Christopher Musa, the chief of defence staff (CDS), says Simon Ekpa, a self-acclaimed disciple of Nnamdi Kanu, the detained leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), must be arrested and prosecuted.

Musa spoke on Wednesday during a Channels Television special broadcast to mark Nigeria’s 2024 Democracy Day.

Ekpa is based in Finland and has continued to issue the sit-at-home order in IPOB’s and Kanu’s names.

Musa accused the government of Finland of shielding Simon Ekpa, a self-proclaimed prime minister of the IPOB.

In February 2023,  Helsingin Sanomat (HS), a newspaper in Finland, reported that Ekpa was arrested by police at his residence located in Lahti but was released after hours of questioning.

In December 2021, TheCable profiled Ekpa as someone who uses disinformation to fight for the secession of the south-east from Nigeria.

In September 2021, the Biafra agitator denounced Nigeria and vowed to return the medal he won for the country at the 2003 African Junior Athletics Championships.

Musa called on the federal government to take decisive action, including exploring diplomatic options to curb the menace of the factional leader of the IPOB.

“We have repeatedly complained about the issue of Simon Ekpa. He is in Finland, and the Finnish government is giving him all the support, and he is doing what he is doing,” the CDS said.

“The comments he is making mean people are being killed and nothing is being done. This is democracy.

“If the European Union is supporting democracy and this is happening and they are not taking action, then they don’t mean well for Nigeria.

“We have said that in clear terms. We need to diplomatically find means of getting him out of whatever it is that he is doing. He must be arrested, and he must be prosecuted.

“Look at it from the other way, assuming he is in Nigeria, he is doing that to the Finnish government. Do you think the European Union will allow that to happen? They definitely will not.”

[TheCable]

(The 2024 edition of the Pastor Poju Oyemade-inspired ‘Platform Nigeria’ conversation held yesterday in Lagos with the theme, ‘Democracy and the Free Market Economy’. Speakers included Governor Chukwuma Soludo of Anambra State, Hon. Yakubu Dogara, a former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mr Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN, a former Lagos State Governor, Bishop Matthew Kukah of the Catholic Diocese of Sokoto, Mr Kola Oyeneyin, CEO of Opportunik Global Fund, Mrs Titi Oshodi, Special Advisor on Climate Change and Circular Economy to the Lagos Governor and Mr. Oluseun Onigbinde, co-founder and Director of BudgIT. I was also a speaker. Below is the text of my presentation.)

A phrase popularized by politicians in the last 25 years is ‘democracy dividends.’ But whatever it means, it is evident that most Nigerians have not been availed their fair share. For all its human and material resources, Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) remains among the lowest in the world. Food inflation, currently above 40 percent, is not only frightening but breeds the risk of social, economic and security turbulence. So, while periodic elections are important, when most of our citizens find it difficult to put food on their table, we have a problem. In any case, a country’s democratic election is only as good as the country itself.

From the United States to Europe and Asia, the rise of Donald Trump and fellow travellers has led to a consensus that liberal democracy is under threat. But the real challenge in Nigeria and most countries across Africa, is existential as people worry about where their next meal will come from. In Abuja a few weeks ago to speak at a programme organized by the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Foundation, Afrobarometer co-founder, Prof Gyimah Boadi said that in survey after survey, people on the continent have been consistent in their pro-democratic aspirations. But he also warned that lack of accountable governance relative to citizen expectations is driving many to lose faith in democracy. “Policy actors and advocates must focus on accountable governance, in order to sustain and deepen citizens’ faith in democracy,” Boadi admonished.

In his 2022 piece, ‘Democracy on a ventilator?’ Andrew Sheng, a former chair of the Hong Kong Securities and Futures Commission, argued that “electoral promises are meaningless if there are no deliverables in an accountable manner.” In the case of Nigeria, a democracy that can neither advance the welfare of the people nor protect them from dying cheaply and needlessly in the hands of a cocktail of violent vagrants is endangered. 

This morning, I am borrowing from my coming book on 25 issues that have defined the last 25 years of the current democratic dispensation. I started the book early last year but despite my best efforts, it’s still in the works. Hopefully, it will be ready by December. I am looking at the salient issues that have most impacted our polity since 1999: The good, the bad and the ugly. I am also exploring potential pathways for addressing some of them with a view to strengthening our democracy. One of the issues interrogated in the book is the futility of godfatherism. That should be no surprise. It is an issue I believe we need to deal with if our democracy is to deliver the public good. I have therefore titled my presentation, ‘Democracy on Ventilator: The Role of Godfather.’

Godfatherism comes in different variants. The common variant today is that by outgoing political office holders foisting on the people their handpicked successors. There are of course other variants. But there is no substantial difference between the power merchants of old who sought no office themselves and the current ones who seek to plant surrogates after their terms have ended. Stripped of all pretensions, godfatherism is the pursuit of private interest at public expense and it is not about the good of the people as we have seen over the years in our country. Effective state capacity ensures that institutions function optimally. But we cannot develop such capacity if all we have to offer is godfatherism which hinders genuine democratic representation. Meanwhile, a ventilator is a life-support machine that provides oxygen to the lungs for those who can no longer breathe on their own. During the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, it was a life-or-death situation for many who were placed on a ventilator. That precisely is where we are with our democracy in Nigeria today.

It may be important to state here that godfatherism is not peculiar to Nigeria. It is a global challenge in varying degrees. The Philippines has a history of political dynasties and godfathers. Powerful families control local politics, perpetuating their influence across generations. Italian politics has also seen its fair share of godfathers, particularly in regions such as Sicily where the influence of Mafia families in elections has been well-documented. The politics of Kenya is also replete with influential figures who shape electoral outcomes. These ‘kingpins’ control party nominations and funding. The consequences, of course, include compromised governance and limited accountability.

In 2007, Human Rights Watch, an international non-governmental organization headquartered in New York City, United States, produced an in-depth report titled, ‘Corruption, Godfatherism and the Funding of Political Violence,’ with a focus on Nigeria. “These godfathers are not mere financiers of political campaigns. Rather they are individuals whose power stems not just from wealth but from their ability to deploy violence and corruption to manipulate national, state or local political systems in support of the politicians they sponsor,” the HRW wrote. “In return, they demand a substantial degree of control over the governments they help bring into being—not to shape government policy, but to exact direct financial ‘returns’ …”

In my coming book, the chapter on godfatherism is detailed and I am exploring the different variants. We see them on full display even today. There are many examples to cite, from Port Harcourt to Kano. But this morning, I want to illustrate my point with just one variant of godfatherism from which I draw two examples: The first in Oyo State and the second in Anambra State. I have deliberately chosen this variant and the two case studies because we live in a country where collective amnesia has become a common disease. Besides, in both instances, critical institutions including the legislature and judiciary that should serve as bulwarks of democracy became willing tools in the hands of godfatherism, to the detriment of the people. The godfathers in question also publicly acknowledged their role.

Let’s start with Oyo State. In 2003, Alhaji Rasheed Ladoja of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) defeated then incumbent Governor, the late Lam Adesina who contested on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD). But Ladoja relied heavily on the instrumentality of the late Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu. It didn’t take long before things fell apart between the two. Adedibu of course minced no words regarding his grouse with the former whom he claimed was “collecting N65 million as security vote every month,” without giving him (Adedibu) what he considered his fair share. “You know that governors don’t account for security vote. He (Ladoja) was to give me N15 million of that every month. He reneged. Later it was reduced to N10 million. Yet he still did not give me.”

Since Adedibu was not a politician to slight without consequence, what followed was predictable. On 12 January 2006 in Ibadan, 18 of the 32 members of the Oyo State House of Assembly sat in a hotel room and pronounced that the Governor had been impeached. This was despite a case filed in court by three members of the same House who argued, quite correctly, that the pro impeachment members did not have the requisite numbers. With federal might on their side, Ladoja’s deputy, the late Alao Akala was immediately sworn in as Oyo State Governor. It took ten months before Ladoja could regain his seat. On 1 November 2006, the Appeal Court, sitting in Ibadan and presided over by Justice J.O. Ogebe, threw out the purported impeachment. The court held that it violated Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution which contains the correct processes of impeaching a governor.

After returning to office, Ladoja provided insights on the nature of his relationship with Adedibu and the various manifestations of godfatherism: “One, he (Adedibu) asked me, ‘Do you know how to abuse people?’ I said no. Then he asked, ‘Can you take away your clothes in public and fight?’ I said no. Thirdly, he asked, ‘Can you tell lies against somebody and swear on the Qur’an and again call witnesses?’ Again, I said impossible. Then he said, ‘Those are the things we always use in politics.”

Ladoja of course refused to speak on the purported financial agreement he had with his then estranged godfather. But his Special Adviser on Security and Protocol, Chief Bola Alphonso, inadvertently corroborated Adedibu’s claim. “Let’s put the record straight, I am a living witness to the promise that a certain amount of money will be given Adedibu every month…if any arrangement had been agreed upon, I want to say it would have just been a token,” said Alphonsus. “Because I am sure local government chairmen would go there to pay their dues. There is no way Commissioners would not go to him. There is no Special Adviser who will not go to him and even, I am sure, civil servants will be going underneath to see Baba.”

Because he intrigued me, I visited the late Adedibu a couple of times at his Malete, Ibadan residence. And I wrote a few columns on him while he was still alive. Adedibu himself once provided insights on the reward of a godfather. In a 1992 interview with ‘African Concord’ magazine (now rested), Adedibu was asked about the expectation of a godfather. “Let me put it this way,” he replied, “Imagine you lead five of your boys for an assignment and you were given N50 after you had supervised them to do the work. You as the leader, if you are wise, will give each of your boys N10 at the end of which you would be left with nothing. You now tell them to give you whatever pleases them. At the very least, each would give you N2. That gives you N10 while they will each be left with N8. Meanwhile, they would still be grateful to you. That is the reward of a kingmaker”.

 
The implication here is that the godfather is not promoting candidates based on platforms, issues or programmes.  Concerns about the welfare of the people have nothing to do with what is clearly a mercantile arrangement. By Adedibu’s logic, the kingmaker is entitled to ‘eat’ more than the king. This arrangement is a recipe for trouble as we have seen in countless theatres across the country in the past 25 years. We witnessed that two decades ago in the Chris Ngige-Chris Uba imbroglio in Anambra State which led to massive desctrution that in turn made the late Professor Chinua Achebe reject the national honour offered him by President Olusegun Obasanjo.

The story can be traced back to 1999 when the late Dr Chinwoke Mbadinuju became the first governor of Anambra State under the new democratic dispensation. Four years later, Mbadinuju could not secure a second term ticket from the PDP following his inability to keep faith with the agreement he allegedly entered with his godfather, Chief Chris Uba. In his stead, Uba adopted Dr Chris Ngige for whom he deployed his political machine both at the PDP primaries and in the 2003 election. A few days after Ngige was sworn in, Uba boasted about his power. “It is not just the governor and his deputy that I sponsored, there are also three senators, 10 members of the House of Representatives and 30 members of the House of Assembly… I sponsored them,” Uba claimed in a newspaper interview before he added for emphasis: “This is the first time in the history of Anambra State that one single individual would be putting every public officer in the state in power.”

Less than two months in office, Ngige (a sitting governor) was abducted from the government house and moved to a hideout in a made-for-Nollywood drama of infamy that demonstrates the level of decadence in our politics. By Ngige’s account, the bone of contention “was the demand of Chris Uba for N3 billion for his alleged campaign expenses on my behalf which I turned down”. Yet, it was not as if the governor completely shunned his godfather. As Ngige explained at the time, he had already compelled the state accountant general to pay Chief Uba N960 million upfront to defray the cost of a contract awarded in 1996 during the military era. But that was apparently not enough for Uba.

On 10 July 2003 at the State House of Assembly, then Speaker, Mrs. Eucharia Azodo, read a letter purportedly written by the governor that he (Ngige) had resigned from office on personal grounds. Within minutes, the House of Assembly accepted the ‘resignation’ and directed the chief judge of the state to swear in the deputy governor, Okey Udeh as the new governor. Immediately after the House proceedings, a contingent of policemen arrived the Government House in three trucks and whisked away Governor Ngige who was later sighted at his temporary residence at Choice Hotel in Awka, the state capital.

Shortly after, Udeh addressed the state, claiming to have assumed office to avoid a vacuum “and in allegiance to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.” But across Nigeria, it was evident that a sordid drama was playing out in the state. The whereabouts of the governor was yet to be ascertained when his Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Fred Chukwulobe, announced that Ngige had not resigned. He said: “The Governor, Dr. Chris Ngige, has not resigned. The letter purportedly written to the lawmakers is false and not written by him. Dr. Chris Ngige is still the executive governor of Anambra State.”

Meanwhile, at the hotel where he had been taken, something fortuitous happened to change the course of events. A traditional ruler, Igwe Anugwu of Mbaukwu, was passing by when he heard the altercations between Ngige and the security agents who held him captive. The Igwe sought to know from the governor what was going on. “I told him these people said I have resigned when I have not resigned,” Ngige said in his recollection of what transpired that day. Apparently shocked, the royal father reportedly retorted, “But we heard on the radio that you have resigned.” When Ngige narrated his story, the Igwe made a call to Second Republic Vice President, the late Dr Alex Ekwueme and handed his mobile phone to Ngige. That elicited another drama. The security agents attempted to snatch the phone from Ngige. The traditional ruler brought out a pistol. The call with Ekwueme did not yield much result. Assisted by the traditional ruler, Ngige made another call, this time to then PDP National Secretary, the late Chief Vincent Ogbulafor. Fortunately for Ngige, Ogbulafor was with other PDP National Working Committee members at the time. And they were all concerned about developments in Anambra State.

Ngige shared his harrowing experience in the hands of his godfather. Ogbulafor put his phone on speaker mode so others could join in. The interesting conversation detailed in my coming book is quite revealing of the situation in Anambra at the time. But a sampler from what Ngige told his party’s NWC members: “For the past two weeks, Chris Uba who said he wanted to appoint all 11 commissioners, special advisers, ADC, Chief Detail, Secretary to the State Government even rejected the appointment of my personal staff. He said they are not acceptable to him. I do not know why. I told him that I only appointed those we had agreed upon earlier, so, I am surprised. Last week, he redeployed a Permanent Secretary in my office without my approval.” Before the conversation ended, Ngige pleaded with Ogbulafor and the listening NWC members to “keep in touch with me; you know I am not free as I am talking with you.”

After regaining his freedom, Ngige decided to be his own man. Public opinion was on his side. In revenge, Uba weaponised the Peter Obi case at the tribunal. His supporters testified in court as to how they rigged the election. The case went as far as the Supreme Court but Obi ultimately prevailed and Ngige lost out. The rest, as they say, is history. Now, what can we learn from the foregoing?

Godfatherism may not be unique to Nigeria. It exists in various forms worldwide. But our experience in the last 25 years should serve as a cautionary tale, urging us to critically examine power dynamics in politics and seek more inclusive alternatives. As we have seen with the primaries of the major political parties, godfatherism restricts the emergence of credible candidates who can genuinely serve the public. It has also enthroned people who have no business in governance. This is why every hand must be on deck to put a stop to the politics of manipulation and imposition that godfatherism fosters.

No matter how we look at it, godfatherism stifles democratic growth. When elected officials owe their political success to godfathers, it is no surprise that they get entangled in a constant tug-of-war between serving the public interest and appeasing their benefactors. This compromises policy decisions, allocation of resources, and the appointment of key officials—all done with the implicit approval of the godfather. If our democracy is to survive and thrive, the task before the present crop of political leaders is to mobilise and collectively fight poverty, ignorance and underdevelopment. That cannot be done in a milieu where some invest in politics not to promote the public good but as a transactional enterprise for which they must reap bountifully. 

The ultimate test of the value of a political system, as Lee Kuan Yew, the founding father of modern Singapore, reminded us “is whether it helps to improve the standard of living for the majority of its people.” It is perhaps for that reason that Nigerians have embraced democracy with the belief that they would be better governed and enjoy shared prosperity. Unfortunately, it has not worked out that way. With the wave of disenchantment fueled largely by the harsh socio-economic environment that has been compounded by general insecurity, it is important for the authorities at all levels to feel the pulse of the people.

As stated earlier, my coming book is not all gloom and doom. It highlights some of the major strides of the last 25 years. But I believe we should not be in denial about some of the issues we also need to deal with to ensure our democracy survives and thrives. One of them of course is godfatherism which, according to HRW, is both a symptom and a cause of the violence and corruption that together permeate the political process in the country. That is because “Public officials who owe their position to the efforts of a political godfather incur a debt that they are expected to repay without end throughout their tenure in office.”

Godfatherism is distorting our democracy. It limits the choice of the electorate to favoured candidates, allowing some to use the resources of the state to sponsor surrogates and advance the preference and interest of the incumbent over and above those of the majority. To change the narrative, political parties have a role to play. Their leadership selection processes must be freer, fairer and less transactional.

I am aware that the central theme of today’s conversation is the relationship between democracy and free market economy. But this is a complex issue. Human flourishing, according to David C. Rose, a Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri-St. Louis, United States, requires the prosperity that comes from a free-market system which depends upon democratic institutions. But he also pointed out the dilemma. “The democratic system facilitates redistributive and regulatory favouritism that undermines trust in the system,” Rose argued. “This, in turn, weakens many trust-dependent institutions upon which the free-market system and democracy depend.” Since I don’t have the competence to interrogate why that is the case or how we can navigate such complexity in Nigeria, I leave it for experts like Professor Chukwuma Soludo who are also here today and can help us in that regard. Besides, we live in a country where people mouth free market yet still demand subsidy on petroleum, education, electricity, forex and for pilgrimage. But as I said, I leave the Anambra State Governor and others to deal with those contradictions.

Let me now conclude with this story about a traveler who visited a Greek monastery perched high on a steep mountain. The only way to reach the monastery was in a rope basket. With a sense of adventure, the traveler climbed into the basket, but just as he was about to be taken up the steep cliff wall, he noticed that the rope lifting the basket was frayed. He asked the monk. “How often do you replace the rope?” Apparently taken aback by the question, the monk responded: “Every time it breaks”.

Unfortunately, that has been our attitude to democracy in Nigeria. I listened to President Bola Tinubu’s Democracy Day speech this morning. He delivered a very powerful message. I like this particular line: “The real test (of our democracy) is whether we shall lower our guards as the shadow of despotism and its evident physical danger fade.” That is a very important point although it must also be noted that lowering the guards can manifest in so many ways.

Our first democratic experiment lasted just six years. The second attempt was even shorter: Four years and three months. Meanwhile, the third attempt was still born. It is remarkable that the current democratic dispensation in our country has lasted a quarter of a century. But we should not wait for the rope to break. I agree with the president that despite all the challenges of recent years, we have kept the military at bay and our democracy offers windows to freedom of expression and other civil liberties. But in the interest of our country, we must find ways to balance political patronage with genuine representation.

The only enduring legacy in any democracy is meeting the needs and aspirations of the people, not just that of a privileged few. It is understandable that those who ‘work’ must ‘eat’, but the long-term benefits of building strong institutions far outweighs short-term individual interests. When institutions function effectively, they facilitate investment, innovation, and productivity that benefit all. Conversely, weak or corrupt institutions hinder economic progress. To secure our democracy, critical stakeholders must begin to think beyond themselves by placing the people and their welfare as top priority.

The Essential Ferdinand Agu

Last Saturday, my wife and I went to condole the family of Mr Ferdinand Agu who had died 24 hours earlier. Seated beside his distraught widow, I stared blankly at family portraits on the walI, lost in my own little world.  Until my wife’s elbow roused me to consciousness. “What are you looking at?” For the sake of other visitors in the room who witnessed the drama, I had to explain what appeared a moment of insanity. It was reassuring that despite her anguish, Mrs Vivian Agu understood what fired my interest in the portraits.

A few weeks earlier, I had been in the same house while her late husband rearranged those same photographs on the wall. Agu and his wife have four adult children (all male) who reside abroad and are successful in their own right. But it turned out that the frame of one of the photographs was smaller than that of others. In placing the photographs, the architect in Agu sought to balance the aesthetics of the space with family positioning. Typically, he sought my view. Such was the attention to detail reflected in the life of one of the most profound thinkers I ever encountered.

When the news of Agu’s passing broke last Friday morning, I embarrassed not a few young ladies at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre who saw me break down in tears. But that is because they had no idea of my relationship with the late Agu and what he meant to my wife and I: A reliable brother and friend. In the case of my wife, a mentor too. Ever since I introduced her to Agu in 2004, he took on the role of professional counsellor. When the Not Forgotten Initiative (NFI) School started six years ago, Agu shared with my wife his own story to illustrate the importance of the idea, having attended the Starehe Boys Centre and School, Nairobi, Kenya on a scholarship from the Nigerian government. The famous school, which started in 1959 to assist children displaced during the ‘Mau Mau Uprising’ in colonial Kenya, offers education to “children from diverse backgrounds, many of whom are poor.” 

A profound mind, Agu and I enjoyed numerous conversations about Nigeria spanning more than two decades. On several occasions in recent years, he would call and come over to my office just to chat. But our last conversation occurred two weeks ago, and it was virtual. Precisely on Thursday, 30 May. It began with a response to my column of that day, ‘Fixing Nigeria with an Anthem’. At 7.46am, the late Agu sent me a message which I now consider a fitting epitaph to a genuine patriot and an extraordinary man. After the usual greetings, he wrote this as a response to my take on the re-introduction of the old national anthem:

“Permit me to share with you my views as expressed in a family forum. As children, my generation sang this old anthem with much fondness and plenty of gusto. Then, in 1978, the (General Olusegun) Obasanjo-led army regime discarded it for the current anthem, which wordings were more reflective of their triumphalist sense of mission after the preceding and terribly sanguinary decade of 1966 -76. The beat and musical arrangement of the new anthem lacked the sombre solemnity of the old. Some described the sound of the new as ‘disco’ which was then becoming the trend. But the regime brushed all that aside. After all, the musical score was closer to the martial background of the decision-makers of the day – the Supreme Military Council. For them, solemnity could wait for other things, times, and climes.

“Indeed, about a year earlier, the same government introduced the Pledge. It was to be recited every morning in schools, etc. and to proceed or conclude every official event. That, too, was supposed to symbolise national consciousness and patriotic commitment. Critics warned of a predilection for pseudo-nationalism and signs of neo-fascism. But the regime was breezy. They were the avatars, the incarnations of new ideas, manifestation of fresh idealism, and heroes of the new Nigeria. They knew what was best.

“I often ponder this period. I often reflect on our two anthems – the new and the old. I find both the times and anthems to be equally aspirational and inspirational. In a good society, either should conjure deep feelings of national pride and pathos and set us on the course of things right and noble. Alas, what I find worrisome, and why I make this intervention, is that the younger generation – without the benefits of history – must juxtapose the lofty visions and claims of either anthem, side by side with the realities of today’s Nigeria. Then, the words lose weight. They almost pale into insignificance. With every passing day, the anthems seem superficial, naive, and almost immature; farcical and jejune.

“Yet, the challenge of authentic national leadership – for this generation and all time – is to give substance and meaning to whichever of these two anthems we sing. I trust that from this group, in the years ahead, such leaders abound and will emerge.”

May God comfort the family the late Ferdinand Agu left behind.

We, the undersigned civil society organisations in Nigeria, received with serious concern the decision by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to remove the Chairman of the Police Service Commission (PSC), Dr. Solomon Arase. We note that the State House Press Release dated June 10, 2024 through which the removal was announced did not disclose any reason for the said removal. We are also concerned that this removal appears to have violated the established legal procedure for the removal of the PSC Chairman. Section 5, subsection 1 of the PSC Act provides:

“Notwithstanding the provisions of Section 4 of this Act, the Chairman and any other member, may at any time be removed from office by the President acting on an address supported by a two-thirds majority of the Senate praying that he be removed for inability to discharge the functions of the Office (whether arising from infirmity of mind or body or any other cause of misconduct).”

We are worried that such a decision by the president further undermines the independence, effectiveness, and confidence of the Commission to discharge its mandate without undue interference as stipulated by the Police Service Commission Act.

Civil society is saddened that this is coming at a time when we are investing a lot of resources in support of the Federal Government towards police reform, which can be seen through various trainings supported by local and international partners and the recent recruitment of 10,000 police personnel.

While we welcome this recruitment, we are worried about the renewed and needless controversy associated with the power games around police recruitment, despite the Supreme Court‘s judgment of July 11, 2023, which affirmed the power of the commission under the Police Service Commission (Establishment) Act, 2001 to handle police recruitment functions.

We also note that Section 6 (2) of the PSC Act stipulates that

“The Commission shall not be subject to the direction, control or supervision of any other authority or person in the performance of its functions other than as is prescribed in this Act”.

We believe that this controversy does not serve the interest of the NPF as an institution or the interest of the country.

Today, Nigerians are celebrating Democracy Day. One of the fundamental attributes of a democratic system is respect for the rule of law and due process, thus Mr President should holistically address this issue. We therefore call on the President to reverse this purported removal of the Chairman of the PSC and fully constitute the Board of the Commission. We also call for a conclusion of the police recruitment process, including training and deployment, considering that even the IGP stated recently that more than 20,000 police personnel needed to be recruited annually to boost police manpower requirements. The numbers for recruitment can also be boosted through the Cadet ASP short course.

We will use this opportunity to also call on the National Assembly to maximise its powers of checks and balances over actions by the Executive. The total disregard for the rule of law in this instance further fuels the fears of the Nigerian people about the vulnerability of the operations of the Nigeria Police by the political class. This is not good for our democracy and standing in the comity of nations.

We are looking forward to a quick and positive resolution of the situation for the good of a thriving democracy and the good of the country.


Signed:

1. Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Center (RULAAC)
2. NOPRIN Foundation
3. Open Society on Justice Reform Project
4. Confluence of Rights, Nigeria
5. Criminal Justice Network of Nigeria
6. Justice for Peace and Development Initiative
7. Legal Resources Consortium
8. Centre for Community Empowerment in Conflict and Peacebuiding - Kaduna
9. Rural and Urban Development Initiative
10. Dataphyte Foundation
11. Equity International Initiative (EII)
12. Centre For Youth Participation Dialogue and Advocacy (CYPA), Africa
13. Advocacy Hub International.
14. Initiative for Research, Innovation and Advocacy in Development IRIAD
15. Human Right Advocacy and Monitoring Group (HURAMG)
16. Creative Minds Center for Youth and Community Development (CM-CYCD)
17. Centre for Human Rights Advocacy and Wholesome Society (CEHRAWS)
18. Kuyimiki Development Initiative (KDI)
19. Centre for the Advocacy of Justice and Rights
20. Centre for Transparency Advocacy
21. Koyenum Immalah Foundation
22. Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC)

Last week, I published here the first part of “One year later, what value has Tinubu added to our lives?” with a promise to publish part two here today. In the midst of that came a critical dimension to the lingering strike by Labour. With Labour still flexing muscles and the Government appearing reluctant to play ball; another nationwide strike looms. What the nation experienced the last time, especially with the shutting down of the national grid by the striking workers, must be avoided at all costs because the costs were staggering.

What you are about to read, “Workers’ strike and the disruption of critical national infrastructure: Matters arising” is an intervention by a retired Kogi State high court judge, and a visiting professor of Law at Baze University, Abuja - Andrew Alaba Omowaye-Ajileye. Justice Ajileye is Nigeria’s leading authority on electronic evidence.

Hear him: “On Monday, June 3, 2024, Nigerian workers embarked on a nationwide strike action, leading to the shutdown of the national grid. Power supply across the country was disrupted, resulting in a nationwide blackout. The strike action was called by the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) to demand a higher minimum wage for workers.

A respected national newspaper’s admirable reporting of the relevant aspect of the event is captured hereunder: ‘From aviation to power supply, seaport, and public healthcare, Nigeria’s bleeding economy was brought to its knees… as organized Labour embarked on a nationwide industrial action to force the government to an acceptable compromise on the ongoing minimum wage negotiation. The economy lost an estimated N113 billion to the shutdown of the national grid alone… Nigerians were plunged into darkness… as the national grid crashed to zero generation following the enforcement of industrial action by the Nigerian Union of Electricity Employees (NUEE)…

" Industry stakeholders have expressed their dismay over the shutdown and emphasized the detrimental effects on the economy and public welfare, highlighting the critical role of stable power supply in driving economic growth and development. They mentioned that the grid shutdown has caused unprecedented disruptions, impacting not just businesses but also essential services such as healthcare…

"The Executive Director, PowerUp Nigeria, Adetayo Adegbemle, said the deliberate shutdown of the grid should be a treasonable offence, noting that the Labour leadership needs to grow up and devise other means and strategies of engaging with the government instead of shutting down the national grid… What has happened to the national grid is a national security issue, he said, and (shutting it down) is disproportional and not appropriate. Whatever Labour does should be within the law; no one is above the law. (Labour) has the right to protest but other citizens should have the right to live ’

“From available updates, the Tripartite Committee set up by the federal government to address the National Minimum Wage issue reached a recommendation of N62,000 as the new monthly minimum wage for civil servants. While both the federal government and the organized private sector (OPS) have agreed to the proposed N62,000, organized Labour rejected this offer, threatening to resume the suspended strike action. The situation remains tense.

" The right of workers to embark on strikes is recognized and is hereby unquestionably conceded. It is a constitutional right. Workers have the right to strike and protest, but that right must be balanced against the need to protect the public interest and prevent harm to critical national infrastructure. The leadership of organized Labour should be sufficiently informed that using strike actions to disrupt national infrastructure is criminal. It endangers public safety, causes widespread economic harm, violates the rights of other citizens, and undermines the rule of law. Workers’ rights must be exercised responsibly, and strike actions should not be used to harm the public or disrupt critical services. By distinguishing between legitimate strike actions and criminal disruption of national infrastructure, the rights of both workers and the public interest can be protected.

“In many countries, laws and regulations prohibit strikes that disrupt essential services such as power generation, water supply, and healthcare. Workers in these critical sectors often have alternative dispute-resolution mechanisms to address their grievances without resorting to strikes that harm the public interest. In Nigeria, the Cybercrimes Act, 2015 (as amended), section 5(1) thereof, criminalizes disruption to critical national infrastructure. The law prescribes a punishment of a term of not more than 10 years without an option of a fine. The relevant provision states as follows: 5(1) Any person who with intent, commits any offence punishable under this Act against any critical national information infrastructure, designated pursuant to section 3 of this Act, shall be liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of not more than 10 years without an option of fine.

“As a threshold point, it is expedient to remark here that one of the core objectives of the Cybercrimes Act, 2015, as stated under Section 1(b) of the Act, is to protect critical national information infrastructure (CNII). Towards this end, the President under Section 3(1) of the Act, empowered the Order published in the Federal Gazette, and on the recommendation of the National Security Adviser, to designate certain systems, and/or networks, whether physical or virtual, considered vital to this country that the incapacity or destruction or interference with such systems and assets would have a debilitating impact on security, national or economic security, national public health and safety, or any combination of those matters as constituting Critical National Information Infrastructure.

" It is on record that the President of the Federal Republic is yet to take advantage of the provision of Section 3(1) in designating any essential system or asset as critical national infrastructure. Last week’s disruption to Nigeria’s critical infrastructure underscores the urgency for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to take decisive action under Section 3 of the Cybercrimes Act to designate essential systems as critical infrastructure to prevent future disruptions and ensure national security in the Nation’s interests.

" Although the President has not designated critical infrastructure, the National Security Adviser has proactively identified 13 sectors as Critical Information Infrastructure sectors in the National Cybersecurity Policy 2021, effectively recognizing their importance to national security and economic resilience. In the said policy, 13 sectors have been identified as Critical Information Infrastructure Sectors. They are Power and Energy; Water; Information; Communication; Science and Technology; Banking/Finance and Insurance; Health; Public Administration; Education; Defence and Security; Transport; Food and Agriculture; Safety and Emergency Services; Industrial and Manufacturing; and Mines and Steel. There is no doubt that these critical sectors constitute a virtual life support system requiring protection.

“Let it be known that there is no universal classification or definition of what constitutes “critical infrastructure” or “critical national information infrastructure (CNII).” The meaning is elastic. It varies from one country to another. Each country defines the concept based on national needs, resources, level of development, exigencies, and priorities, among others. Accordingly, there can be as many definitions of critical national information infrastructure (CNII) as there are countries of the world, although, in substance and character, the definitions are similar.

"In general terms, critical infrastructure is understood as consisting of facilities and services that are vital to the operation of a society. They are so essential that their continued operation is required to ensure the security of a given nation, its economy, public health, and safety. They are considered “critical” because their 'destruction would have an impact on the security, national economic security, national public health and safety of the country'.

"Going by the provision of Section 3(1) of the Cybercrimes Act, 2015 (as stated above), the type of impact contemplated under Section 58 of the Act is a debilitating one. The word ‘debilitating’ in the context of Section 58 of the Act should be understood in its ordinary grammatical sense as an act capable of causing serious impairment of strength or ability to function. Destruction of a system or asset necessarily involves annihilation, demolition, or causing havoc on such a system or asset. The destruction can be due to natural causes (earthquakes, lightning strikes, etc.) or physical destruction attributed to intentional human actions, theft, arson, or terrorist attacks).

"‘Incapacity’ of critical infrastructure, on the other hand, may not necessarily involve physical destruction. For instance, an action that changes the functionality of a given information artifact may have a devastating impact on an infrastructure. The notion of ‘interference’ with critical infrastructure is all-embracing. It refers to any unauthorized or malicious activity that disrupts, damages, or destroys critical infrastructure. It may involve physical attacks. It generally encompasses any activity that compromises the integrity, reliability, or availability of critical infrastructure. Mere disruption of operations, for instance through denial of services, will also pass as interference. Interference with critical infrastructure can have significant consequences, as the nation experienced last week.

The United States of America President’s Commission on Critical Infrastructure Protection (PCCIP) describes “critical infrastructure” as being “combinations of physical and cyber assets vital to the national economic well-being and security. The US PATRIOT Act 2011 defines critical infrastructure as “systems and assets, physical or virtual, so vital to the United States that the incapacity or destruction of such systems and assets would have a debilitating impact on security, national economic security, national public health and safety or any combination of those matters. Canada’s definition of what is critical involves “serious impact on the health, safety, security or economic well-being of Canadians or the effective functioning of governments in Canada” Germany refers to “significant disruptions to public order or other dramatic consequences”The Netherland’s critical infrastructure policy refers to “infrastructure whose disruption would cause “major social disturbance”, “tremendous loss of life” and “economic damage”

In light of the foregoing, an asset or a system does not need to be destroyed to have a debilitating impact on the security, economy, public health, and safety of the country… Interference necessarily entails disruption. The strike action of last week that led to the shutdown of the national grid witnessed a mass disruption of economic and social activities. There was also the shutting down of banks, schools, hospitals, railways, aviation, and other essential services. Although no act of physical destruction was attributed to the striking workers against any critical infrastructure, it can rightly be said that the disruptive acts of organized Labour brought about a debilitating impact on critical infrastructure in Nigeria.

With the advent of technology, nations all over the world are now known to depend on power and telecommunication systems for many things like communications, transportation, manufacturing as well as education, financial aviation services, and national defence, among others. Power and communication systems have, therefore, become very critical to humanity and should be adequately protected. Take away electric power for a few days, the whole nation would be paralyzed; tasks and objectives may be impossible to achieve and the security of the nation may be compromised. Therefore, organized labour should never again contemplate shutting down the national grid.

Together, we can build a brighter future for ourselves and future generations. In any event, the fear of the Cybercrimes Act should, henceforth, be the beginning of wisdom for organized Labour!

Our attention has been drawn to a message circulating on WhatsApp claiming that the licenses of some commercial banks (including Fidelity Bank) may be seized soon.

As the law enforcement authorities work to bring the mischiefmakers behind the false and malicious post to book, it has become necessary to debunk the story and point out the following:

1. The said message is attributed to a faceless author.
2. The Central Bank through a press release issued on 4 June 2024 confirmed that there are no plans to revoke the licenses of additional banks, stating that such allegations are false and intended to trigger panic in the financial system.
3. Fidelity Bank recently secured approval of the CBN, SEC, NGX and other regulators to embark on it’s capital raising drive. This is a mark of endorsement of the bank as no regulator would approve such an exercise if it did not find the bank in a good standing.
4. ⁠Fidelity Bank has been on a growth trajectory in the past three years, increasing PBT by a compounded Annual Growth Rate of 64%, Deposits by 33%, and Risk Assets by 32%. A review of the published financials of Nigerian Banks as of December 2023 showed that Fidelity is ranked 6th across several measures like total assets, total deposits, and total risk assets.
5. ⁠The Bank has consistently paid dividends, which has endeared us to shareholders. Two years ago,we introduced the payment of interim dividends. The average dividend yield in the past three years is 11% which ranks amongst the best in the country.
6. ⁠Fidelity Bank has maintained one of the healthiest NPL and capital adequacy ratios in the industry.
7. ⁠Global Ratings agency, Fitch, last week upgraded our LongTerm Issuer Default Rating (IDR) to Positive from Stable, while affirming the rating at 'B-'. They also affirmed our National Long-Term Rating at 'A(nga)' with a Stable Outlook.
8. ⁠Our full year audit was recently carried out by reputable audit firm -Deloitte attesting to the efficiency of our operations

We urge members of the public to continue to disregard the story as it is entirely misleading.

Signed.
Dr Meksley Nwagboh
Divisional Head, Brand and Communications
Fidelity Bank Plc.

“Those potential terrorists that we are seeing on the streets, children begging, children sleeping on the streets, children without clothes, without education, they are potential criminals. And criminals will get access to them to recruit them and become bandits. We have to work towards fairness and justice in governance so that there will be equity in economic opportunities. That will reduce the tendency of having more bandits.”

“A large percentage of them are from Niger Republic, Mali, and Chad.” The six South-West states are being overrun by an army of homeless young men of unknown address and of mystery background.

Some snakes have beauty; their nimbleness their strength. But these ones in every neighbourhood are not pretty snakes; their presence is ugly. They enter in anonymity, like an invalid, their fangs invisible.

Last Thursday, The Guardian newspaper ran a front page lead story with the headline: ‘Homeless kids invade Abuja, South-West’. The quote above which points at where they come from I lifted from that report. The Guardian and its sources fingered Niger Republic, Mali and Chad as the source of the human flood. I add and implicate northern Nigeria and the choice it makes. We see it every day in trucks and in trailers loaded with human consignments. They land aimless, wild and fear-inducing. The story continues:

“Many strangers move into the (South-West) region in trucks and articulated vehicles loaded with foodstuffs, livestock, and other items, and travel through the Ogbomoso axis into Oyo and to Ibadan. Some of them disembark in Ogbomoso and Ibadan in Oyo State, while others move to Ogun State, and the rest to Lagos State. From Ogbomoso and Ibadan, some disperse into other parts of the state, including Sabo, a large concentration of Hausa/Fulani community, as well as another such community in Ojoo, Iwo Road, and another large concentration at Akinyele, which houses what appears to be the largest pepper market in Nigeria,” the newspaper report said, quoting recent concerns raised by the ‘South-West Security Stakeholders Group’.

There are people who see the influx as a deliberate efflux of scum; something akin to NEPA’s load shedding. There are people who think it is population dumping and excretion of pooh on the Yoruba south. I see it as the natural consequence of elite irresponsibility and state failure. These movements have consequences, and they cannot be pleasant.

On February 21, 2024, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, senator and ex-Ogun State governor, sent out a tweet. He said rather ominously that “21 percent of Nigerians currently live in the South-West. The region is projected to hold close to 50 percent of our (Nigeria’s) population by 2050 because of the pattern of migration which will ultimately put greater strains on existing infrastructure…”

I do not know how ex-Governor Daniel arrived at his projection, but his reference to “pattern of migration” got me thinking. He may be right. And if he is right, the West will be in trouble – if it is not in trouble already. Every day, lorries carry youths from outside Yoruba land to Yoruba land. That is the terrifyingly truthful reality. We see trucks and lorries and crammed buses of boys and men every day entering the west. Yet, the factory produci⁹ng the homeless runs non-stop and at full capacity, day and night.

Migration is not inherently bad. What is abhorrent is when the quality of the migrants is bad. I was in Liberia towards the end of that country’s civil war. I saw what it meant to have more than half of a county’s entire population in a zone. The country’s total population today is 5.3 million. Before the Liberian civil war, 250,000 people lived in the capital, Monrovia; the war pushed that figure up to what it is today – 1.735 million people, causing unending disruptions that have refused to go away.

Recently, I wrote against shelling out 100 young female orphans into mass marriage in Niger State. I wrote about the danger of indiscriminate wife-buying and the production of a huge unproductive population, a mass of children that are sentenced to uneducation from the womb. A consortium in Kano came out attacking me for counting their spirit’s nine toes in his presence. They called me a hater of the North. Friends and foes forwarded their piece to me. I commend their diction but deplore their dictum. I wish I could tell them sorry for stepping beyond my ‘Yoruba’ bounds. But, I cannot. I can hear the plaintive words of Socrates “How you have felt, O men of Athens, at hearing the speeches of my accusers, I cannot tell; but I know that their persuasive words almost made me forget who I was — such was the effect of them; and yet they have hardly spoken a word of truth.” Where the northern elite stand is deplorable, quicksand of wickedness.

I have read sympathetic reports that described the daily arrivals as security and economic migrants. That fact itself is problematic – especially when the receivers are challenged too by existential problems. We say tèmi tó mi l’érù má dìkun (what I carry is enough load, do not add to it). Yoruba land already has more than enough of its homelessness to contend with. In shanties and under bridges, adults – male and female – with street children compete for space at night. Even those with roofs over their heads are ‘internally’ displaced in their homes by hunger and want. Now, combine anger inherent in all these with the troubles of unwanted guests. What we have is a volcano humming and rearing to go.

Mass migration like we are discussing potentially ties forehead hairs to occipital strands. Check how ‘foreign’ and ‘indigenous’ okada riders structure their presence across the South. The home boys and the ‘invaders’ hardly mix. Their relationship is forever fanned with the heat of tension. It can’t be different and better. Between popcorn and our molars, there is no enduring friendship; there has never been. Gúgúrú pèlú enu, won kìí s’òré títí d’alé.

Myron Weiner, American author and professor of Political Science, in his ‘A Security Perspective on International Migration’ published in 1992 stressed that “conflicts create refugees but refugees can also create conflicts.” That is the fear that is discussed in hushed tones in every neighborhood in south-west Nigeria now.

What does it mean for the South-West to carry half of Nigeria’s population? ‘The World Population Prospects’, published in 2017 by the United Nation’s Department of Economic and Social Affairs, said by 2050, the world would have 9.8 billion people. It said Nigeria, with eight other countries, would account for half of that figure. “Among the ten largest countries worldwide, Nigeria is growing the most rapidly. Consequently, the population of Nigeria, currently the world’s 7th largest, is projected to surpass that of the United States and become the third largest country in the world shortly before 2050,” the UN report predicted.

The United Nations Population Fund Country programme document for Nigeria, published on 3 February, 2023, indicated that our population would reach 400 million by 2050. “The estimated population of Nigeria of 216 million and its annual growth rate of 3.2 percent is driven by a total fertility rate of 5.3. This rate is higher among rural households (5.9) and uneducated and poorest households (6.7). The population is expected to reach 400 million by 2050, making Nigeria the third most populous country globally,” the UNFPA report said.

Now, imagine half of 400 million Nigerians permanently living in Yoruba land as a result of migration from everywhere. Think of the cultural conflagration and the demographic disaster that will ensue. Think of the socio-political fissures, the tension and the permanent threat to peace and stability that will be the lot of the host. If 400 million live in western Nigeria with its present economic problems unsolved, you can be sure that more than half that figure will qualify to be described as homeless.

And, what does it mean to be homeless? The best definition of a situation always comes from those who are in it or have experienced it. “I used to think that the hardest thing about being homeless was not having a bed to sleep in – having to find a doorway, or a derelict building or the back of an abandoned car to lay your head. But I learnt from the young people that I am working with that that is not the hardest part of being homeless. Then I thought it was being hungry or cold. But that too is not the hardest part of being homeless. So I thought it was the boredom, having nothing to do, all day, every day, walking up and down trying to pass the time. But that is not the hardest part. Now I believe that the hardest part of being homeless is to live with the knowledge that if you disappeared from the face of the earth, no-one would even notice. That defines the value of your life. You are of no value to anyone; there is no one to whom you are important, no one who really cares. Your life is virtually meaningless. The message you receive from society, every minute of every day, is that you are not worth the trouble or effort or expense of providing you with even a small bedsit that you can call home.” Jesuit priest, Peter McVerry, wrote the above in his 2001 article, ‘Homelessness’.

“On 6 March, 1986, ten-year-old David Bright testified before the (United States) House Select Committee on Hunger and became an emblem of the homeless children of America in the 1980s. David lived in New York City’s Hotel Martinique, a festering behemoth that was home to 1,500 homeless children and their families.

“‘When I grow up,’ David said, ‘I will be the president of the United States. Then everyone will have a little money in their pockets.’

‘”And,’ David added, ‘no little boy like me will have to put his head down on his desk at school because it hurts to be hungry.'”

The above is part of the introductory paragraphs of a 1989 piece written by Robert M. Hayes for the American Academy of Political Science. Hayes entitled his piece ‘Homeless Children.’ It is a study in societal rejection and abandonment.

Like that 10-year-old American boy, millions of children are on the street of Nigeria dying slowly and quietly in unremitting hunger and rejection. However, unlike the American boy, our own millions without homes do not have desks to put their hunger on. They rummage the dirt of gutters and sewages in search of the ever elusive hope of survival. If they are lucky or smart enough to live and their bones grow big enough, they migrate to the South without skills, compounding their suffering and homelessness. Rescuing them and saving ourselves is why we speak and write and refuse to be silenced. Yet, we are abused and called names.

Fortunately, those who read hatred in every criticism are a fading clan of clowns. There are great people in the North who are as concerned as any patriot could be. An old friend and Senior Advocate from one of the far northern states forwarded my column on mass wedding to me and thanked me. Another old friend, a retired General from the North-East, thumbed up my position and wrote to me: “Thank you. You people are keeping us busy.” This last Saturday, a very knowledgeable Imam from northern Nigeria, Sheikh Muhammad Nuru Khalid, granted a newspaper interview where he spoke against choices that encourage irresponsible child hatching and warned of the threat it poses to societal stability and cohesion. Khalid was the Chief Imam of Apo Legislative Quarters’ mosque in Abuja who was sacked in 2022 for preaching against the ills of General Muhammadu Buhari’s government. I am quoting his Saturday Tribune interview here, copiously:

“A child that was brought up on the streets does not know the affection of the family and he cannot have that love for anybody and therefore he can kill anybody. A child that is being prevented from having education with no justification, the envy in his heart will make him dislike any educated person, the system and the country itself.

“Those potential terrorists that we are seeing on the streets, children begging, children sleeping on the streets, children without clothes, without education, they are potential criminals. And criminals will get access to them to recruit them and become bandits. We have to work towards fairness and justice in governance so that there will be equity in economic opportunities. That will reduce the tendency of having more bandits.”

But it is not easy and won’t be easy. Sheikh Khalid said “If you remove all the Almajiris on the streets today, just give it some time, you will find more of them there again if you do not remove the root of the problem.” He was right. Some plants have to be rooted out for the field to be luxurious. Sheikh Khalid added: “And the root of the problem is the family. The problem of family is how marriage is being conducted and kept. Why is it that the North produces Almajiris? Why is the South not producing Almajiris? If Islam is the problem, why is it that Yoruba Muslims are not producing Almajiris?

“When you have irresponsible parents producing many children, you will have Almajiris or worse than Almajiris. Therefore, we have to regulate marriage in Nigeria. The government must come into it, enact laws that will prevent people from just getting married anyhow. That is how to tackle the issue… Let’s not give it a dimension of Islam and think that this is just for the Muslims. Let the other faiths and other geographical locations understand that the issue of Almajiri is a security issue. Insecurity in any part of Nigeria is also a menace to the entire country. It will affect our economy, it affects our social structure; it affects everything.” Sheikh Khalid was right. May his type be mass-produced in the North.

The problem of millions of the homeless migrating “from Niger Republic”, from “Mali, and Chad” – from everywhere – into the South-West has just started. The flood won’t stop unless the state is mended, and the elite shows genuine care and the leaky dam is repaired. Danger tottering on the brink of disaster should scare and worry everyone. A hurricane is coming.

The League of Nigerian Columnists (LNC) has condemned the arrest of journalists in the country.

The association expressed this in a statement made available to this paper by Anthony Kila, Secretary General of the LNC, on Tuesday, while calling for press freedom.

It described the arrests, detention, and even abduction of journalists in the country as  “not worthy of a democratic country and should be condemned in unequivocal terms by all.”

Several arrests and detention of journalists have been recorded in the country lately including the abduction of Segun Olatunji, a former Editor of FirstNews by armed men in his home in Iyana Odo, Abule Egba area of Lagos, on March 15, 2024; Daniel Ojukwu, a journalist with the Foundation for Investigative Journalism; Nurudeen Akewushola, a journalist with the International Centre for Investigative Reporting.

The LNC further noted that the country, with 25 years of interrupted democracy, is old enough to be free of infantile ailing typical of a growing child.

“At 25 years of democracy, the LNC expect journalists to be free to report without fear or favour, and where they err, we expect those who feel wronged should follow civil and legal processes.
“It is important to remind all that a country or government that cannot guarantee the safety and freedom of the press cannot be defined as democratic, and the onus of ensuring the safety and freedom of the media is entirely on the government of the country that wants to described as democratic,” it added.

The LNC is a conglomeration of op-ed writers in Nigeria, led by Tola Adeniyi and Yakubu Mohamed.

It comprises columnists whose columns are published in newspapers and magazines with a full-time editor. Some of its members include Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese, Dare Babarinsa, Martins Oloja, Sam Omatseye, Ikechukwu Amaechi, and Ruben Abati.

[BusinessDay]

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has said Nigerians are angry over the hardship in the country.

The opposition party also said All Progressives Congress (APC) administrations since 2015 has desecrated the democratic principles, legacies and values which the late Chief MKO Abiola laboured and died for.

PDP, in a statement by its national publicity secretary, Hon Debo Ologunagba, to mark the Democracy Day,  charged Nigerians to speak against the anti-democratic tendencies of the APC which, according to the party, is inflicting hardship and undermining the will and rights of the citizens.

“It is distressing that our nation is observing the Democracy Day under a system that relishes in brazen violation of the Constitution, election rigging, stifling and manipulation of opposition, muzzling of dissenting voices; undermining the judicial system and other democracy institutions in desperation to turn Nigeria into a one-Party State.

“More disquieting is that all the progress and gains made by successive PDP administrations in entrenching democratic practice in Nigeria have been reversed by the APC administrations.

“Nigerians can recall with nostalgia the glorious days of the PDP at the return of Democracy in 1999 to 2015, which period witnessed the expansion of democracy practice and dividend; notably the conduct of free and fair elections; adherence to the Rule of Law and Principle of Separation of Powers, economic transformation resulting in Nigeria becoming a preferred foreign investment destination in the world.

“Democracy is all about the supremacy of the Will of the people, the Rule of Law and the pursuit of the security and wellbeing of citizens. These ideals have been completely violated by the APC administrations which leaders have no respect for public opinion but delight in burdening the people through multiple taxes and looting of treasury to finance their luxury appetite while subjecting other Nigerians to a life of fear, uncertainty, despondency and abject poverty.

“It is saddening that instead of celebrating freedom and good governance; the very of essence of democracy which Chief MKO Abiola stood for; Nigerians are in anguish over the exploitive, ill-implemented anti-people policies and programmes of the APC which has weaponized poverty in the country.

“The increase in fuel price and hike in electricity tariff with no corresponding tangible policy or programme directed towards the welfare of the people further show the anti-people stance of the APC administrations.

Today, under the APC, prices of food, medicines and other essential commodities increase uncontrollably and soaring beyond reach.”

The party added that it is provocative for APC leaders to be relishing in opulence, while other Nigerians cannot afford their daily meals and other basic necessities of life

“The recent opening of the N21 billion luxury mansion for Vice President Ibrahim Shettima by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in a country of collapsing infrastructure; with over 40% unemployment rate; where millions of citizens are literally starving; and where our schools and hospitals lack the basic operation equipment and tools is only a glimpse into the insensitivity, arrogance, impunity and reckless misdirection of resources that pervade the APC administrations.

“Our Party urges President Tinubu to use the occasion of the Democracy Day to have a deep reflection on the state of the nation under his watch, especially given the growing public agitation over hunger and high cost of living in the country.

“The PDP again reminds President Tinubu that there is destitution in the land and that the reaction of a hungry people is better imagined. Mr. President should, in keeping with democratic tenets, listen to Nigerians and review policies that are suffocating life in the country.

“Nevertheless, the PDP salutes Nigerians for their belief in Democracy and urges them not be discouraged by the failures of the APC administrations since 2015,” the party said.

[Leadership]

The Enugu Capital Territory Development Authority (ECTDA), on Tuesday, sealed the offices of the Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC) in Enugu State.

The action followed EEDC’s announcement that it would disconnect the power supply to the Enugu State Government House and other state government institutions in the South East over an N180bn debt.

EEDC’s spokesman, Emeka Ezeh, said upon arriving at the EEDC headquarters, he and other staff members found the building sealed.

“We were informed by the security men on duty that in the early hours of today (Tuesday) at about 2am, a group of men came and locked up the gates, claiming that the state governor directed the action,” he said.

In addition to the headquarters, EEDC offices in Abakpa, Awkunanaw and Ogui areas were also sealed by the agency.

Ezeh described the development as “strange”, noting that EEDC had not received any notice or communication from ECTDA regarding the action.

Ezeh said the sealing their offices might be connected to EEDC’s notice to begin disconnecting indebted customers starting Tuesday.

“Enugu State Government happens to be one of the indebted customers, with over N1bn owed to EEDC.

“It is important to state that the majority of the state government’s facilities are metered. So, it is not a case of estimated billing. EEDC has about N180bn in debts and has concluded plans to commence disconnection of indebted customers,” he explained.

When contacted, the Chairman of ECTDA, Uche Anyanwu, declined to comment on the incident.

[DailyTrust]

The 2023 Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, has said the failure of the opposition to unite is threatening Nigeria’s democracy.

Atiku said the failure of opposition political parties to form a coalition and articulate a plan of good governance makes them more guilty than the All Progressives Congress, APC.

He stated this in a statement to celebrate this year’s Democracy Day.

Atiku said: “The historical timeline of the struggle that birthed this democracy is abundant with a series of coalitions and alliances amongst the political leaderships of that era to flush away the vestiges of military and dictatorial governance in order to return power to the people.

“It is commendable that for 25 years, we have witnessed an uninterrupted season of electoral politics. It is an unprecedented epoch in our history.

“It is worthy of celebration and commendation must go to the people of our great country. I must also congratulate the political class for having embraced the rectitude of nurturing a democracy, as well as the civil society. It is important that all stakeholders continue to do their bit to ensure the sustainability of our democracy.

“Today, the failings of the opposition parties to uphold the functionality of their existence are a major threat to our democracy. The earlier they realise that the fortunes of Nigeria lie in their forging a coalition, the better it will be for our country and the people.”

[DailyPost]