The federal high court sitting in Abuja has ordered the final forfeiture of NOK University and all of its assets said to be linked to one Anthony Hassan, a former director of finance and accounts at the federal ministry of health. 

In a 2022 ruling on an ex parte motion marked FHC/ABJ/CS/688/2022, and filed by Ekele Iheanacho, counsel for the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the federal high court had ordered that the institution be temporarily forfeited to the federal government.

The commission had alleged that Hassan diverted public funds with which he acquired the identified assets.

The EFCC also alleged that the former director diverted the funds running into billions of naira through the government integrated financial management information system (GIFMIS).

GIFMIS, an IT-based system for accounting and budget management, was designed by the federal government to actualise integrated and automated information systems and promote modernised fiscal processes.

In a statement on Saturday, the EFCC said it had filed an order of final forfeiture of the said properties.

The statement said Iheanacho established before the court the fact that Hassan built NOK University using proceeds of unlawful activities traced to him.

Physical assets of the university forfeited include the senate building, ICT building, faculty of medicine building, science deanery building, two academic buildings, a faculty hall and other buildings.

The judge also ordered the interim forfeiture of Gwasmyen water factory, Gwasmyen event centre and Gwasmyen international hotel, all said to be linked to Hassan.

“The Commission, had, through its investigative Officer, Adaora Asabe Oragudosi investigated some verified intelligence bordering on criminal conspiracy, stealing, abuse of office and money laundering against some staff of the Federal Ministry of Health where the properties ordered forfeited were traced to the defendant,” the statement reads.

Delivering judgment on the matter on Friday, the court held that the respondent failed woefully in tilting the scale of evidence in his favour.

[TheCable]

The labour unions went on total strike on Monday, paralysing economic activities, stopping domestic flights and switching off the national power grid. The economic impact, especially on private businesses, are still being calculated. The Africa Association of Professional Freight Forwarders and Logistics of Nigeria (APFFLON) alone said over N200 billion was lost to demurrage and storage charges because of the lockdown. The losses may pass the N1 trillion mark when we factor in other sectors and subsectors, lost opportunities and the costs of running generators. The non-financial losses are usually difficult to estimate, like people missing visa or job interview appointments.

The strike was called by the unions to push for a new minimum wage. The current N30,000/month was fixed in 2019, up from the N18,000 that was set in 2011. The unions pushed for N615,000 which it says is in consonance with the current economic realities, more so with the devaluation of the naira, the increase in petrol price and the attendant inflation. By implication, a cleaner or driver in the civil service and the organised private sector (OPS) will take home at least N615,000/month. That also means salaries of workers on higher levels will have to be adjusted as well, even if not proportionately. That is quite an addition to the wage bills of government and companies.

After a lot of back and forth, the federal government has proposed N62,000 while the unions say they are now ready to accept N250,000. Governors are insisting that even N60,000 is unsustainable. Many states currently spend up to 70 percent of their income on wage bills. Doubling the wage bill will create a bigger hole in their finances. Some are not even paying the current N30,000 while many owe arrears. When wages are adjusted, there are other costs that come along, such as employers’ contributions to pension. Private companies are already struggling as a result of the double whammy of naira devaluation and sky-high energy costs, with many folding up or laying off workers to survive.

In truth, every one naira added to salary has implications, whether in the public or private sector. If a private company pays a fresh graduate N100,000, for instance, and now has to pay N250,000 to a cleaner as the unions are demanding, the salary of the graduate will have to move up as well and it cannot be N250,000. Give or take, the salary of the graduate will have to go up to way above the N250,000. Where is the income to pay? It is either the unions cannot be bothered by economic facts or they do not understand the math. If the union leaders will set up their own businesses and implement the wage rise they are advocating, then we can have a more productive debate.

In reality, even the public sector that is not run like a business cannot handle the proposed wage increase. Nigeria is permanently running on deficit which keeps increasing every year. We owe more than we can pay in the next 50 years, except there is another monumental oil boom from which we will actually benefit — not that we will spend the windfall to import subsidised petrol. We currently borrow to do most things. While naira devaluation has increased the bulk of revenue shared by the three tiers of government (because of exchange rate differentials), the benefits are being drained by deficit budgeting, debt repayments and inflation (and, yes, corruption and wasteful spending).

Am I saying minimum wage should not be increased because of the pallid state of public finance? No. I am saying Nigeria is not as rich as we assume. Agreed, if the waste and corruption in government can be reduced to a reasonable level, it will help significantly in creating room to accommodate a sensible adjustment to the minimum wage. Nevertheless, even if no kobo is stolen or wasted, Nigeria still does not earn enough to make everybody happy, just that waste and corruption have combined to worsen the sad reality. I do not think any worker should go home with that miserable N30,000 a month in these harsh times but there are many matters arising that we need to address as well.

One, it is wrong to say the average Nigerian worker takes home N30,000 a month. That is certainly not the average salary. It is the minimum allowed by law, applicable to the civil service and employers with a minimum of 25 workers. It does not apply to the informal sector, which employs an estimated 92 percent of the Nigerian work force. In a typical organisation or government agency, those on the N30,000 minimum wage are a tiny minority. Minimum wage is usually the starting point for those with the lowest qualifications. I know that we like exaggeration a lot in Nigeria, but there are facts we don’t need to sex up except we want to pursue the path of insincerity and deceit.

Two, someone said since Nigeria operates a federal system of government, every state should be allowed to fix the minimum wage it can afford — that there should be no national scale or compulsion. However, the power to set the minimum wage is exclusive to the federal government under Nigerian laws. In the US, states and municipalities can set their own minimum wage but it must be above the national scale set by the federal government. In Canada, provinces (that is, states) set their own minimum wage while the federal government only fixes for federally regulated employees. As I often argue, no two federalisms are the same: there is no true or fake federalism.

Three, I must necessarily touch on the dollarisation practice, which is not limited to the minimum wage debate alone. There is this widespread practice of converting the naira to the dollar to make an economic argument. There is a big case to be made for the need to improve wages but we don’t have to use the dollar analogy as is our wont. We say N30,000 is equal to $20 just to dramatise how poorly Nigerian workers are paid. Aside the high probability that most eligible workers earn more than N30,000/month, there is something called “purchasing power parity” (PPP) used to calculate the absolute purchasing power of a currency rather than just benchmarking it against the dollar.

If we say our minimum wage is $20/month as against $7.25/hour in the US, it does not paint the complete picture. The question is: what can $1 buy in Nigeria compared to the US? That is the PPP. A crate of 12 brown eggs is N1,800 (about $2.67) in Nigeria but goes for $6 (N9,000) in the US. A litre of petrol is roughly $1 (N1,500) over there, compared to N650 down here. A three-bedroom apartment in a medium income area of Atlanta goes for about $1,800/month (N2.7m) — probably a year’s rent in Ikeja, Lagos. Many Nigerians who recently relocated are complaining about the cost of living. The good thing, though, is the peace of mind — with no worries about kidnappers and NEPA.

Four, I suspect that what the unions want is a general wage review and not a review of the minimum wage as they have been saying. Minimum wage and wage review are conceptually different. Minimum wage is the lowest any mandated employer pays the lowest ranking employee. In the UK, it is set annually by the Low Pay Commission, an independent body of employers, unions and experts. It is a form of cost of living adjustment, aka COLA. In Nigeria, some companies implement COLA yearly as a percentage of wages. Wage review, on the other hand, is to improve the “quantum” of salaries across board, perhaps because an employer wants to be competitive or reward its staff.

My first suggestion, therefore, is that we need to address the minimum wage issue in a more scientific and predictable way so that all these strikes can be avoided. It should be routinely reviewed, like a yearly COLA, and proportionally related to the annualised inflation rate. The current five-year review period is too long because things are changing — and very fast. The National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission (NSIWC) has to revamp its tripartite arrangement involving the OPS, labour unions and the government, represented by the establishment department, to address this issue. Going forward, COLA should be a routine exercise without all this drama.

In the private sector, wages are reviewed regularly without fuss or headlines. Companies like Globacom, Nigeria Breweries, Dangote, BUA and banks constantly improve their minimum wage as well as implement wage review without strikes. I am sure MTN pays more than the current N30,000 minimum wage. There is typically an internal mechanism of collective bargaining with the local unions. It doesn’t have to be a major national event. We will only get to hear of it when there is a dispute that cannot be resolved internally. But anything that has to do with government in Nigeria must be chaotic. A major lesson from the latest crisis will be for us to revamp the tripartite arrangement so that there is consistent engagement and adjustments can be routinised.

My second suggestion is that beyond the wages, we need a productive and befitting public service. In an average government office, whether state or federal, service is appalling. I once went to the Lagos state secretariat to process a document. They were busy watching African Magic. When the small fridge in the  office was opened, I saw a bundle of fresh fish inside. Someone had brought fish to sell in the office. They did not care that an outsider was present. I had been told the officer in charge of my file was not around. I said I would wait. After wasting precious hours, I left. In some agencies, offices are empty by 2pm and on Fridays. You hardly miss those people when they are on strike.

That the Nigerian worker deserves better remuneration is indisputable. It is the quantum of the wage increase and the means to pay that we have to address in a systematic and sensible way. I admit that some civil service salaries are appalling. But we need a comprehensive reform of the entire system: get rid of the dead woods, do meritocratic recruitment and pay workers decent wages. Recruitment into civil service is usually political and that is heavily implicated in all these issues. The public service must be worth every kobo that we spend on it because it is the engine of government. Wage review is just one of the myriad of issues we need to address. We need to take a global look at the situation.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

JUDICIAL VICTORY                                                          

Nigerian judicial officers are about to hit a bonanza, with the senate passing the bill to increase their salaries and allowances by 300 percent. The bill is the baby of President Bola Tinubu. The chief justice of Nigeria (CJN) will earn N64 million annually when the bill is signed into law. I do not have anything against people getting good salaries, but I have been wondering about the implications for other branches of government. I will not be surprised if others are now asking for 300 percent pay rise. They will say: why judiciary alone? Why not us too? You may argue that the pay rise does not amount to much in the entire budget for the judiciary, but who has the time for maths? Trouble.

KILLING SOLDIERS

There is a disturbing trend which some people seem to be celebrating, particularly on social media: the killing of Nigerian soldiers. It is becoming a sport. Five soldiers were killed in Aba, Abia state, most recently while we were still trying to recover from the gruesome ambush and murder of 17 soldiers, including senior officers, in Okuama, Delta state, in March. Two soldiers were beaten up at the Banex Plaza in Abuja. These things were unthinkable decades ago but they are now commonplace. I agree that military involvement in civil conflicts has led to unpalatable consequences for both civilians and soldiers, but there still should be a line no one should cross. Alarming.

POLICE DEATHS

Nigerian policemen and women have been losing their lives to criminals and this really worries me. I do not know of any other African country where this happens so often. But there is even another major issue that the police must deal with urgently: sudden deaths. Abubakar Mohammed Guri, a deputy commissioner of police, slumped and died in his Abuja office on Monday. This is clearly a medical issue. Sudden deaths in the police, not limited to senior officers, have become regular. I read of them all the time. Does the force prioritise the health of its officers? Is there a policy for comprehensive checkups at least yearly? Mental health checks should also be a priority. Essential.

NO COMMENT

In the wake of the minimum wage war, the House of Representatives accused labour unions of spreading “persistent misinformation and disinformation” about the salaries of members of the National Assembly. “Organised labour has for years contributed to false narratives about the remuneration of members of the National Assembly, exaggerating figures to stoke public resentment and undermine the credibility of the Legislature,” the house said in a statement. “It is crucial for all parties to engage in an honest and transparent dialogue rather than resorting to the spread of inaccuracies for political leverage.” Still, no mention of how much they actually earn. Wonderful.

I was in South Africa from May 16 to May 23 to deliver two talks on theory and social communication at the Nelson Mandela University in the city of Port Elizabeth (which has been renamed Gqeberha). It was my first time in this country of remarkable contrasts, which birthed apartheid and inspired righteous rage in the consciences of all who love freedom, justice, and equality.

More than 20 years before this visit, I had made the acquaintance of a South African journalist of Indian descent by the name of Venilla Yoganathan. We met in June 2003 here in the United States. While I gushed about the architectural and infrastructural sophistication of Washington, DC, where I am incidentally writing this column from, she wasn’t enthused in the least. She bragged that there was nothing in America that would make a South African envious.

That encounter endured in my mind for more than two decades. Visiting South Africa two weeks ago confirmed what she said. South Africa is an incredibly beautiful country with solid infrastructure that can compete with any in the world. It is basically Europe on African soil. I guess we might call that one of the few benign legacies of apartheid. But there are other lingering malign legacies I’ll come to shortly.

In the one week that I stayed in the country, I’ve had several moments when I forgot that I wasn’t in the United States, not only because of the similarities in the landscape, weather, and infrastructure of the two countries but also because of the contagious friendliness of the people in the city where I stayed. Like in the American south, where I’ve lived for two decades, almost everyone I met in Port Elizabeth wore a smile, which they beamed at strangers liberally. A few people even mistook me for a native and spoke Xhosa to me!

I also encountered in the country the kind of deep, overpowering, and infectious patriotism that I first saw in my South African acquaintance more than 20 years ago. She radiated immense pride in being South African. She even said she was thankful that her ancestors were uprooted from India to South Africa. I saw that same sense of profound emotional investment in the country among Black, Colored, and White South Africans I had a chance to interact with.

Being born and raised in Nigeria where subnational loyalties trump national identity, where democracy manifests as ethnocracy, where fissiparity and interminable ethno-religious feuding perpetually push us to the brink and back, this was refreshingly different for me. Although racial and ethnic divisions persist two decades after the dislodgement of apartheid, there is unmistakable commitment to the nation from most strata of South African society.

Using my own Nigerian frame of reference, which I’d imagined was true of most African countries, I asked a South African professor of history about how ethnocracy (i.e., supposed democracies where ethnic groups whose member is the president dominate the apparatus of the state to enhance their interests) manifests in South Africa. She couldn’t relate to the concept.

The Zulu enjoy numerical dominion in South Africa, but out of South Africa’s five post-apartheid presidents, they’ve had only one president, and that is Jacob Zuma. Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki are Xhosa. Kgalema Motlanthe, South Africa’s third president, is Sotho-Tswana. Cyril Ramaphosa, the current South African president, is Venda, which is an ethnic minority.

From my conversation with my South African colleague, it dawned on me that ethnic identities don’t have the same primacy in South Africa as they do in West Africa. Because of their experience with a viciously racist white settler colonialism, identities are constructed mostly in racial terms. I get the sense that people see themselves first as Black, Colored (i.e., mixed race), and White people before they see themselves as members of ethnic groups, at least in national discourse.

That is why the ethnic identity of presidents is immaterial, and why ethnocracies of the sort that dot the political landscape in the rest of Black Africa can’t thrive in South Africa.

Nonetheless, in spite of the country’s superior infrastructure and the impressive patriotic fervor of its citizens, the legacies of apartheid still linger. Although White people constitute less than 10 percent of the population of South Africa, they still control more than 70 percent of the country’s land. And although a robust Black middle class has emerged and is growing, the condition of Black people in urban ghettos called “townships” is still dire.

My host, Professor Uchenna Okeja, a globally garlanded professor of philosophy who is Nigerian, drove me through a “township” that adjoins the city of Port Elizabeth, South Africa’s fifth biggest city where the Nelson Mandela University is located. It’s a grubby, poverty-stricken, soul-depressing, crime-ridden colony of shacks that isn’t worthy of human habitation. But that is where the urban Black underclass live amid the spotless prosperity in the urban areas of the country, which is mostly controlled by the white minority.

The Colored dwelling on the immediate edge of the Black ghetto is cleaner, more affluent, but still light-years behind White residential areas. Although there is no longer legal segregation of the races, economic factors still sustain racial segregation. Maybe I am being impatient, but this disturbed me deeply.

By the way, even immigrant groups, including Nigerians, tend to be self-segregated. And I found that Nigerians don’t have a flattering image there because of the participation of some of our compatriots in drug pushing and other crimes, even though our people do really well in the professoriate in South African universities.

Well, although middle-class Black people own homes in predominantly White neighborhoods, most of the Black people you see there are non-resident (or live-in) domestic servants performing basic, menial tasks that people in Euro-America do by themselves. A South African told me Europeans who want to experience the sensation of being treated like kings and queens go to South Africa. The weather feels like Europe and the infrastructure is European-quality, but they also get worshipful tending from grinning and grateful Black servants for peanuts.

I first noticed the association of whiteness and wealth among lower-class Black South Africans in Johannesburg. At the airport, I noticed that the only people who airport hucksters solicited to buy anything were white people. I hate unwelcome solicitations, so I was delighted to be spared the torture of continually saying I wasn’t interested in buying anything.

I initially thought the Black hucksters at the airport ignored me because I was dressed informally, but I later noticed that they made no attempt to sell anything to even formally attired Black people but chased down every White person irrespective of how they were dressed. This may be a mistaken, surface impression that misses certain subtleties, but after becoming familiar with the de facto economic apartheid that endures in South African society, I think my snap judgment isn’t entirely misplaced.

In spite of everything, though, South Africa still leads Black Africa in most indices of human development. Its universities have emerged as the leading centers of knowledge production on the continent. They attract the best teachers, have excellent, world-class facilities, are at the cutting edge of research in all areas of human inquiry, and have some of the most dedicated and engaging students you will find anywhere in the world.

The quality of infrastructure and scholarship I saw at the Nelson Mandela University competes favorably with any you would find in Europe, America, or Asia. Someone told me South Africa now occupies the position that Nigeria occupied in the 1960s, 1970s, and parts of the 1980s as the Mecca of Africa’s knowledge production.

…..says that it’s a diverse and inclusive collective

Against the backdrop of a Political Party creating a directorate for the Obidient Movement, the Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 general elections and the Principal mentor of the Obidient Movement In Nigeria, Peter Obi has said that the group is beyond a political party and cannot be cubbyhole into one.

Obi explained that membership of the Obidient Movement cut across a political party, sex, tribe, religion or geopolitical area pointing out that the driving force of the body is rescuing and building a new Nigeria that is POssible.

Explaining further the size, scope and nature of the Obidient Movement, the LP standards bearer wrote in his X platform on Wednesday “I like to categorically state that the Obidient Movement is not a directorate in any particular political party. Any individual or individuals claiming to be leaders of this non-existent directorate are simply not members of the broader Obidient Movement.

“There may be a youth mobilization directorate in political parties but the Obidient movement is far beyond a particular political party. The Obidient Movement is a diverse and inclusive collective that transcends traditional political, religious, and ethnic affiliations.

“It is not domiciled within any particular party or headquartered in any particular part of the country. Its membership spans across Africa and the globe, comprising individuals from various backgrounds, including rural communities, and public, private, and corporate entities, united by a shared vision for a New and better Nigeria. Guided by the principles of adaptive and transformative change, progress, discipline, and democratic values, the Obidient Movement advocates for fairness, equity, inclusivity, and justice.

“It is committed to a strictly accountable and responsible code of government. Our members are committed to contributing to the realization of a better future for Nigeria through the New Nigeria project, anchored on loyalty, integrity, and democratic values.

“The Obidient Movement seeks to foster positive change through a commitment to integrity, honesty, and accountability, rejecting deceitful behaviours.

“We serve as a beacon of hope for a reimagined Nigeria, where leadership is grounded in character, capacity, competence, compassion and the well-being of all citizens.

“Let this serve as a clarification that the Obidient Movement operates independently of any political party, and its membership is not limited to any particular affiliation.

“Our focus remains steadfast on driving positive change and promoting a New Nigeria for all. This is who we are and will remain for all time.

The Nigerian workforce eagerly awaits an increase in the national minimum wage, as they struggle to cope with the country's economic challenges. The Federal Government has taken a step in the right direction by approving a salary increase for civil servants while promising that a new minimum wage will soon follow. However, the current minimum wage of thirty thousand naira falls significantly short of meeting basic needs and has plunged many workers into a life of absolute poverty.

To put this into perspective, the World Bank sets the poverty threshold at individuals living below 1.9 dollars per day. With a minimum wage equivalent to roughly one thousand naira per day, Nigerian workers find themselves well below this line. Sustaining oneself, let alone supporting a family, on such meager income is a daunting task, making it nearly impossible to fulfill even the most basic needs and aspirations.

Fairness in Employment Practices

When evaluating the fairness of employers in Nigeria towards their workers, the situation reveals a nuanced landscape. In the private sector, compliance with the national minimum wage is relatively common, as most employers adhere to legal requirements. However, some exploit the low minimum wage by offering salaries just above this threshold, taking advantage of the high unemployment rates in the country. Consequently, highly qualified individuals often find themselves receiving inadequate compensation for their skills and contributions.

On the government's front, there is ample room for improvement. Recognizing workers as the backbone of society, the government should establish a reasonable national minimum wage. Inadequate compensation not only affects the welfare of workers but also carries widespread societal implications. Therefore, there is a clear expectation for the government to prioritize fair wages and working conditions for Nigerian workers, acknowledging their indispensable role in maintaining the nation's prosperity.

Consequences of Neglecting Worker Welfare

Before the current administration, instances were rampant where state governments failed to pay workers' salaries on time, with some only providing partial payments. Such neglect towards worker welfare has led to tragic consequences, including reports of workers resorting to suicide out of frustration and children dropping out of school due to financial strain. These outcomes underscore the severity of the situation, highlighting the urgent need for intervention.

It is possible that research could uncover a connection between the neglect of worker welfare and the rise in levels of insecurity. While this is not meant to justify criminal behavior, it is important to note that financial pressure is a major factor in the "fraud triangle" and can significantly contribute to fraudulent activity. Addressing issues related to worker wages is crucial in reducing financial burdens and mitigating associated societal impacts, such as increased insecurity.

Determining a Fair Minimum Wage

While advocating for a minimum wage of four hundred and ninety four thousand naira by the Trade Union Congress and Nigerian Labour Congress might seem ideal, determining the appropriate minimum wage is a complex task. It involves considering factors such as the cost of living, inflation rates, and the financial capacity of employers, including governments at all levels.

Pushing for a substantial increase in the national minimum wage is appealing, but acknowledging economic realities and feasibility is crucial. State governments, often citing limited funds, must prioritize workers' welfare while maintaining fiscal responsibility and sustainability. Boosting internally generated revenue through initiatives like enhancing tax collection, investing in infrastructure, and promoting entrepreneurship could address this challenge.

Conclusion: A Vision for a Prosperous Nigeria

Achieving a fair and sustainable national minimum wage requires collaborative efforts among the government, businesses, and labour unions to establish an equitable and sustainable minimum wage for all stakeholders involved. It is essential to establish a robust mechanism for enforcing the national minimum wage to ensure that workers' rights are protected and upheld. As Nigeria navigates its economic challenges, prioritizing fair wages and worker welfare is not only a matter of social justice but also a crucial step towards building a prosperous and stable nation.

Author: Kenechukwu Aguolu   FCA, PMP, FCIA

The term "Japa,” is associated with Nigerians migrating to foreign countries in search of better opportunities, and has seen a significant increase in recent years. This trend, driven by the desire for economic empowerment and a safer living environment, has recently faced a slowdown. The depreciation of the naira has made emigration more expensive, and stricter immigration rules in popular destination countries have contributed to this deceleration.

The initial wave of Nigerian emigrants primarily sought economic empowerment and improved living standards for themselves and their families. However, in recent times, increasing insecurity within Nigeria has become a significant reason for people to leave. The growing levels of violence and instability have driven individuals to seek refuge in countries where the safety of lives and property is more guaranteed.

The decision to migrate is complex and comes with potential consequences. On one hand, successful emigration can lead to significant financial gains, better job opportunities, and superior educational prospects for children. On the other hand, it can result in cultural dislocation and initial difficulties in adapting to a new environment, among other challenges. Given these potential outcomes, it is essential to carefully weigh all variables before deciding to leave Nigeria. Factors such as age, educational background, skill set, family size, necessary documentation, financial requirements, and available migration routes must be thoroughly evaluated. The uncertainties inherent in the emigration process might make it less appealing for risk-averse people

With meticulous planning and execution, Japa can lead to the desired outcomes. The initial phase in a new country often presents challenges, requiring resilience, hard work, and appropriate skills to navigate successfully. Many find that their efforts eventually result in an enhanced quality of life and better opportunities for their children. Nonetheless, like any significant life venture, the outcomes of Japa can vary, with some individuals achieving success while others do not.

The increasing trend of emigration has significant implications for Nigeria, particularly in terms of brain drain. Skilled professionals such as doctors, project managers, engineers, and educators leaving the country puts pressure on critical sectors. For example, the healthcare system often faces shortages of qualified doctors due to this trend, which can greatly impact the nation's ability to provide adequate medical care. This loss of talent presents a major challenge to Nigeria's development and its ability to offer quality services to its citizens.

In response to these challenges, the role of the Nigerian government is crucial. To address the reasons driving citizens to emigrate, the government must prioritize improving welfare and security within the country. This involves creating more job opportunities, ensuring the safety of lives and properties, and enhancing the education and healthcare systems, among other measures. Additionally, improving the overall quality of life for Nigerians is essential. By tackling these fundamental issues, the government can reduce the incentives for emigration, encouraging citizens to invest their talents and efforts within Nigeria rather than seeking opportunities abroad.

The phenomenon of Japa is multifaceted, extending beyond the pursuit of economic empowerment to encompass a wide range of motivations, including the quest for safety and better living conditions. Although it seemingly offers the promise of a brighter future, it also brings substantial risks and challenges. Stressing the importance of careful planning and well-informed decision-making is essential for individuals contemplating this course of action. By understanding and addressing the underlying motivations behind Japa, the government can work towards fostering a more stable and prosperous Nigeria, ultimately reducing the drive for mass emigration.

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate  in 2023, Atiku Abubakar, has told federal lawmakers that posterity will not be kind to them if they keep looking away from what he alleged is the “daylight robbery” surrounding the fuel subsidy regime of the Bola Tinubu-led administration.

Atiku also alleged that the Tinubu administration was diverting public funds through petrol subsidy, hence the refusal of the government to reveal how much is being spent on subsidy.

The former vice president was reacting to the Presidency’s debunking of claims that it is making provisions to pay the sum of N5.4trn for fuel subsidy in 2024.

Recalled the minister of finance and coordinating minister of the economy, Wale Edun, had, in an Accelerated Stabilisation and Advancement Plan (ASAP), revealed that the government would be spending up to N5.4 trillion on oil subsidies in 2024.

Meanwhile, The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), reacting also to the presidency’s claim, said the revelation confirmed its stand that the Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) administration is corrupt and deceitful.

The PDP, in a statement by its national publicity secretary Hon Debo Ologunagba, further demanded that the president immediately clear the air and come clean by “personally addressing Nigerians and ordering a public enquiry into the reported N5.4 trillion fuel subsidy under his watch.”

However, Atiku, in his own statement yesterday, said there is a need for the National Assembly to get to the bottom of the matter rather than focusing on frivolous issues.

“The National Assembly needs to be alive to its responsibilities, especially in the area of oversight. Posterity will not be kind to members of the National Assembly if they continue to look the other way while daylight robbery is taking place,” the former Vice President said.

He said the clandestine subsidy regime was one of the reasons investments in the oil sector had refused to come in.

Atiku added, “Tinubu has brought the shady nature of running  Lagos to the federal level. He claims subsidy is gone but his Special Adviser on Energy, Olu Verheijen, says they are intervening from time to time while his Finance Minister, Wale Edun, described subsidy removal as an ‘ongoing process’. A document authored by the Coordinating Minister of the Economy revealing how much subsidy is being paid is now being disowned by the very authors of the document.

“Both the World Bank and the IMF have revealed in separate reports that Nigeria is still paying petrol subsidies, but the Tinubu government refuses to come clean. Even a senior member of the APC had revealed that subsidy was beyond paid.

“For a man who claims to be on a mission to attract foreign direct investment, it is ironic that he cannot see that his policy flip flops and lies are capable of dissuading investors. He must come clean on this subsidy issue since he doubles as petroleum minister. The Tinubu administration should be courageous enough to own their policies and outcome with their full chest and responsible enough to be accountable for their actions to Nigerians.”

Atiku said the denial lends credence that money meant for the Federation Account, which ought to be shared to states and local governments, is being diverted without any form of accountability whatsoever.

 [Leadership]

Arsenal legend, Gilberto Silva, has predicted the Gunners to win the Premier League title next season over Manchester City.

Arsenal finished second position behind leaders Man City in the recently-concluded season.

Mikel Arteta’s side went toe-to-toe with Pep Guardiola’s side in the title race

The Premier League North London club finished the season with 89 points from 38 games, while City scored 91 points.

“It was so close [Arsenal’s Premier League title race with City]. I think, of course, at the end of the season for the players, the manager, everyone, it is a kind of disappointment for being so close and yet so far at points to get it,” Silva told Sky Sports.

“The confidence that you have done great and bounce back next season and do this what they need to do, I am very confident they can do it next season.”

[DailyPost]

A former senator, who represented Kaduna Central, Shehu Sani, yesterday urged the Kaduna State Government to recover all the funds allegedly diverted under the Nasir El-Rufai Administration.

The state House of Assembly accused El-Rufai and his aides of squandering N423 billion in eight years, an allegation the former governor denied.

The House received the report of the ad hoc committee set up to investigate all finances, loans and contracts awarded by the former governor.

The report indicted El-Rufai and many of his commissioners and aides.

Sani said the report vindicated his long-held opinion that there was massive mismanagement of funds by the last administration.

In a post on social media, the Senator stated: “The Kaduna Assembly has done a good job. I wish to congratulate them.

“The next step is to ensure the recovery of our stolen money…

 “For anyone who cared to go through that published report, I don’t know what ‘serving with integrity means’.

“Kaduna was a victim of two types of banditry; the one in our forests and the one in the Government House.

“They left behind estates and malls for their children and left behind a mountain of debt for the children of the poor.”

Sani said the House report vindicated his personal views.

“For eight years, I stood alone telling the people of Kaduna State and the country how our state was systematically looted…

“The people inside and outside the state were deceived with aesthetics and industrial-scale propaganda.

“They wrecked the economy of the state, … destroyed the lives and livelihoods of millions of people and used religion to divide our state.

 “Many politicians in the state were silenced out of fear of arrest, attacks by thugs or having their properties confiscated or demolished. I refused to be silenced.

“The Kaduna Assembly report is a vindication,” Sani said.

El-Rufai denied the allegations, describing the report that indicted him as “jaundiced.”

The House alleged that N423 billion of the state resources was siphoned under El-Rufa’i.

It mandated Governor Uba Sani to refer the former governor and others indicted aides to relevant security agencies for investigation.

Chairman of the ad-hoc committee and Deputy Speaker, Henry Magaji Danjuma, presented the report during plenary on Wednesday.

The report alleged that most of the loans obtained by the El-Rufai Administration were not used for the purpose for which they were secured, while due process was not followed in some cases.

The Speaker, Yusuf Liman, said the past administration’s financial activities left the state with huge liabilities.

The report was adopted and its recommendations were forwarded to the governor for immediate action.

The House alleged that the humongous withdrawals of cash in naira and dollars from the state’s coffers had no supporting records of utilisation.

It further alleged that El-Rufa’i connived with commissioners and heads of parastatals to defraud the state by issuing directives to the Kaduna Public Procurement Agency (KADPPA) to circumvent due process in  payment to contractors.

[TheNation]

The loss of majority in parliament by the African National Congress, ANC in the May 29, 2024 South African elections was a sunset for the continent. It means that the unrepentant Pan Africanist organisation with its vow to the mass of the people and unrepentant commitment to humanity as manifested in its unprecedented war against genocide in Palestine, might be compromised under a coalition.  

The uniqueness of the ANC in   South African and international politics is that it has never really been a political party. Rather, it is an all-comers  movement of people dedicated to freedom and social justice. It is built on a tripod: coalition of people with different ideologies and religions, the South African Communist Party which espouses socialism, and the Congress of South African Trade Unions, COSATU.  The current President Cyril Ramaphosa is from COSATU.

South Africa is an African promise. It rose out of the horizon after one of the bloodiest pages in human history was written not just in the blood of the African people, but also in that of thousands of our Cuban brothers who laid down their lives on our soil. Its struggles for freedom and land and, insistence that all human beings are imbued with the same endowments irrespective of colour or creed, was itself, a    fight for humanity.

The war against Apartheid which pitched humanity against racists and super powers like the United States and United Kingdom, brought out the beast in some and the best in liberation fighters like Chris Hani, Joe Slovo, Ruth First, Solomon Mahlangu and the Mandelas.

Even in their hour of victory, the South African people, under the ANC flag, were never vengeful. What they promised essentially was “a democratic society based on equality, non-racialism and non-sexism (and) a nation built by developing our different cultures, beliefs and languages as a source of our common strength.” Those gave the ANC victory at the polls. What last week, reduced the ANC’s    percentage vote to 40.18 per cent and its majority in parliament to 159 of 400 seats, is its inability to fulfil the other half of its 1994 promise. It was to build “an economy which grows through providing jobs, housing and education (and) a peaceful and secure environment in which people can live without fear.”

The rainbow nation now has a narrow choice. A coalition in which the ANC will have to make quite difficult choices.    

On the inevitable coalition,  the ANC’s National Spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu-Motsiri    informed that:  “The ANC has taken the position that we must all act in the interest of our country and its people, and work on a national consensus on the form of government that is best suited to move South Africa forward at this moment in our history.”

But the practical reality is that this could be a nightmare. The most straight forward, is a coalition with the Democratic Alliance, DA, which polled 21.8 per cent of the votes with 87 seats in parliament. This possible coalition will have 246 seats which automatically, will form government.      But this, literally, will be going to dinner with the Devil. Where the ANC is pro-people with welfare principles, the DA is more like a resurrection of the old ruling class. Where the former is a grassroots movement , the latter is mainly for the middle and upper classes drawing its strength from the old Apartheid ruling mass of Afrikaans. The DA’s origins are in the 1959 Progressive Party    which warned the then    ruling class against continuing    the Apartheid policy.

The next possible alliance is with the new uMkhonto we Sizwe, MK, party  led by former President Jacob Zuma. It was formed just five months to the elections and has caused the greatest upset in the history of the country’s elections. It also drew its support from the normal ANC political base, and is a major reason why the ANC lost its parliamentary majority.    The party with 14.58 per cent    of the votes and 58 seats in parliament, would give the ANC alliance a comfortable 217 seats in the National Assembly. But going into alliance with it could be like the ANC eating the humble pie. The ANC was led by Zuma which forced him to resign as the country’s President in 2018. Zuma has been battered, bruised and imprisoned.  In fact, the Constitutional Court barred him from running for parliament    over a contempt of court    conviction, but he remained on the ballot. Now, he is a king maker and may be in a position to determine    the political future of Ramaphosa as President of the country.

ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula said the ANC would not compromise its principles just to hang on to power: “I think the ANC has many factors to consider in terms of how it forms a government – both the stability of the country at large but also for the sake of having a government that still holds to the values of the ANC that it has long said that it serves.”

If the party is to stick to this principle, then the MK is its best choice of a coalition partner. But then, Zuma might ask for his pound of flesh by making the removal of his arch rival, Ramaphosa, as a condition.

A third option, is like no option: an alliance with the Economic Freedom Fighters, EFF, led by Julius Malema. He was the former ANC Youth Leader who was expelled by the party. If the MK is a radical party, the EFF is left of the MK. The EFF wants the appropriation of lands from the current owners who historically, stole them. It also wants the nationalization of the mines and banks to give economic power to the masses. It garnered 9.52 per cent of the votes and has 37 seats in parliament. A coalition with the ANC will give the alliance 196 seats which would need a broader coalition with a smaller party like the Inkhatha Freedom Party with 17. The problem is that this is essentially an ethnic party of Zulus. The other small party, the    Patriotic Alliance, PA, with nine seats, is a far right, anti-immigration party. Far worse than going to bed with the DA.

The decline of the ANC is not unexpected. When it had the masses and most of the world solidly behind it, its leaders chose to have the political kingdom hoping that the economic kingdom would be added to it. The reality is that to have majority rule with minority control of the economy , is a doomed plan. To have the Black Majority Vote without Black Economic Power, was bound to maintain South Africa’s economic Apartheid system. By the way, Mother Africa, Winnie Mandela, warned us against this, but we never listened.