predecessor enjoyed. Umo Eno will also want to enjoy the aircraft’’, he told me. We both laughed.

I was therefore very surprised when I read early in the week that the governor had asked the SSG, Mr. Enobong Uwah, to determine ways in which the cost of maintaining the aircraft could be better managed. I immediately got in touch with the SSG and asked if the story is true. ‘’Yes, it is true’’, Uwah told me, adding, ‘’as I told you earlier, the governor is going to simplify governance. He prefers to use commercial flights instead of wasting public funds on the maintenance of the state aircraft at alarming forex rates’’.

I couldn't believe it. A governor dumping a private jet to fly commercial just to cut costs?
This is the best and most inspiring piece of news that I have heard in this country this year, and I wish to commend Gov. Eno for this altruistic, humane and bold decision. This will save the state billions of naira and reduce cost of governance. The decision also buttresses the widely-held notion that the governor is indeed a selfless, humble and caring leader.

I asked the SSG for the details of the cost of maintaining the aircraft, but he declined. But based on my discussions with industry operators, I can speculate that with fueling, crew salaries and allowances, insurance premium, parking fees, maintenance and other incidental costs, the government spends about N300 million a month (about N4 billion per year) to keep the aircraft. The costs keep rising as the aircraft ages. That is huge.

I do not know whether the aircraft would be sold off or put up for charter as it’s being speculated. Both have their advantages and disadvantages. I will wait for the government to take the best decision in the interest of the state. For now, I am just elated that the huge costs of keeping the aircraft is off our books.

When I visited the governor the other day, I commended him for pursuing people-oriented programmes such as refurbishing primary schools, upgrading primary health centers and investing heavily agriculture. I noted that past administrations in the state have spent huge resources to build infrastructures and assets that cater to the elites of the society, and so it is important that his government is concentrating on programmes that will take care of the lower cadres of the population. By doing away with the aircraft, which in my view, is a symbol of elitist parasitism, the governor has shown that he is truly a listening leader. He’s heard the cries of the orphans, widows and the poor in our state. He should go ahead and refurbish and upgrade all public primary and secondary schools in the state and invest heavily in training and recruitment of teachers. We should move from 17 position in WAEC performance to the top 5 in the next four years. In addition, the governor should also invest in building rural roads and financially supporting farmers, artisans, market women and small businesses in the state. The elites have had their fair share of the wealth of the state. It's time to build the real people.

The aircraft was bought in 2012 by the administration of Gov. Godswill Akpabio for about $50 million (this included cost of the aircraft plus avionics and other installations). Akpabio said then that he needed the aircraft for ease of movement in and out of the state, even though we had had our own airport then and three (and sometimes four airlines) were operating therein. Gov Akpabio used the aircraft for three years; his successor used it for eight years, and Pastor Umo Eno for just a few months. The intense usage of the aircraft under Gov. Udom Emmanuel (he even used it for a nationwide tour during his presidential campaign, sometimes giving it out for use by other PDP politicians) led to its rapid depreciation. Gov. Udom Emmanuel was practically living in the air! He loved the machine.

Gov. Umo Eno will not have any problem getting in and out of the state. Ibom Air has eight aircraft currently (eight more to be delivered soon). There are eight and sometimes 12 daily flights in and out of Uyo to Lagos and Abuja. The governor will certainly suffer some inconveniences flying commercial, but the savings are worth it. Leadership requires sacrifices and public service could be very tough. It was Chief Obafemi Awolowo who advised politicians in those days not to seek to enjoy in government house what they couldn’t afford in their personal homes. Gov. Eno has shown an uncommon courage, humility and pragmatism in the choice he has made. May God guide him!

PRESIDENT Bola Tinubu, today, departed Abuja for Paris, France, on a private visit, according to the Presidency.

The Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Ajuri Ngelale, made this known in a statement on Wednesday.

The statement added that President Tinubu will return to the country in the first week of February, 2024.

Tinubu had on Tuesday night held a bilateral meeting with the American Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, at the Presidential Villa Abuja.

Tinubu’s last travel out of the country was to attend the 28th United Nations Climate Change Conference, which took place in Dubai, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) last December.

Apart from participating in the conference in Dubai, the President had bilateral talks with King Charles of England, the President of UAE, and leaders of several countries and multilateral partners to concretize engagements.

Tinubu also witnessed the signing of an accelerated performance agreement between Nigeria and Germany to improve Nigeria’s electricity supply and hosted a high-level meeting with stakeholders and investors on the Nigeria Carbon Market and the Electric Buses Rollout Programme on the margins of the COP28 climate summit.

[NaijaTimes]

The hosts of the 2023 AFCON, Ivory Coast have sacked their head coach, Jean-Louis Gasset though they still have a chance of progressing in the competition.

Ivory Coast are on the verge of crashing out of the 2023 AFCON after beating Guinea-Bissau in their opening game, losing 1-0 to the Super Eagles of Nigeria, and then ending their group stage campaign with a 4-0 defeat to Equatorial Guinea.

Hence, Ivory Coast had to sack coach Gasset two days after the 4-0 defeat which was the country’s heaviest defeat on their home turf in their history.

The defeat also marked the first time an AFCON host suffered two defeats in the group stage of the competition in 40 years, a feat that was last recorded by Ivory Coast in 1984.

Ivory Coast are currently the third-placed teams in the tournament that have a chance of qualifying for the round of 16 as one of the four best losers. But that can only be determined after the end of the group stage campaign on Wednesday night, January 25.

Ahead of that, one of Gasset’s assistant coaches Emerse Fae will be the country’s coach for the time being.

A statement from the Ivorian Football Association explained that the FA “terminated” the contracts of 70-year-old Gasset and his assistant coach Ghislain Printant “due to insufficient results.”

Ivorian FA appointed the French tactician, Gasset, a former Bordeaux coach, in May 2022 to replace fellow countryman Patrice Beaumelle who is currently the coach of an Algerian football club MC Alger.

[NaijaNews]