Since late February when Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan nearly brought down the roof of the Senate, wagging her finger at the Senate President and shouting, ‘’I’m not afraid of you’’, Nigerian women have found their voice and are rising to assert their influence. Akpoti-Uduaghan’s sexual harassment allegation against Akpabio and her relentless pursuit of the matter have further pumped up our women fold; creating a sense in them that they can’t remain silent further. The other day at the airport, a woman caused a stir as she shouted at a middle aged man, ‘’If you cross me, I will deal ruthlessly with you’’. I don’t know what the matter was, but I had to quickly walk away from the scene. On talk shows, women activists are punching the air to make their points on the issue of gender equality and reiterate their support for the embattled Kogi Senator. Last Saturday, a female guest in a TV interview looked intensely into the camera and bellowed out: ‘’we’ve been quiet for so long. It’s time we, the women, came out of our shells and teach the men some lessons’’. But nothing prepared me for the shock of last night when Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, former Vice President for Africa at the World Bank and former Minister of Education, nearly came to blows with Senator Onyekachi Nwebonyi, deputy chief whip of the senate. I have never seen Ezekweisili so agitated, irascible and emotional.

It was at the sitting of the Senate Committee on Ethics where Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition against Akapbio was to be heard, and the former minister was there in her capacity as the Country Chair of Women Political Leaders (WPL), a nonprofit foundation that operates as a global network of female political leaders. Nwebonyi attended as a representative of the Senate President, who has been in the centre of the storm. According to Nwebonyi, trouble started when the petitioner and his lawyer refused to go on oath before they could make their presentation. Nwebonyi told Arise News: ‘’When they refused to take the oath, I asked the Chairman of the Committee to call off the meeting as the petitioner was not ready. That’s when Dr. Ezekwesili told me ‘shut up your mouth. You are a hooligan’. A shouting match then ensued. Nigerians are sharply divided on who to blame for the altercation. While some argue that as a man, Nwebonyi should have kept quiet and received Ezekwesili’s insults with equanimity, others claim that the former minister ought not to have been rude to the man, a principal officer of the Nigerian Senate, no matter her status. In any case, Nwebonyi was not even addressing her when she interjected with ‘’Shut up your mouth’’.

I have known Ezekwesili right from our days in the university in the 1980s as a respectful, courteous and good-natured, but independent minded person, and I have never thought that a day would come when she would call a senator a ‘’hooligan’’. The anger, emotions and the adrenalins we have seen in Nigerian women since the Akpoti-Uduaghan saga have been enormous. Many have thrown away self restraint as they try to make their point. This is their ‘’Me too’’ moment. I recall that #MeToo started in the US as a social movement and awareness campaign against sexual abuse, sexual harassment and rape culture in which women publicize their experiences of sexual abuse or harassment. The phrase ‘’Me Too’’ was initially used in this context in the US in 2006, on Myspace, by a sexual assault survivor and activist, Ms Tarana Burke; and the hashtag #MeToo was used in 2017 as a way to draw attention to the magnitude of the problem in the US. ‘’MeeToo’’ is therefore meant to empower those who have been sexually assaulted through empathy, solidarity and strength in numbers, by visibly demonstrating the depth of the problems, especially at workplace. So far, Nigerian activists have not used the hashtag #MeToo in their advocacy, but I will not be surprised if someone comes up with a typically Nigerian creative slogan. It’s not long ago that we had #EndSARs; #EndBadGovernance and #NoGreeForAnybody.

Now that personalities like Oby Ezekwesili have come out to openly identify with Akpoti-Uduaghan, it is important that Nigerian men realize just how important this issue is to our womenfolk; how sensitive they are to such matters, and that the women are fighting back in unimaginable ways. To my fellow men, let me warn that the era of leering lustfully at women or making comments about a woman’s bust or length of her skirt is gone. You could be accused of sexual harassment for passing what you think is an innocuous joke. Last May, Mrs Simisola Ajayi, an assistant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs had accused the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry, Ibrahim Lamuwa, of sexual harassment. Mrs Ajayi had petitioned the then Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Mrs Folashade Yemi-Esan of serially making passes at her despite her status as a married woman. Then Head of Service promptly suspended the Perm Sec, but the matter had since died. Attempts by the House of Representatives to weigh into the matter quickly fizzled out. Activists like Dr. Ezekwesili did not even bother to comment on it, perhaps because Mrs Ajayi is not a senator. That’s how Nigeria works. If you are not a big man (or woman), nobody fights your fight. The reason Natasha’s matter has become an international embarrassment is because she is a beautiful senator married to a Warri chief. If she were a teacher in my village, nobody would listen to her even if her headmaster had torn her skirt!

Nigerian women are fighting back to assert their position as equal partners in society and demand for respect, recognition and a place at the table. But like all struggles, this one requires good strategies and long-term planning; not emotions and insults.

The Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Minister, Nyesom Wike, on Wednesday declared that he would ensure that former Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, fails in his push for the presidency.

Speaking through his media aide, Lere Olayinka, Wike said he has no regret that Atiku refused to pick him as his running mate during the build-up to the 2023 presidential election.

In an interview with Adesina Giwa-Osagie, Atiku said he had “no regrets” for ignoring Wike as his running mate in the 2023 presidential election.

DAILY POST recalls that the rift between Atiku and Wike dates back to the controversial PDP primaries of 2022.

Wike had expected to be compensated with the vice-presidential slot, but Atiku picked former Delta State Governor Ifeanyi Okowa.

Addressing why he chose Okowa over Wike, Atiku stated that he deliberately left the decision to the PDP.

“They said I did not consult widely in 2019 when I picked Peter Obi as my running mate, so in 2023, I told the party to set up a committee to recommend three names,” Atiku said.

Atiku said the committee ranked Okowa as the top choice, with Wike in second place and former Akwa Ibom Governor Udom Emmanuel in third.

“So I picked number one,” he said.

Responding, Olayinka said Wike has no regret over losing the slot to Okowa.

Posting on X, Olayinka wrote: “Two years after making the @OfficialPDPNig lose a presidential election it could have won, @atiku is giving reasons he did not pick @GovWike as his running mate and that he has no regrets.

“Someone should tell our serial presidential election contester that Wike also has no regret for ensuring that he failed in the election and will make sure that he fails again and again.”

[DailyPost]

Former Minister of Education, Oby Ezekwesili, has defended her clash with the senator representing Ebonyi North Senatorial District, Onyekachi Nwaebonyi, at a Senate Committee hearing on Tuesday.

Speaking during an appearance on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily programme on Wednesday, Ezekwesili stated that she is pleased with her verbal engagement with the Imo lawmaker, saying that the clash has exposed what women face in a patriarchal society.

She said, “I was very pleased with what happened yesterday because now it is in the public domain what women endure in many instances, and the rest of society may know a little about it but has not focused on it. It has now come to the top of our public agenda that we should not allow for a society that shuts down voices.”

The clash occurred during a Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions hearing on a fresh petition submitted by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan against Senate President Godswill Akpabio.

Ezekwesili was present at the hearing alongside Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, counsel to Akpoti-Uduaghan, and the chief petitioner from Kogi Central, Zubairu Yakubu.

Trouble started when the petitioner urged the Chairman of the Committee, Neda Imasuen, to step down in the case following the ‘controversial’ manner in which he had so far handled the alleged sexual harassment allegation against Akpabio.

He further alleged that some committee members had pre-existing ties to Akpabio, which he said compromised their ability to be neutral.

His remarks angered some lawmakers, who accused him of attempting to undermine the committee’s credibility.

Ezekwesili also came under fire for what they saw as her insistence on forcing herself into the proceedings.

However, Ezekwesili insisted on being heard out.

She said, “I asked to be put on oath as a witness. I am a citizen of Nigeria.”

This led to a heated argument with Nwaebonyi, who lashed out at her, saying, “You’re a fool. What do you mean? Why are you talking to me like that? I will not take it. You’re an insult to womanhood. People like you cannot be here.”

Ezekwesili called him a “hooligan,” further escalating the altercation.

The verbal battle momentarily disrupted the hearing before order was restored.

During the proceedings, tensions flared when Nwaebonyi was heard hurling derogatory remarks at Ezekwesili, referring to her as an “insult to womanhood” and a “hooligan.”

[Punch]

The University of Port Harcourt (UNIPORT) has conferred professorship on the Director General of the National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement Agency (NESREA), Innocent Barikor.

Barikor, who was promoted to Professor of Political Economy and Development Studies, was among 46 staff members elevated by the university.

In a statement on Wednesday, Vice Chancellor of the institution, Prof. Onwunari Georgewill, said the promotions were approved during the 187th meeting of the Governing Council, chaired by Pro-Chancellor and Chairman, Sen. Mao Ohuabunwa.

According to him, 30 senior academics were promoted to the rank of professor, while 16 others were elevated to associate professor after undergoing the university’s rigorous assessment process.

Barikor, who assumed office as NESREA DG in May last year, has made significant strides in environmental sustainability. Under his leadership, the agency has aggressively implemented the Extended Producer Responsibility Programme across sectors such as food and beverage, battery, used tyres, and electrical/electronics.

He also spearheaded the development of key environmental legislation including the National Environmental (Battery Control) Regulations 2024 and the National Guidelines for the Implementation of EPR for (Plastic) Packaging. Additionally, the National Environmental (Plastic Waste Control) Regulations are awaiting gazetting.

Barikor oversaw the review of environmental permitting and licensing regulations and the regulations governing international trade in endangered species of fauna and flora. Under his administration, NESREA conducted 1,671 compliance monitoring inspections, shutting down 96 facilities for environmental violations.

To enhance efficiency, he unbundled NESREA offices in key states, taking environmental governance closer to the grassroots.

With support from the Fleming Fund, funded by UKAid, and in collaboration with Management Sciences for Health (MSH) and the Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO), Barikor is equipping the National Reference Laboratory in Port Harcourt with state-of-the-art research equipment. A 30KVA solar power system has also been installed to provide 24-hour power supply to the laboratory.

In March, NESREA launched the National Industrial Decarbonisation Programme (NIDP) to curb emissions from the industrial sector.

The agency also hosted an international conference on upgrading the lead-battery recycling sector in Africa under the Partnership for Responsible Battery and Metal Recycling (PROBAMET).

Through his leadership, NESREA has attracted support from international partners, including the European Union, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the German and Japanese governments, the African Center for Protection and the Elephant Protection Initiative Foundation (EPIF).

 [Vanguard]

Bolanle Ninalowo, the Nollywood actor, has taken to social media to express his frustration over being impersonated on TikTok.

On Wednesday, the actor shared a video on his Instagram page, revealing multiple profiles on TikTok using his name and pictures.

Ninalowo disclosed that he is not even on TikTok, questioning how he would be able to open a real account with many impersonators already using his identity.

“Dang! And I am not even on TikTok. How do I now open a real account. People dey para ooo,” he wrote.

Bolanle ventured into the Nigerian film industry in the early 2000s, initially starting his career as a producer. However, he faced failure and subsequently tried his hand at music, which also didn’t work out. Undeterred, he returned to acting in the mid-2000s.

His breakthrough role came in the 2015 movie ‘Desperate Baby Mamas’ which marked the beginning of his successful acting career.

Since then, the Ikorodu-born actor has appeared in numerous hit films, showcasing his versatility in both Yoruba and English movies.

Some of his notable roles include performances in ‘Fate of Alakada,’ ‘Coming From Insanity,’ ‘Breaded Life,’ ‘Lakatabu,’ ‘The Bloom Boys’, ‘Far From Home’, ‘Picture Perfect’ and ‘Alter Date.’

[TheCable]

Remembrance, and the Reparatory Ethos, 2025

(Being text of keynote by Professor WOLE SOYINKA to the United Nations’ annual ceremony in observance of the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, under the theme: “Acknowledge the past. Repair the present. Build a future of dignity and justice,” held March 25, 2025 at UN Headquarters in New York. The ceremony was held as an official plenary meeting of the UN General Assembly)

Madam President, Honorable members of the General Assembly. 

There is a compelling relevance in my recalling prior occasions when I have had the honour of addressing this gathering. The most memorable, without question, took place during the final phase of the dismantling of the South African slave encampment that went by the name of Apartheid. One vivid image I still retain from that session was that of Archbishop Desmond Tutu breaking into a solo dance routine in the middle of his intervention. His sudden possession by Terpischore, the Grecian Muse of Dance, was however instigated by Ogun, the Yoruba Muse of Liberation, Equity and Justice, obviously, since that impromptu turn occurred at that point when the revered man of God attempted to convey the sensation of what it felt like when a man, at his advanced age, a spiritual leader anywhere, cast a vote for the first time in his life.

Another occasion worthy of recall happened through surrogation, since you neither heard nor saw any of the participants. We were not physically present in this chamber, yet we were, and most intensely so. We were active within stone’s throw, just across the street on First Avenue,  addressing you from a session organized by CREDO, a Human Rights organization. The purpose was to place on trial an African dictator of a decidedly racist orientation, whose plantation overseers, known as the Janjaweed had placed millions of African autochthones under arbitrary disposal. Just as in its sister, more notorious encampment further south, this existence of millions under mass subjugation was actualized on their own ancestral soil. Our mimic event took place in an apartment with a room-length glass window which overlooked this very building, positioned so that the flags of all nations fluttered – as they do up till now -  in the background, providing us a United Nations symbolic supervision.

The foregoing suffices, I hope, to propel us towards a seizure, if not exactly an unassailable definition, of how it feels to undergo an approximate experience of the existential actualities of enslavement. It means - no matter one’s age, gender, faith or social status - to be subjected to the will of others. It means to be denied, as a very condition of daily existence, the fundamental human asset known as – Volition. That condition is captured in more than one instance from the film Django Unchained, where the villain of the piece, incensed by an attempt to outsmart him in a human trade-off, viciously squeezes the face of that female commodity  and snarls:

“This is my property. I can do whatever I like with her.”

Now, that slave owner happened to be an out and out sadist. He not only ran a domestic amphitheatre of death, he was more than willing to diminish his capital by setting his killer dogs on a would-be escapee, just to prove that cardinal point – he owned that fugitive, dead or alive. 

I shall share with you an earlier, real life pronouncement, uttered during the struggle to oust my own nation’s contribution to the case file of the master-slave typology. That outburst in real time leapt unbidden to mind when I watched and heard the actor di Caprio’s savage declamation. That cinematic moment emerged as an  echo, ironically, of a pronouncement by a radical mind, a highly regarded community leader and prelate. He was venting his outrage at what he considered a hypocritical stance of the West over the judicial murder of the Ogoni Nine= who were hanged after a kangaroo trial. His words, not exact, but fairly accurate were:

“Who are these Europeans to tell an African ruler who to hang or not to hang?”

Near identical with di Caprio’s mission statement, you’ll agree. In mitigation, using a familiar expression from these parts, one knew “where he was coming from” – a lifelong anti-white, anti-western stance that derived from history and social experience in the present. Nonetheless, I confess that those words sent shivers up and down my spine.  

And that is the core of slavery – ownership, and the limitless carte blanche  that goes with it. The ownership of another being. Yes indeed, the condition known as slavery means to be owned by another human being, with or without a bill of sale, to be placed under chains, visible or invisible – it does not matter. Slavery means to be owned. The rest is mere elaboration. 

You begin to understand why the notion of one state of enslavement being more benign than others, less inhumane, while admittedly legitimate and instructive fodder for academia – sociologists and all - is fundamentally repugnant and ethically inadmissible. The field slave in opposition to the house slave. Open concubinage against punishable miscegenation. Sahara or Mediterranean. Sahara against the Atlantic/Caribbean. Trans-Indian ocean versus the rest. Each arm of the triangulation  - Capture/Transit/Relocation – reads, comprehensively, Dehumanization on an unprecedented scale in the annals of  black human cargo. 

Exercises in comparative misery merely end up with censorship, subtle and coy to overt and institutional.  It is totally irrelevant that one enslaved victim ends up marrying a scion of the house of his owners or becomes a companion and paraclete of spiritual avatars, mostly converts under duress. Exceptions hold out the torch of humanistic possibilities, but do not ignite the flame of  universal enlightenment. That task is left to us, successors to generations of human despoilation. 

It is either one accepts that this is a viable foundation for a vision harmonious co-existence or else a delusion. Some illusions are still with us, after centuries. They morph, change colour, texture, motion, even nomenclature. Undetected for what they really are, they become a way of dealing with history, to be protected and sustained by other social constructs. They prove quite seductive, even compel adoption by society’s greatest thinkers - from economic theorists to religious expositors. Slavery is one such permissive foraging ground for revisionists, and the African continent remains the dedicated, indeed consecrated  – in more senses than one -  consecrated material base for the blood transfusion that continues to. sustained the aberration. When eventually, and for whatever reason, the warps in the  conceptual template of perpetrators and beneficiaries on the one hand, and/or victims on the other, are ironed out, the ledger book of profit and loss is bought out, dusted down and dormant claims are brought to the fore. 

However, a problem is provoked: how does one reckon compensation for an aberration that endured over four centuries, engorged and spewed out an estimated fifteen million humans westwards, eastwards, northwards, a crime that endures till today in both its crude, material and legally backed forms, and its more ambiguous, subtly degrading characteristics? Compensaion for the waste of humanity is a long call from itemization of fauna and flora after an oil spill. The task is obviously beyond value attributions and itemized correlations, no matter in what currency - including trading concessions, technological assistance, or direct economic aid. The mind seizes up in the attempt, and not even the all-knowing Artificial Intelligence can work it out. All we can do is approach any such notion of justice symbolically, gesturally, commencing where all forms of restitution begin: an admission of the obvious – the existence of the crime, recognition of the perpetrators. the collaborators and the beneficiaries and - the victims. Concerning that last, the Diaspora displays the indisputable manifest across generations. 

To reinforce that self-evident base, the sordid business is not yet over.  Extant slave markets endure in notable parts of the world, including, most ironically, within the resource centre itself – the African continent. Establishing this for Doubting Thomases is easy tnough – we can lead you to them, physically.  Often more difficult to establish however is the condition itself that constitutes slavery. Yet we must address it. We musf, since one is fed by, and feeds on the other, creating a vicious cycle.  The agent of that condition can be an individual, a community, a class, a race, or a religion. 

When, for instance, two hundred and seventy-nine school pupils, all female, are kidnapped from within a supposed sanctuary of learning, taken into a forest, divided up among their captors and scattered to all corners of the world, we need no instruction in conceiving their fate. Captives of an undeclared war, subject to commodity negotiations, bound to the whims and caprices of successive intermediaries and owners, their fate is to succumb to sexual duties, even where underage. These are the twenty-first century horrors that spice the humdrum fare of daily existence.

A b efitting moment to interject yet another recall of my prior intrusions into this rarefied space of world leadership   – this was on the anniversary of United Nations Declaration of the Rights of the Child. For that event, I read a poem that was specially commissioned on behalf of this body – It was titled “The Child before A Mirror of Strangers”. The relevance of those lines, in effect a child’s lament and accusation of gross dereliction by the adult world, deserves to remain an eternal burden and a blot on world conscience. Off to school, and straight into captivity, dispersal and enslavement?  Three hundred youths in one fell swoop? Abominations  in su h dimensions  surely earn centre place in any Rites of Remembrance. 

On reflection however, should we truly have been taken by surprise? The self-acclaimed world religions worked hand in hand with militarism for the promotion of the lucrative trade on the African continent, as did the instrumentality of laws and edicts. Keeping faith with the profit motif, royalty, prelates, bankers and nations granted patents, regional monopolies, outfitted ships, legislated who qualified to be enslaved and who were exempted, with the ironic template of Religion which acted against its own mission of soul harvesting. I refer here to edicts that forbade further evangelical activities, since infidels were legally designated fair game, but not the converted. Thus, religious conversion had come to constitute a serious trade hazard, since it dried  up resources. The mission of the spirit cravenly ceded supremacy to market forces. 

How could such cynicism fail to sear collective memory when, as in recent instance, a supernumerary local ruler in that same traumatized country of mine, breaks through the cocoon of time to ban the procession of traditional African religionists through the streets of their ancestral land, cultures and world view. Such sights, he declared, were offensive to his sight and retrograde in essence. The responses, one is heartened to say, were swift, but the danger has not passed. And so, just as one speaks today of neo-colonialism, it would be wise to take note of the eruption of neo-theocratism, powered by antiquated notions of master-slave relations. The ancillary question is thus: can we speak with one voice on the moral imperative of reparatory justice, when the converted take up cudgels on behalf on their own spiritual enslavers? It reminds us that the work of this august body remains incomplete. There exists a grave lacuna in the concept of crimes against African humanity. It is time that we either speak holistically in our approach to slavery or else issue certificates of retroactive immunity to all, and for all time. Yes, there is an ocean-borne crime to expiate, and there is also the desert borne. Local courts thrive in places which adjudicate cases of disputed slave ownership – the records are there – meticulous case-files of a new generation of abolitionists – such as SOS Esclaves, among others.

Let me however, also cast this conciliatory line. There is no compulsion to carry the errors and crimes of one’s ancestors as an overwhelming burden of conscience. Those ancestors acted within the limitations of their times, their historic and social conditioning, their limited understanding of the full panoply of what we, today, cognize as human. The line must be drawn however when, in a modern age, and advanced understanding, arrogant and provocative attempts are made to sanitize and perpetuate the legacy of such limitations, to profit from the imbalance of historic encounters, engage in new blood transfusions, largely through that seductive toxin that we know as power, the axial end in eternal opposition to the attribute of  -human freedom. That is where the problem arises and every individual is then called upon to answer the name of his or her ancestors. 

It is so frustratingly obvious: if I cannot walk on my own ancestral soil, to my own inner and outward rhythm, to my own chants, in celebration of my spirituality, then, what am I but just another   commodity among other spoils of conquest? Yet, the efforts persist. If descendants of Druids in the United Kingdom choose to parade through the streets of London and intone their chants  all the way to Stonehenge, just what does this subtract from, or how does that contaminate the spiritual domain of the Archbishop of Canterbury? Why do some embark on retrograde steps that diminish the shared heritage of humanity? And so, we assert, the slavery era is by no means over, only morphed in structure and sustaining practicalities. The slavers are next door, and in the ascendant.

Is it hyperbolic to warn that we are witnessing the inauguration of a twenty-first century slave trade? That we are being coerced to become collaborators in the new slavery venture?  Unlike the originals who took risks, today’s slave raiders simply wait until defenceless children are gathered together in one place at the behest and/ or compulsion of governance, parents and guardians, for the purpose of learning. The hyenas swoop upon the unsuspecting prey, cart them off, sequester them in forest and other holding pens, then call on families and governments to come and negotiate for them. The world, including its global institutions had better wake up to the fact that the slave trade is back on African soil with a one-sided ferocity, all the more obscene and blasphemous for being camouflaged as a religious mandate. Chibok – plus its insatiable clones and enabling environment – places a searing  question mark on Africa’s authentic self recovery after centuries of being  mere annotations in the histories oi others, to be expunged at will. 

Indeed those others have evolved the name calling ploy to ward off, or wrong foot  alternative propositions on such a vast land mass, and to such an extent that I have sometimes wondered if there was an undeclared contest for the most exotic or disingenuous. The Dark Continent. Terra incognita. The White Man’s Grave. The Slave Coast…and so on. Curiously, and perversely however, my favourite remains one that appears to have  given the most offence. I.cannot mouth it in full, not in these d chambers where our late elder, The Archbishop Desmond Tutu, did his sublime dance of liberation. Let’s just formalize it as  -that continent of SH countries.

Well. addressing you today is a fully grounded, unapologetic citizen of one of those SH nations, born into a history that has no record of lynching humans misnamed slaves, burning some even while still breathing. Our ancestors did not capture such picnic sessions on early black and white postcards for vicarious participation by absent friends and relations. We have no history of injecting others with the syphilis virus in the name of scientific research, of amputating and castrating members of other races for failure to understand the condition of slavery as a divine blessing and thus took to the hills and forests in pursuit of freedom. We dud not cimmit the crime of the millennium, then seek to close the book of reckoning with a  down payment of forty acres and a mule. 

We understand also, however, the affliction called ignorance and accept that it must be addressed through multiple strategies. We also acknowledge the operations of conscience, and salute those whose actions were, and remain propelled by the restless workings of conscience that ultimately sweep violators of humanity to the altar of restitution. We know that such urging to reparatory justice is alien to the visionaries and salvationists of MAGAlopolis, and other paracletes of the gospel of racial superiority all over the globe. Nonetheless we remain compulsive correctives to arrogant presumptions, and it is this that brings us to te practical question:

What do we seek from this assembly? What do we propose, specifically, for its mission of reparatory justice? Here is one project for consideration:

Undertake, or mandate and empower that appropriate body, UNESCO, to complete the task it has commenced. We shall reiterate the obvious – there is a profound difference from UNESCO’s other projects such as the Iron Route and the Silk Route which involve inert, convertible material.   This undertaking by contrast, concerns the vitalizing, transformative and creative species which however were rationalized into equivalents of those earlier named objects, accorded the additional distinction of transporting themselves as marketable commodities. The UNESCO initiatives have laid the ground work for an attitudinal corrective.  Others, within their own limitations, not only pioneered but have continued to augment such global initiatives in their own limited capabilities. The thirst for a global reparatory justice, both by victims and – let this be again conceded - even their violators or beneficiaries, offering incremental benefits along the way to a new plenum of humanized relationships, is undeniable.  It would be a pity not to crystallize all such urgings and initiatives into a self -regenerating offering. It is all set down as the major virtue of a project currently advertised as The Heritage Voyage of Return.

The Heritage Voyage of Return

In visual terms, the concept is not too dissimilar in orientation from those nineteenth and twentieth century “expositions” – Berlin, London, Manchester etc. etc  in western and other parts of the world, expositions crammed full of the spoils of rape and pillage of others. This time however, what is being proposed is a lived-in exposition as a moving Remembrance monument, a transitional warehouse of a continent’s past, present and future, a vibrant statement on a continent’s interrupted history. A special Honour Gallery will house artifacts looted from the Africsn continent but since returned under the spirit  and ethos of Restitution. Seminars. Readings. Africa themed films.  Documentaries. installations. Clinics and life style parades. Music from Africa and the Diaspora. A unique library and manuscript collection. Archeological retrievals. An exhumed slave vessel. The boat will take off from the Diaspora, make a call at representative ports of Slavery connection, positive or negative, on its way to the West African coast. A television crew on board broadcasts events to the rest of the world. Primarily for descendants of the enslaved, it is also open to others – that is, others who are equally embroiled in the quest for a new humanity that embraces, not excludes, that is curious, not foreclosed, that still lays claim to conscience as the touchstone of the rational species.

The nature of reparatory justice that befits the magnitude of Slavery wrongs can only be symbolic, gestural. Yes, but also morally and therapeutically propulsive, one that goes to the core of a continent’s humanity, vividly expressed in its arts and spirituality. It is a symbolic voyage of return, one that stands to become an annual fixture.  Effectively, it offers  no more than a continuation of UNESCO’s work on the Routes of Enslaved Peoples, beamed deservedly, at the African continent. HVR is a voyage of Learning, Leisure, and Linkage. It is not only feasible, it is imperative. Yes, such a voyage presumes to teach the world, to bring the world into confrontation with centuries of wrongs and possibly a recovery of its lost humanity. It is however not designed to be a vessel of recrimination, but a floating festival of peaceful options and neglected knowledge. Glorified tourism? Why not? But Tourism “with an attitude”. This is a return, not just to a wronged continent, but a return of the world to its holistic potential, to what it can be, shorn of irrational concepts, embedded prejudice, lust for power and domination. It will be manifested as a first furlong in a voyage towards, put simply, a re-insertion of human in that grossly depleted word: humanity. 

Wole SOYINKA

NB: The ceremony is part of the United Nations’ unwavering commitment to raise awareness of the history of the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans, its impact on the modern world, and its legacies, including racism and prejudice. Other speakers invited include UN Secretary-General António Guterres; President of the 79th session of the UN General Assembly Philemon Yang, of Cameroon; Permanent Representatives of all 193 UN Members States; and a dynamic youth speaker. Past keynote speakers have included Nikole Hannah-Jones, creator of The New York Times’ 1619 Project (2022); Lisa M. Coleman, a member of New York University’s senior leadership (2021); and the Trinidadian mixed media artist Christopher Cozier (2019).

The recent altercation between Senator Onyekachi Nwaebonyi, senator representing the state of Ebonyi North, and former Education Minister Oby Ezekwesili during a Senate committee hearing has drawn significant attention to broader concerns surrounding gender dynamics, emotional regulation, and professional conduct in Nigeria’s political sphere. The aggressive outburst by Nwaebonyi has further reinforced the perception that male-dominated political institutions continue to suppress and harass women, especially those like Ezekwesili and Akpoti-Udughan who challenge the status quo. This incident, coupled with the ongoing sexual harassment allegations against Senate President Godswill Akpabio by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Udughan, paints a disturbing picture of the power dynamics at play.

The Gendered Nature of Power Struggles in Politics

At the heart of the altercation is a familiar power dynamic in many political systems: the male-dominated nature of power and the corresponding tendency to suppress, belittle, or dismiss the voices of women, particularly those who challenge the status quo. Women in positions of power, like Ezekwesili and Akpoti-Udughan, often find themselves navigating a system that was historically designed to exclude them. The comments made by Senator Nwaebonyi during the exchange—calling Ezekwesili a “fool” and “an insult to womanhood”—seem to epitomize the unchecked aggression and misogyny that too often characterizes the treatment of women in Nigerian politics. This not only underscores the rampant gender inequality but also reinforces the culture of silence and submission that women in politics are often forced into.

From a therapeutic perspective, this aggression can be seen as a manifestation of toxic masculinity—an ingrained cultural belief that men should dominate political spaces and that women’s voices, regardless of their expertise or experience, should be silenced. When a male politician responds to a woman’s call for order with such hostility and verbal abuse, it reflects not only personal animosity but also a broader societal issue where the contributions of women are undervalued. This is compounded by a system where power, control, and dominance are prioritized over empathy, respect, and collaboration—values that are crucial for any functional democracy.

The Role of Emotional Regulation and Professionalism

The exchange between Nwaebonyi and Ezekwesili also sheds light on the lack of emotional regulation and professionalism in Nigeria’s political discourse. Nwaebonyi’s response, fueled by anger, aggression, and a complete disregard for the decorum expected of a public official, points to deeper issues within the political system that discourage self-reflection and emotional maturity. In therapeutic settings, individuals are encouraged to develop emotional regulation strategies that allow them to manage their responses to stress and conflict in a healthy and constructive manner. Public figures, especially politicians, have a responsibility to model emotional control, as their behavior sets the tone for public discourse.

During the confrontation, another female present urged Nwaebonyi to “take it easy” as he launched ugly and demeaning words at Ezekwesili. Nwaebonyi, however, flung her hand away twice when she attempted to intervene, a clear sign of his refusal to listen or engage in a more controlled manner. Meanwhile, another male, acting on the chairman’s instructions, tried to mute Nwaebonyi’s microphone due to the loudness of his outbursts. However, Nwaebonyi reactivated the microphone, continuing his verbal assault without pause. Even when the chairman was banging his gavel in an attempt to restore order, Nwaebonyi remained defiant. These actions not only underscored his complete lack of self-control but also revealed a blatant disregard for the rules of conduct expected in a professional environment. Nwaebonyi’s refusal to calm down, even when his microphone was muted by the committee chairman, further highlights a lack of respect for institutional authority and a disregard for the standards of conduct that should govern such proceedings. His refusal to back down, his refusal to take responsibility for his actions, and his continued verbal assault on Ezekwesili escalated the situation and diverted attention away from the serious matter at hand—the sexual harassment allegations involving Akpabio and Akpoti-Udughan. Instead of focusing on the pressing issues that the committee was convened to address, the proceedings became consumed by personal conflict and emotional volatility.

Even If Ezekwesili Provoked Him, Why Such Aggression?

Even if Ezekwesili’s comments had provoked or irritated Senator Nwaebonyi, many questioned why he resorted to such a full-blown aggression, hurling insult upon insult. The level of hostility displayed by the senator went far beyond what could be considered a reasonable response. While it’s understandable that comments can sometimes trigger strong emotional reactions, the magnitude of Nwaebonyi’s response raised serious concerns. Even if her words had annoyed him, his reaction was disproportionate and far from appropriate for a public official in such a formal setting.

The video captured Nwaebonyi’s inability to control his emotions, as his verbal aggression spiraled to the point of demeaning and disrespecting Ezekwesili in an entirely unprofessional manner. His insults, calling her a “big fool” and saying she was “an insult to womanhood,” were excessive and unwarranted. This response highlights the lack of emotional regulation and a disregard for the decorum expected in political settings, especially when addressing women in leadership roles. The aggression shown by Nwaebonyi was not simply a reaction to a comment—it was an escalation that disregarded all forms of professionalism, undermining the integrity of the committee hearing.

The Underlying Power Struggles and Male Privilege

The clash between Nwaebonyi and Ezekwesili is also indicative of the underlying power struggles that continue to play out in Nigerian politics. Nwaebonyi’s actions reflect a deep-seated belief in male privilege—a belief that men are entitled to dominate the political space and that women, even when they are experts in their field or hold public office, should not challenge male authority. This perception of male entitlement can be traced back to Nigeria’s patriarchal society, where men have historically occupied positions of power and women have had to fight for even a seat at the table.

Nwaebonyi’s behavior is all the more concerning given his position as a “star witness” for Senate President Akpabio in the ongoing sexual harassment case. Akpabio himself has come under scrutiny for his treatment of women in politics, and Nwaebonyi’s actions only add to the perception that the male-dominated Senate continues to operate with little regard for gender equity. As a key figure in the proceedings, Nwaebonyi’s behavior undermines the calls for greater fairness and transparency, casting a shadow over Akpoti-Uduaghan’s claims.

Furthermore, Nwaebonyi’s actions echo a broader issue within the Senate, where, out of 109 members, only four are women. This glaring underrepresentation speaks volumes about the systemic barriers women face in Nigerian politics. Even as Akpabio’s conduct is being challenged, Nwaebonyi’s actions reinforce the deeply entrenched gender biases within the Senate. In an environment where women are already vastly outnumbered, it becomes even more crucial for men in power to set an example of respect, professionalism, and emotional maturity.

The Impact on Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s Case and the Need for Institutional Reform

For Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, who has already faced significant challenges in her fight for justice, the altercation only serves to further validate her claims of harassment and the systemic barriers that women face in Nigerian politics. Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition against Akpabio, alleging sexual harassment and abuse of power, highlights the entrenched gender inequalities that continue to pervade Nigerian political institutions. The verbal assault by Nwaebonyi against Ezekwesili only adds fuel to her complaints, further reinforcing the narrative of women being subjected to both overt and covert forms of harassment and discrimination.

Akpoti-Uduaghan’s case, now being followed globally through news coverage, has raised the volume of her calls for systemic reform. As she has described the Senate as a “cult” that is “anti-female” and “hostile to women,” the recent altercation further affirms her stance. The video of Nwaebonyi’s actions reinforces her claims, demonstrating how the very same toxic culture she’s been fighting against continues to thrive, unchecked and unchallenged. Natasha is now being seen all over the world on global television, highlighting these deep-seated problems. This reinforces the need for institutional reform to tackle the gender-based discrimination that has become so entrenched in Nigerian politics.

The global attention on Akpoti-Uduaghan’s case has shone a light on these systemic issues, but real reform is needed. This reform must address the deep-rooted culture of misogyny within Nigerian political institutions and ensure that women are given equal opportunities to participate and thrive in politics. The Senate must prioritize creating an environment where women are not only heard but respected, and where their rights are protected from the pervasive culture of male privilege and power.

The Need for Emotional Regulation in Politics

From a therapeutic perspective, addressing the issues at hand requires not only holding individuals accountable for their actions but also fostering an environment where emotional regulation, respect, and empathy are prioritized. Therapy can play a significant role in helping individuals in power—such as senators and public officials—recognize and address their emotional responses, as well as the biases that influence their interactions with others. In order for true progress to be made, there must be a commitment to changing the entrenched systems of power that perpetuate gender inequality.

Therapy for All: Nwaebonyi, Akpabio, and the Senate

It is also evident that there needs to be a broader discussion on therapy and emotional regulation within Nigerian political institutions. Nwaebonyi, Akpabio, and the almost entirely male-dominated Senate of 109 members, with only four women, all require therapy in different areas. This therapy would address not just emotional regulation, but also the internalized biases that perpetuate male dominance, silencing women’s voices, and fostering an environment where power is wielded without empathy or respect.

Breaking the Cycle of Gender Inequality

The incident involving Senator Nwaebonyi and Ezekwesili is a stark reminder of how far Nigeria’s political system has to go in achieving gender equity. It also serves as a call to action for all Nigerians to advocate for a more inclusive, respectful, and just political environment, where the voices of women are not just heard but truly respected. Until these changes occur, the cycle of male suppression, harassment, and inequality will continue to undermine the progress that Nigeria so desperately needs.

Institutional Therapy: An Independent Investigation

One form of therapy for the institution is an independent investigation—not a biased, aggressive committee—focused on uncovering the truth, holding individuals accountable, and establishing fair processes that foster a culture of respect, transparency, and equality in Nigerian politics.

It is beyond debate that Professor Humphrey Nwosu, whose remains will be buried on Friday, was an eminently unsung hero in the June 12 story.

Nwosu’s funeral will take place at his residence,  Ogbili Otti Palace, Ajalli in the Orumba North Local Government Area of Anambra State.

Amidst  the preparations for the  funeral of the political scientist, there have been reasoned  voices in favour of  a national recognition of  the historical role played by Nwosu in making  the June 12, 1993 presidential election possible, in the first place.

The election was expected to be the culmination of the circuitous transition programme of the regime of President Ibrahim Babangida. It was an epic contest between Bashorun Moshood Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of  the National Republican Convention (NRC).

As President Ibrahim Babangida, the author of the elaborate  transtion programe, now states unequivocally in his memoirs, Abiola resoundinly won the election.

As an accomplished theorist of politics, Nwosu found a veritable laboratory to test his hypothesis when Babangida appointed the scholar to the post of the  chairman  of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), the body regulating elections in Nigeria in those days. Nwosu performed that national assignment creditably from 1989 to 1993, the year the debacle began. 

Incidentally, Nwosu took over from his former teacher, another icon of the political science disciplne, Professor Eme Awa. Nwosu accepted to do the job with all his energy and commitment to a national purpose. Such was Nwosu’s enthusiasm as the umpire  that his characteristic gesticulation on television while explaining the process were dismissed  as a spectacle by skeptics of the transition programme.  Indeed, with courage and clarity of purpose,  the political scientist performed not a few experiments, the result of which might be of great interest to  future historians  and psephologists (experts in the study  of elections).

It is hardly mentioned in many versions of the June 12 story that the electoral body headed by Nwosu had successfully conducted elections for councillors, local government chairmen,  state governors and members of the National Assembly (NASS) as a substantial part of the transition programme.

So, local governments, state governments and the federal legislature were funtioning well  as at  the time the June 12 election took place. The elected men and women were looking forward to the election of the president for the Third Republic to be fully proclaimed.

But the annulment of the election on June 23, 1993  truncated the process.

The call for a posthumous honour of Nwosu’s memory is squarely predicated on the fact that he led the commission that managed what is now referred  to as the freest and fairest  election in history.

One conspicous voice in favour of honour for the memory of Nwosu came two days ago  in a session of tributes at the headquarters of the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) in Abuja. It was the voice of the INEC chairman, Professor Mahmood  Yakubu. Yakubu’s important tribute encapsulates  the case for a posthumous honour in memory of Nwosu. The INEC chairman made the point so persuasively that  his statement is  considered worthy of reproduction here for the record:

“Like all his six predecessors and seven successors to date, he (Nwosu)  had the arduous task of managing elections in an extremely challenging context.

“He also introduced a number of reforms to election management. His tenure is synonymous with the Open Ballot System, popularly referred to as Option A4 in which voters queued up behind the symbol of the party of their choice to vote and to be physically counted.

“Professor Nwosu did his best, which was not always appreciated by many, including those who appointed him under an infinite transition from military rule to democracy, which ended in the annulment of the presidential election held in 1993, resulting in the dissolution of the electoral commission and the emergence of an interim government.

“However, with the passage of time, the outcome of his effort is now widely appreciated. The election is now celebrated as one of the best in Nigeria. Even those who annulled it have expressed regret.”

 “A quarter of a century (25 years) later in June 2018, the presumed winner of the 1993 Presidential election, Chief M. K. O. Abiola, received the highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic, posthumously. His running mate, Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe, was conferred with the second highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger. The date of the election (June 12th, 1993) has been gazetted as a national holiday and appropriately named Democracy Day.

“Sadly, the electoral commission that conducted the election which was personified by Professor Nwosu received only a muffled commendation as if no one conducted the election. Surely, the election did not conduct itself. It was organised by a Commission made up of Commissioners and a Chairman. If it was an oversight that Professor Nwosu was not honoured in his lifetime, it is never late for the appropriate authority to do so posthumously.

“For us in INEC, we will continue to appreciate Professor Nwosu and the dedicated service he rendered to the nation.”

Yakubu’s call is representative of those who like to take a wholistic view of the June 12 phenomenon with all its contradictions. 

Nwosu’s name should not be missing in the June 12  roll of honour. That is the summary of the calls from diverse quarters.

After all, in several months preceeding the election there was hardly any  day that the name Humphrey Nwosu  would not be mentioned in the print and electronic media. There was no social media in that period!  By the way, the professor was one of those public figures often identified with their two names pronounced together  unlike others better known with their first or last name. Any reference to him must be pronounced  as  Humphrey Nwosu!

In the mixed responses to the recent  launch of Bababngida’s memoirs entitled “Journey in Service: An Autobiography,”   some readers of  the book have said  that the former president has only confirmed  in his account the position stated by  Nwosu in his own book, “Laying the Foundation for Democracy in Nigeria: My Account of the June 12, 1993 Presidential Election and its Annulment.”

In the  book which should be read by those seeking a deeper understanding of the June 12 story, Nwosu puts the matter clearly as follows:  “…the result of the June 12, 1993 presidential election would have conferred on  President Babangida’s administration the greatest reservoir of legitimacy no regime had ever enjoyed in Nigeria. Undoubtedly, its annulment on June 23, 1993 created the greatest legitimacy problem toward the end of  his admistration and the problem so created still lingers till date. The critical questios to answer include the following: why was the presidential election which Alhaji MKO Abiola won decisively and which the two political parties affirmed at each level of collation annulled? Was the election flawed in any way? Was it rigged in any manner?  Was it free and fair? Were the peparations put in place by NEC for its condct shoddy?”

In telling his own June 12 story, Nwosu applies a lot of rigour as a scholar and provides immense  insights.

Take a sample from the book: “… some civilian and senior military colleagues of the President that were present at the critical meeting  of NDSC (National Defence and Security Council) on June 11, 1993 opposed the conduct of June 12 election. The President and Vice President and us were on one side of the divide.  Some of his colleagues were on the other side of the divide. The most visible and outspoken military officer who was on the side of the President and actualisation of the June 12 election throughout was Col. Abubakar Umar, but unfortunately he was not a member of the NDSC.”

Now, compare Nwosu’s version with Babangida’s on the visible polarisation within  the regime in those critical days. For instance, Nwosu confirms in his own book that both President Babangida and Vice President Augustus Aikhomu were on the opposite side  of the forces of annulment. Ironically, some members  of  the military and civilian forces of annulment have been beneficiaries of conclusive executive and legislative elections in the  26 years of the Fourth Republic.

However, it will remain  part of  the history of June 12  that Nwosu struggled (albeit in vain) against  the annulment.

Just imagine this:  if Nwosu had succumbed to the bullying  of the infamous  anti-June 12 powerful men to say that Abiola didn’t win the election  the story might have been different today. Such a moral collapse could have provided another justification for the grievous act of those who invariably  put the Nigerian polity in a suspended animation for five years after the momentous election.

If for nothing else,  Humphrey Nwosu’s memory deserves to be honoured because of  the professor’s courage of conviction.

For instance, some advocates of honour for Nwosu have suggested for the consideration of the federal government  naming the headquarters of INEC as Humphrey Nwosu House (HNH).

OpenAI has announced the integration of image generation directly into ChatGPT, allowing users to create images within the chatbot using GPT-4o.

Previously, users relied on DALL·E to generate images, either through a separate platform or within ChatGPT. Now, OpenAI has integrated an even more advanced image generation capability directly into ChatGPT using GPT-4o.

The feature was rolled out on Tuesday, March 25, across Plus, Pro, Team, and Free subscription tiers.

The company disclosed this in a press release, stating that the feature represents a significant step in making image creation an essential part of AI-driven communication.

Sam Altman, OpenAI’s CEO, on his X page, described it as “an incredible technology/product,” emphasizing that the feature marks a new level of creative freedom, acknowledging that while people will create remarkable content, some outputs may offend people.

“Two things to say about it: 1. It’s an incredible technology/product. I remember seeing some of the first images come out of this model and having a hard time, they were really made by AI. We think people will love it, and we are excited to see the resulting creativity. Secondly, this represents a new high-water mark for us in allowing creative freedom. People are going to create some really amazing stuff and some stuff that may offend people; what we’d like to aim for is that the tool doesn’t create offensive stuff unless you want it to, in which case within reason it does. as we talk about in our model spec, we think putting this intellectual freedom and control in the hands of users is the right thing to do, but we will observe how it goes and listen to society. We think respecting the very wide bounds society will eventually choose to set for AI is the right thing to do, and increasingly important as we get closer to AGI. Thanks in advance for the understanding as we work through this,” he stated.

New capabilities in GPT-4o’s image generation 

Unlike previous iterations, GPT-4o’s image generation is designed to be more precise, flexible, and interactive. OpenAI stated that the model excels in several key areas:

• Text Rendering: Unlike past AI models that struggled to place readable text within images, GPT-4o generates clear and accurate text, making it suitable for diagrams, infographics, and labeled visuals.
• Multi-turn Generation: Users can refine images through conversation, allowing step-by-step modifications while maintaining consistency across versions. This feature benefits tasks like character design, storyboarding, and branding.
• Instruction Following: GPT-4o can handle detailed prompts with greater accuracy, generating images with up to 10-20 distinct objects while maintaining their relationships and traits.
• In-Context Learning: The AI can analyze uploaded images and incorporate details into new creations, making it useful for design inspiration and visual brainstorming.
• Knowledge Integration: The model links its understanding of text and images, allowing it to generate context-aware visuals, such as weather infographics, technical diagrams, and educational illustrations.

More insights 

OpenAI also revealed that developers will gain API access in the coming weeks, enabling broader integration of GPT-4o’s image capabilities across applications.

• The image generation feature is rolling out immediately for ChatGPT users, with planned expansion to Enterprise and Education subscribers.
• Users can generate images by simply describing their requirements in ChatGPT, with options to specify colors, aspect ratios, and other design elements.

Due to the complexity of the model, OpenAI noted that rendering images may take up to a minute.

For developers and businesses looking for more customization, OpenAI confirmed that access to DALL·E will still be available as a separate model option.

[Nairametrics]