Two Nigerian nationals and a Texan have been sentenced to federal prison for their involvement in a multi-million dollar tax refund fraud scheme that exploited stolen identities and laundered proceeds through both U.S. and foreign financial institutions.

Acting U.S. Attorney Abe McGlothin, Jr. announced the sentencing of Imafedia Adevokhai, 47, of Alpharetta, Georgia; Osazuwa Peter Okunoghae, 46, of Houston, Texas; and Michael Martin, 52, of Texarkana, Texas, following their guilty pleas in connection with the conspiracy.

Adevokhai, a Nigerian national, pleaded guilty to money laundering on February 15, 2023, and was sentenced on April 2, 2025, to 46 months in federal prison by U.S. District Judge Robert W. Schroeder, III. He was also ordered to pay $90,380.60 in restitution and $3,500 in forfeiture.

Okunoghae, another Nigerian national residing in Houston, received the harshest sentence of the trio — 78 months in federal prison — after pleading guilty to money laundering conspiracy in November 2019.

He was sentenced on January 13, 2022, and ordered to pay $451,117.63 in both restitution and forfeiture.

Martin, the only American among the convicted, pleaded guilty to conspiracy on February 14, 2023. He was sentenced to 18 months in prison on November 21, 2023, and ordered to pay $90,380.60 in restitution and $121,623.41 in forfeiture.

According to court records, the three men were involved in a sophisticated Stolen Identity Refund Fraud (SIRF) operation spanning multiple years. They used personal identifying information from dozens of victims to file fraudulent tax returns totaling nearly $5 million, causing a confirmed loss of over $390,000 to the U.S. Department of Treasury and Internal Revenue Service (IRS).

“The Eastern District of Texas is committed to prosecuting individuals who participate in schemes to steal personal information, prepare and file fraudulent tax returns, and launder the proceeds,” McGlothin said.

IRS Criminal Investigation (IRS-CI) agents uncovered the fraud after tracing a complex network of financial transactions involving multiple U.S. and foreign bank accounts.

Special Agent Christopher J. Altemus Jr., who leads the IRS-CI Dallas Field Office, praised the agency’s investigators, stating, “Their sentences should be a warning to anyone who would try to defraud the U.S. Government or prey on law-abiding taxpayers.”

The investigation revealed that Adevokhai primarily handled the preparation and submission of the fraudulent tax returns, while Okunoghae and Martin focused on laundering the proceeds — transferring funds through various accounts in a bid to obscure the source of the money.

The case dates back to a broader 2019 indictment that included individuals from three U.S. states and others based in Nigeria, pointing to a transnational fraud network.

The case was prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Nathaniel C. Kummerfeld and Sean Taylor.

Federal authorities reiterated that prosecuting SIRF crimes remains a top priority, as such schemes threaten the integrity of the U.S. tax system and drain billions from public coffers.

Vanguard News

There is no denying the fact that President Bola Tinubu has the highest number of media aides in the history of Nigeria, in the same manner his government boasts of the highest number of ministers. However, this cacophony of voices appears to be singing disjointed music, with the songs sounding fragmented, uneven or more like a ‘broken record’, like a former special adviser to former President Muhammadu Buhari on media and publicity, Femi Adesina, is wont to say.

In June 2023, the president appointed Dele Alake, his former commissioner of information during his tenure as Lagos state governor, as special adviser, special duties, communications and strategy, making him the first media aide to the president. Soon after, he was named the minister of solid minerals development, a development sources claimed was orchestrated by a powerful cabal in the villa who did not want Alake to have direct access to the president as his chief spokesperson.

Many Nigerians criticised Alake’s appointment as solid minerals minister because he has no expertise in the sector. However, he later clarified that the president decided to shock Nigerians by not appointing him to the information ministry, which he has a background in, but drafted him to the solid minerals ministry because of his sense of responsibility, expertise, and track record.

Hear him: “My portfolio has been the upset of the entire cabinet because given my antecedents, exposure, and experience in the area of perception, information management, and the likes, so most people have pigeonholed me for information, and so we decided to shock everybody. Now if you all can sit down to analyse the global trend of economic development, you would note that the hydrocarbon – that is, the oil is fading out and the world is moving towards alternatives like gas, electric cars, and the rest. So what is the next economic growth factor? It is solid mineral. Given the nature of this sector to our economic growth and vitality of this country which is dear to the heart of Mr President, it’s just very apt and proper for him to send me here because he knows and trusts that I have a demonstrable sense of responsibility and courage to drive the agenda; that is why I am here. We are going to drive that agenda with the full cooperation of everyone.”

Two years down the line, whether Alake’s impact has been felt in the solid minerals ministry is left for Nigerians to decide.

In July 2023, the president appointed Ajuri Ngelale as his special adviser on media and publicity. In October of the same year, he also appointed Bayo Onanuga, a veteran journalist and one of his close allies, as special adviser on information and strategy. As sources in the villa have confirmed, the young Ngelale, who added the prefix ‘Chief’ to his name, saw Onanuga as a ‘rival wife who had come to share the same husband with him’ while forgetting that while he was working as a media aide to former President Buhari, it was the likes of Onanuga who were receiving social media bullets for the president and following him everywhere during the electioneering campaign. Ngelale, who went into oblivion after he was technically eased out, crawled out of the hole last week to wish the president, whom he described as ‘his father’, a happy 73rd birthday. Like the Yorubas will say, ‘Baba egbe mo oye omo to bi (The father knows the number of his children).

In August, the president also named Muhammed Idris as minister of information and national orientation. Despite occupying such a visible portfolio, the highly reticent Idris, unfortunately, is one of the unknown ministers in the president’s cabinet. Unlike his predecessor, Lai Mohammed, ask many Nigerians who Nigeria’s current minister of information is, and I can bet a lot of people won’t know.

Aside from Onanuga, other members of the president’s media team are Daniel Bwala (Special Adviser, Policy Communication); Sunday Dare (Special Adviser, Media and Public Communications); Tunde Rahman (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Media); Abdulaziz Abdulaziz (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Print Media); O’tega Ogra – (Senior Special Assistant (Digital/New Media); Tope Ajayi – Senior Special Assistant (Media & Public Affairs); Segun Dada (Special Assistant — Social Media); Nosa Asemota – Special Assistant (Visual Communication); Fredrick Nwabufo (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Public Engagement); Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Strategic Communications) and Aliyu Audu (Special Assistant to the President — Public Affairs).

With all these people managing the public image and media affairs of the president, one then begins to wonder why there is still a huge disconnect between the government and Nigerians. Aside from Onanuga, the head of the media and publicity directorate who has been doing a yeoman’s job so far, who else can one pinpoint as speaking for the president? I can’t remember Tunde Rahman granting any interview as a presidential spokesperson; the last time I read about him, he represented the president at the service of songs organised for the late Doyin Okupe in Lagos.

When Daniel Bwala was appointed as special adviser on media and public communications to the president, he claimed he was the official spokesperson to President Tinubu; the presidency issued a statement that the president has no individual spokesperson but all three special advisers – Bayo Onanuga, Sunday Dare and Daniel Bwala – will “collectively serve as spokespersons for the government”. How can you have three special advisers jointly speaking for one president who claims he has implemented the Oronsaye report aimed at cutting the cost of governance? What will Sunday Dare or Bwala say that Onanuga alone can’t say?

Since his redesignation, Bwala, an erudite lawyer, has been trying his best to communicate the policies and reforms of the president to Nigerians. However, many Nigerians hardly take what he says with a pinch of salt, given his antecedents and previous negative remarks about the personality of the president. While he claimed he joined the administration to support President Tinubu in delivering his Renewed Hope promises, many Nigerians see Bwala as a two-faced Janus and sycophant who did a 360-degree turn from his former principal, Atiku Abubakar, after he lost the presidential election.

Of course, you can’t blame Nigerians for not believing anything Bwala says. How can you successfully market a president whom you accused of electoral fraud and certificate forgery? How can you sell the policies of the same president whom you said will fail like his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari? Or didn’t Bwala even say if you give President Tinubu 30 years in office, he will achieve nothing? Only an irredeemable irredentist who is completely bereft of intellect will believe any positive thing such a man now comes back to say about the president.

While President Tinubu has a track record of making fewer enemies and winning even his staunchest critics to his side, not all of them should be appointed as media aides if they agreed to serve in his government. There should be other media units away from the presidency where they can contribute their quota to the development of the nation. The president’s current media team is too unwieldy. Too many cooks spoil the broth.

On a final note, there should be synergy on how the president’s media team will communicate his agenda and policies to the people. As done in the United Kingdom, there should be a chain of command and if possible, approval needs to be sought before commenting on sensitive issues. In this era, people don’t wait for official statements anymore. A social media comment or reply to a post by a media aide can be misconstrued as the official position of the government. This was evident in the case involving Temitope Ajayi in the NYSC saga and Ridwan Ajetunmobi, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s senior special assistant on print media who faced backlash and was suspended for a reply he made to a post on social media.

In driving change, communications specialists, especially media aides to the president need to be diplomatic and sensitive to the people’s needs. A communications professional should understand the mood of the people and what they need before making comments, while also bearing in mind that you can’t please everyone as some people will always find fault no matter how hard you try. A media aide to the president cannot just jump on social media and begin to attack Nigerians, especially the outspoken Gen-Z youths who are feeling the hardship associated with the reforms, even if they describe him in unsavoury terms.

You can’t expect a person who was buying fuel at N187 per litre two years ago but is now buying it at N950 per litre to keep mute; neither can you browbeat a woman who now buys a crate of eggs for N6,500, an item that was N600 less than two years ago? Be empathetic and let the people know that fundamental and sustainable reforms are not easy the world over, but with the right policies and patience, there will be light at the end of the tunnel.

Akinsuyi, former group politics editor of Daily Independent, currently studies sustainability communications at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

The federal government has ordered the management of federal higher institutions to publish their financial data and academic capacity before May 31, 2025.

Tunji Alausa, the minister of education, said all vice-chancellors, rectors, and provosts must provide their annual budgetary allocation, including “their personnel costs, overhead costs, and capital expenditure”.

The minister communicated this directive in a statement signed by Boriowo Folasade, the ministry’s spokesperson.

Alausa mandated school managements to also disclose data around their research grants “from foreign institutions, multilateral organisations, and development partners”.

The statement added that institutions must include the findings received from TETFund.

“The directive further mandates that institutions publish the total value of their endowment fund as recorded at the end of the previous year,” the statement reads in part.

“This figure, which reflects funds donated or invested for the institution’s long-term financial health, must be updated quarterly to ensure currency and transparency.

Alausa asked the institutions to reveal the current population of their undergraduate and postgraduate students to “determine their enrolment and institutional capacity”.

The ministry stated that the information must be presented in a clear, accessible, and user-friendly format before May 31.

“Websites should be structured in a way that allows the public, including parents, students, and stakeholders, to easily locate and understand these data points,” it added.

“All federal institutions are expected to comply fully with this directive and ensure that their websites are completely updated.

Alausa said the ministry will conduct periodic reviews of institutional websites and punish non-compliant institutions.

“This policy is part of a broader reform initiative aimed at strengthening public trust in the nation’s tertiary institutions, enhancing performance-based funding, and improving Nigeria’s global education indices,” he added.

[TheCable]

Football requires unwavering dedication, hard work, and discipline, often leading many players to focus solely on their careers at the expense of education. 

However, some exceptional Nigerian footballers have managed to excel both on the field and in academics, proving that a successful football career and higher education can go hand in hand. 

In this article, we highlight 10 Super Eagles stars who have earned college degrees while competing at the highest level.

1. William Troost-Ekong

As the captain of the Super Eagles, William Troost-Ekong has demonstrated strong leadership under pressure. Beyond his football career, he holds a degree in Business Administration, which has helped shape his leadership qualities on and off the pitch. His commitment to education underscores the importance of balancing academics with professional sports.

2. Kelechi Iheanacho

Affectionately known as “Senior Man” by his Leicester City teammates and fans, Kelechi Iheanacho is not only an influential figure in football but also a degree holder in Business and Marketing from the University of Manchester. 

3. Wilfred Ndidi

A midfield powerhouse for both the Super Eagles and his club, Wilfred Ndidi is more than just an engine on the field. He holds a degree in Business Management Studies, proving that academic excellence and football success can go hand in hand.

4. Leon Balogun

The reliable Super Eagles center-back, Leon Balogun, earned a degree in Social Sciences from Johannes Gutenberg University in Mainz, Germany. His dedication to academics reflects the same drive and determination he exhibits on the pitch.

5. John Ogu

An outstanding midfielder who played a key role in Nigeria’s 2014 FIFA World Cup qualifiers, John Ogu earned a degree in Finance from the National Open University of Nigeria.

6. Oghenekaro Etebo

A seasoned midfielder with experience playing for clubs like Getafe, Galatasaray, and Watford, Oghenekaro Etebo has also excelled academically. He holds a degree in Economics and Development Studies.

7. Taiwo Awoniyi

Currently playing as a striker for Nottingham Forest in the Premier League, Taiwo Awoniyi is actively furthering his education. He is enrolled in a Sporting Directorship course at the Professional Footballers’ Association (PFA) Business School. In addition, he holds a diploma in Business Administration and Marketing Management and is pursuing an online Bachelor of Science degree in Business Administration.

8. Cyriel Dessers

Born to a Belgian father and a Nigerian mother, Cyriel Dessers chose to represent Nigeria at the international level. While playing for OH Leuven’s youth teams, he pursued a Law degree at KU Leuven, demonstrating his commitment to both football and education.

9. Maduka Okoye

The Super Eagles’ third-choice goalkeeper, Maduka Okoye, has a Bachelor’s degree in Educational Management/Economics along with a Higher National Diploma (HND) in Business Administration—an impressive academic achievement alongside his football career.

10. Sone Aluko

Sone Aluko, a former Super Eagles of Nigeria forward, has played for various clubs, including Hull City and Reading. Aluko is known for his skills on the pitch, but he’s also an accomplished scholar with a degree in business management from the University of Houston. 

[TheNation]

A group known as the De Renaissance Patriots Foundation has opposed the reported consideration of former Lagos State Deputy Governor, Femi Pedro, for an ambassadorial position meant to represent Lagos State.

In a statement released on Sunday by its media office, the foundation raised concerns over Pedro’s eligibility for the position, emphasising that he is not an indigene of Lagos State, despite having served as the deputy governor in the past.

The group criticised the ongoing practice of appointing non-indigenes to positions meant for Lagos, which it argued undermines the state’s constitutional rights and the interests of its indigenous people.

The statement read, “It has come to our attention that Femi Pedro is being considered for appointment as an Ambassador representing Lagos State. We strongly oppose this move and urge all well-meaning Lagosians to speak out against it before the appointment is finalised.

“Femi Pedro is not an indigene of Lagos State, regardless of him being ‘appointed’ once as Deputy Governor for whatever reason, favouring the party, and as such should not be presented as a representative of our state in any national or international capacity.

“The continued use of Lagos State’s constitutional quota for non-indigenes is both unjust and unacceptable. We must not allow a repeat of what happened with the recent ministerial appointment, where the true sons and daughters of Lagos State were sidelined in favour of outsiders.”

The foundation stressed that the ambassadorial position is a significant platform that should reflect the voice and heritage of Lagosians.

It contended that Lagos deserves authentic representation at all levels of government, particularly in roles that directly serve the state’s cultural and political aspirations.

The group also pointed to the recent ministerial appointment, which it claimed saw the sidelining of indigenous Lagosians in favour of outsiders, reinforcing their concerns about the marginalisation of the state’s true sons and daughters.

The De Renaissance Patriots Foundation called on political leaders, traditional rulers, community groups, and all concerned citizens to defend the rights of Lagos indigenes.

It urged that Lagos State’s constitutional quota be strictly reserved for qualified indigenes who are deeply connected to the state’s values, culture, and needs.

The group added, “The ambassadorship is a critical platform that should reflect the voice, interest and heritage of Lagos State and its indigenous people. We deserve authentic representation at all levels of government, particularly in appointments that are meant to serve the interests of our state.

“We call on all Lagos-based political leaders, traditional rulers, community associations, and concerned citizens to rise in defence of our rights. We must demand that the Lagos State quota is reserved strictly for qualified indigenes who have lived the Lagos experience and can genuinely represent our culture, values and aspirations.

“This is not just about one nomination; it is about preserving the dignity, identity and rightful place of Lagosians in the national landscape.”

In its final appeal, the foundation urged the Department of State Services and other authorities involved in the screening of ambassadorial nominees to reject Pedro’s nomination, reiterating its commitment to safeguarding the identity and dignity of the people of Lagos.

“Let it be known — we will not remain silent anymore while our state is continually being shortchanged because of political expediency and gerrymandering by those who are determined to keep the indigenes of the state in perpetual servitude in order to achieve their political objectives.

“To this end, we call to the Department of State Services and others involved in the screening of nominees for ambassadorial positions not to screen or confirm Femi Pedro because he is not an indigene of Lagos State,” the statement added.

The Federal Government is currently reviewing potential candidates for diplomatic positions across its 109 missions, 76 embassies, 22 high commissions, and 11 global consulates, according to Sunday PUNCH.

Reliable sources close to the process have disclosed that former Aviation Minister under the Obasanjo administration, Mr. Femi Fani-Kayode, and Pedro are among the nominees.

Sunday PUNCH also learned that the vetting process is not being handled centrally; instead, nominees are instructed to report to the nearest DSS office for their evaluations.

The Federal Government has said that the 14 percent reciprocal tariffs imposed on Nigeria by US President, Donald Trump, has the potential of adversely impacting on Nigeria’s oil and non-oil exports.

The Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Dr. Jumoke Oduwole, stated in a statement, saying that the development could potentially disrupt trade relations and undermine the competitiveness of Nigerian products in the US market, especially in sectors reliant on market access and price competitiveness.

She, however, reiterated the federal government’s commitment to mitigating the impact while accelerating economic diversification.

According to the minister, Nigeria’s exports to the United States have averaged $5–6 billion annually in the last two years.

Oduwole said: “A significant portion of Nigeria’s exports (over 90 per cent ) comprises crude petroleum, mineral fuels, oils, and gas products. The second-largest export category, accounting for approximately 2–3 per cent, includes fertilizers and urea, followed by lead, representing around one per cent of total exports valued at approximately $82 million.

“Nigeria also exports smaller quantities of agricultural products such as live plants, flour, and nuts, which account for less than two per cent of our total exports to the U.S.

“While oil has long dominated Nigeria’s exports to the US, non-oil products, many previously exempt under AGOA, now face potential disruption.

“A new 10 per cent tariff on key categories may impact the competitiveness of Nigerian goods in the U.S. For businesses in the non-oil sector, these measures present destabilising challenges to price competitiveness and market access, especially in emerging and value-added sectors vital to our diversification agenda.”

The minister also noted that smaller businesses, particularly SMEs, that rely on the African Growth and Opportunity Act exemptions would feel the brunt of the new tariff, with rising costs and uncertain buyer commitments likely to make market access even more difficult.

She added, “This development strengthens Nigeria’s resolve to boost its non-oil exports by strengthening quality assurance, control, and traceability in Nigerian exports to meet global standards and improve market acceptance into more economies across the globe.”

[Vanguard]

The Nigeria Police Force has withdrawn its earlier invitation extended to Alhaji Aminu Sanusi in connection with the unfortunate incident that occurred in Kano State during the Sallah celebration on March 30, 2025. The invitation was initially issued to enable Alhaji Sanusi to provide his account of the events that led to the breakdown of law and order in the state.

However, following advice from respected stakeholders and in line with the Inspector-General of Police's commitment to ensuring that policing actions are not politicized or misinterpreted, the IGP has directed that the invitation be withdrawn. Instead, operatives of the Force Intelligence Department (FID) have been mandated on the instructions of the IGP to proceed to Kano to obtain Alhaji Sanusi's statement.

Prior to the Sallah Day celebration, credible intelligence at the disposal of the Police indicated that the two (2) disputed Emirs in Kano State -Alh Ado Bayero and Alh Lamido Sanusi were planning to hold separate Durbar Festivals. The Durbar Festival is a long held tradition which involves a recognized Emir riding on horses around the city in company of his people.

To forestall possible violence, the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, Ph.D., NPM, deployed the Coordinating DIG for the North West who also serves as the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Force Criminal Investigation Department, DIG Abubakar Sadiq, mni , to engage in dialogue with the two disputed Emirs in kano and the Kano State Government. It was mutually agreed that no Durbar Festival would be held to preserve peace and public safety and none of the disputed emirs will ride on horse on Sallah day.

Despite this agreement, Alhaji Aminu Sanusi who had attended the Eid Prayers in his car, decided to mount a horse in a procession after Eid Prayers on Sallah Day, accompanied by local vigilantes. This triggered a confrontation by youths in the community, leading to the tragic death of one Usman Sagiru, and leaving several others injured. A situation which the Force had earlier warned against and intended to avert by the emissaries sent earlier to both Alhaji Sanusi and Alhaji Ado Bayero

The Nigeria Police Force, under the leadership of the Inspector-General of Police, remains resolute in its commitment to conducting its criminal investigation duties with the highest level of professionalism including the investigation of this incident. All individuals found culpable will at the end be brought to justice. To this effect, some arrests have been made prompting invitation to Alhaji Sanusi. The Force also wishes to reiterate that its actions are guided solely by the principles of justice, neutrality, and professionalism.

ACP OLUMUYIWA ADEJOBI, mnipr, mipra, fCAI FORCE PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER FORCE HEADQUARTERS, ABUJA

As he settled in to deliver the judgment of the Edo State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal on 2 April 2025, presiding judge, Wilfred Kpochi, felt obliged to get one ritual out of the way. Glancing left and right, he asked each of his two colleagues on the three-person tribunal to confirm that the judgment he was about to deliver was unanimous. Justice Kpochi only proceeded after each, one to his left and the other to his right, nodded their affirmation.

The judge had good reason for this preliminary ritual. 48 hours before it was due, a leaked document purporting to be the judgment of the tribunal went into circulation. Ahead of judgment day, both leading parties in the electoral contest which had inexorably mutated into a judicial one – the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) – felt compelled to issue duelling statements denouncing the leak and blaming the other for it. The APC claimed that “the PDP leaked a fake judgment, knowing they would lose”, while the PDP “accused the APC of using the leaked fake document to gauge public reaction.” 

The leaked document suggested that the tribunal would deliver a split verdict, with one of the three judges dissenting from the majority of two who were supposed to decide against the petition of the PDP and its candidate, Asue Ighodalo. When, therefore, the presiding judge asked his colleagues to affirm that the judgment was unanimous, he sought to telegraph that tales of the leak of their judgment were unfounded or, in any case, had misdescribed the decision of the tribunal. Instead of a split decision suggested by the leak, this was a unanimous court. 

This was far from the first time that the decision of an election petition tribunal in Nigeria would be foreshadowed by suggestions or allegations of a leak ahead of its delivery. 

At the onset of presidentialism in Nigeria in 1979, the contest between Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and Obafemi Awolowo of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) ended up before the presidential election tribunal. On 20 August 1979, Obafemi Awolowo filed his petition against the declaration of Shehu Shagari as the winner of the election. The following day, military ruler, General Olusegun Obasanjo, invited Atanda Fatayi Williams to the Dodan Barracks (as the seat of government then in Lagos was called) and offered him the office of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). 

Fatayi Williams’ first task was to adjudicate Chief Awolowo’s petition. The military had committed to handing over power on 1 October, a mere 40 days later. General Obasanjo, who was overseeing arrangements for a high profile handover to an elected successor, was anxious to know that the Supreme Court would not torpedo his plans. It was credibly suspected that he received the necessary assurances from his hand-picked CJN well ahead of the judgment.

In March 2008, Action Congress (AC), the party then led by Bola Ahmed Tinubu, vigorously alleged that the outcome of the presidential election petition challenging the announcement of Umaru Musa Yar’Adua of the PDP as the winner of the 2007 presidential election, had leaked. Lai Mohammed, the spokesperson of the party at the time, denounced the leak, proclaiming that the judgment would “not stand the test of time.”

Fifteen years later, as the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal issued a 48-hour notice of the delivery of its judgment on 4 September 2023, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the candidate of the APC, whose announcement on 1 March as the winner of the presidential election was under challenge, departed for New Delhi, India, to attend the G-20 Summit. He arrived in India on 5 September, the day before the judgment, guaranteeing that he was going to be outside the country when the tribunal delivered its judgment. Many people believed that Tinubu travelled to India with the confidence of a man who had been assured ahead of schedule of the outcome that the tribunal would announce the day after he landed in India.

Whether these allegations were true in any specific case is a subject for another day. Far from diminishing over the years, however, credible suspicions of breach of the deliberative confidentiality of judicial decision-making in election disputes and political cases in Nigeria have grown. They enjoy high credulity with the public, an indication of a deep-seated deficit of credibility that now clearly afflicts the business of what judges do in political and electoral disputes in Nigeria.

At the valedictory session of the 9th Senate in June 2023, Adamu Bulkachuwa, the senator for Bauchi North, confirmed suspicions of unconscionably intimate dalliances between judges and politicians when he appreciated his colleagues “whom (sic) have come to me and sought for my help when my wife was the President of the Court of Appeal.” Senator Bulkachuwa did not forget to thank his wife “whose freedom and independence I encroached upon while she was in office…. She has been very tolerant and accepted my encroachment and extended her help to my colleagues.” His wife, Zainab, was President of the Court of Appeal from 2014 to 2020.

For insisting on calling attention to this kind of criminal acccessorisation of judges, Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory who is also a member of Nigeria’s Body of Benchers (BoB), invited the grandees of the BoB who visited him in his office at the end of last month to dispense with basic niceties of process and “punish” me. His 36 minute-long harangue to the old men and women of the BoB who were his guests, was occasionally punctuated with enthusiastic applause belying the average age of the group as well as the kind of undisguised ridicule which they had to endure for both themselves and the institutions of the judicial process in Nigeria. Such cravenness from the leadership of the self-described “body of practitioners of the highest distinction in the legal profession in Nigeria”, bodes ill for judicial credibility and independence. 

As Mr. Wike was busy meeting with them, an advocate who had spent his life campaigning against that tendency took a characteristically unpretentious leave. 

Raised in Agbor, Delta state, by a father who was a high school teacher from Imo State, Joseph Otteh was one of the first two colleagues whom I engaged in the legal directorate of the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO) in Lagos in 1991. He brought tremendous integrity, intellect, and industry to the role, and had remarkable reserves of empathy.

In 1999, Joe founded the group Access to Justice “to work towards rebuilding the institutional credibility of the Nigerian legal and justice system, restoring public faith in its institutions.” He approached that task with both courage and single-mindedness, doing a lot of good along the way.

Joe epitomised the lawyer as a gentleman and professional of civic virtue. On 28 March, he succumbed reportedly to complications from Diabetes, leaving behind an aged mother, wife and three children.

30 years ago, in 1995, Joe authored a defining study of the customary court system in the 17 states of southern Nigeria under the title The Fading Lights of Justice. As an advocate, Joseph Otteh did his utmost to ensure that those lights were kept aflame. That title could only have come from a man who was well ahead of his time and had the acuity to see the future. The Heavens will be enriched by the acquisition of this incredible angel. 

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 

The Nigeria Police Force has warned against a planned nationwide protest coinciding with the National Police Day celebration on April 7.

Take-It-Back (TIB) movement had announced a nationwide protest scheduled for April 7, 2025

Juwon Sanyaolu, national coordinator of TIB, said the core demands of the protesters include the repeal of the cybercrime act and the end of emergency rule in Rivers state, which the group described as a “form of military dictatorship under President Bola Tinubu’s administration”.

However, a statement on Sunday by Muyiwa Adejobi, force public relations officer, questioned the motive behind the protest, describing it as “ill-timed and mischievous”.

“While not against the exercise of citizens right to peaceful assembly and association in Nigeria as enshrined in the Constitution, the Nigeria Police Force is deeply concerned about the motive behind such protest scheduled on the same day the contributions of the Nigeria Police Force to national security is to be celebrated, putting into consideration that such glamorous event would bring together dignitaries from all spheres of life both internationally and within the country, including Foreign Inspectors-General of Police and Diplomats,” the statement reads.

The police urged the organisers to shelve the planned protest and encouraged them to dialogue with relevant government institutions.

“The Nigeria Police Force, under the leadership of the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, Ph.D., NPM, while reaffirming the commitment of the NPF to adequately carrying out its mandate in accordance with the Law and respect for rights of citizens, hereby, urges all the organizers of the planned protest as well as individuals who intend to join the protest to pursue dialogue by engaging the proper institution of government to press home their demands,” the statement added.

[TheCable]

The new directors of NNPCL appointed by President Bola Tinubu last week has been widely welcomed by Nigeria’s oil industry chieftains and analysts for their cognate experience and impressive private sector background, but they are taking over a corporation buffeted by chronic political problems and unethical business practices. These directors are from the other side of the table, as they had been dealing with NNPCL while they were in the leadership of some of the subsidiaries of the IOCs in Nigeria. The new board chairman, Ahmadu Musa Kida, rose in the industry to become Total Nigeria’s Deputy Managing Director of Deep Water Services in 2015. Last year, he became the an independent non executive director at Pan Ocean-Newcross Group. Bayo Ojulari, the new Group CEO, was until his appointment Executive Vice President and COO of Renaissance Africa Energy Company. The Renaissance Group recently led a consortium of indigenous energy firms in the landmark acquisition of the entire equity holding in the Shell Nigeria worth $2.4 billion. I wrote an article on this transaction in January titled ‘’The exit of Shell’’. Ojulari himself is a Shell veteran, just as all other board members have worked at senior levels at other IOCs.  

 They are therefore well informed about the deficiencies of NNPCL and are well equipped technically to turn it around into another IOC, or a semblance of it. They can bring the best practices in the IOCs to bear on NNPCL. But they will have to overcome political interferences; opaque organizational culture; chronic industry problems and huge corruption, among many other typically Nigerian challenges. Here are a few of the problems they will face. Here are a few of them:

1) The Upstream sector

a) Oil theft is a major problem and the new board will face many obstacles as it tries to fight it. Every barrel of crude oil must end up in one refinery somewhere in the world. The crude oil stolen from Nigeria is not refined in Nigeria. The refineries that buy them must know where the crude came from. Therefore, the syndicates stealing the Nigerian crude oil must be known within the Nigerian and global intelligence community. The new NNPCL Board members have worked with Shell (HQ in London), ExxonMobil (HQ in USA) and Total (France). The home country intelligence networks of these IOCs do know how these thefts have been perpetuated over the years in the Niger Delta and the offshore oilfields. Since these new Board members have worked at the highest level in the Nigerian subsidiary of these IOCs, they can seek help from their HQs on how to identify, name and shame the thieves thereby undermining their network. Of course, the Board has to have the support of the Presidency for this move.

b) Professionalize the Exploration and production arm of NNPCL, called NNPC E&P Limited (NEPL), formerly NPDC: For a long time now, NEPL (formerly NPDC) has been outsourcing the funding and development of its freely assigned oilfields to third parties, thus denying itself the opportunities to develop and retain corporate competencies and professionalism in-house. NPDC (NEPL) was meant to be the National Oil Company (NOC) of Nigeria, like Statoil of Norway (now called Equinor); Petronas of Malaysia; Petrobras of Brazil; Pemex of Mexico and others of Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Oman, Brunei, etc. It is not late for the new Board to position NEPL to fund, develop and operate their Nigerian oilfields competently as there are many Nigerians in-country and in Diaspora who could be brought in to run the organization efficiently and professionally. The new Board members were at the leadership of successfully operated IOC subsidiaries in Nigeria. Therefore, they have the operational template they can deploy in NEPL. If Equinor of Norway can succeed, with many Nigerians working there, then NEPL can as well.

c) Transparency of crude oil and natural gas sales: The current opaqueness in the crude oil sales should be stopped. The opacity is at almost every facet of the business. Even Finance Commissioners of the Niger Delta States do not understand how their states’ share of the 13% derivation is calculated. They do not even have the data on which the payments are calculated and paid. Therefore, the new Board should ensure that the federation’s share of the revenue is accessible to the federating units without them depending on the Freedom of Information request.  

d) Simply meet the funding obligations NNPCL has with their JV operators: Nigeria (NNPCL) has been a laughingstock in the global Oil Industry for not paying their 55% to 60% share for funding JV operations, yet would be the first to take their share of the JV production. The Board should simply do the right thing. Pay up NNPCL’s share of funds and then earn its share of the produced crude oil and gas.

e) Expedite the Contracting processes: Currently it takes about two years to go through the contract award process for major projects that require NNPCL’s approval. The new Board knows how major contracts are awarded in the home country of the IOCs. They should implement such best practice in NNPCL, with recognition of local peculiarities.

f) Merit-based hiring at NNPCL: During the eight years of President Buhari as the Minister of Petroleum, the ‘northernization’ of NNPCL in many aspects was brazen. Going forward, an annual performance review of the employees should be done and the bottom 5% let go and replaced, if necessary. New recruitments should be transparent and merit-based.

g) Endless search for hydrocarbon in Northern Nigeria

Since the 1970s, NNPCL has been exploring for oil and gas in the northern part of Nigeria. There is no IOC that will continuously spend its money for more than 50 years on exploration in a particular area and despite no commercial find, continue investing more money on such fruitless search. Since the new Directors are from IOCs, let them be bold enough to stop throwing good money into these fruitless explorations. If for political reasons the searches must continue in the northern oilfields, NUPRC can award those oil blocks to private companies on a Production Sharing Contract (PSC) basis. The private companies can then take the risk and share the production with the Federation, upon success. The money saved can be used to buy shares in oilfields outside Nigeria, as done by successful NOCs in Nigerian oil fields.

To buttress the point, let’s recall that during Mele Kyari’s tenure, there was a huge song and dance about the discovery of one billion barrels of crude oil and 500 billion cubic feet of gas in Kolmani oilfield in Alkaleri, Bauchi State. Even President Buhari, in November 2022, had to perform an official inauguration of the Kolmani Development Project where an oil refinery of 120,000 bpd, a gas processing site of 500 million cubic feet per day and a 300 MW power plant were all to be built with the US$3 Billion fund already sourced. About three years after, where are the projects? It is an open secret that doubts exist within the subsurface community of the Nigerian Oil Industry about such quantity of hydrocarbon being discovered since there has been no public declaration of the length of the pay sand encountered and at what depth, as is the standard industry publication when new discoveries are made. That same Kolmani Oil field was abandoned by Shell in the late 1990s when it could not make any commercial find. So, NNPCL should cut the losses by stopping frontier exploration up north. 

2) Midstream Sector

a) Pipelines to Refineries: Pipelines carrying crude oil to refineries have been vandalized for many years now. No matter how deep a replacement pipeline would be buried, when there is a will to puncture it, it will be punctured. Therefore, the new Board should adequately and appropriately motivate every community a pipeline passes through to protect it against vandalism. The Board members have been dealing with communities their entire career, so they are now in a position to delight the oil communities in a way their IOCs or NNPCL did not allow them to.

b) Pipelines from Refineries to Depots: Back in the 70s, there was a functioning pipeline network carrying various petroleum products from the various refineries to oil product depots situated at various cities across the country. With the depots not being in use for many years, the Board should should prioritize the reactivation of these pipelines and, again, motivate the communities to protect them all across the country.

c) The challenge of crude oil supply to Kaduna Refinery: The Kaduna refinery's only source of crude oil is one single oil pipeline that runs from NNPC Terminal at the Atlantic Ocean located beside Chevron's Escravos Terminal, all the way to Kaduna. With that pipeline not in use for many years, there is a high possibility that it has been harvested just like other unused pipelines in the country. Therefore, even if Kaduna refinery is refurbished, replacement of that single source pipeline to feed the refinery with its raw material will be a financial challenge. We note that the AKK pipeline is yet to be completed. How more difficult will it be to lay a new pipeline through the Niger Delta swamp and the dry land to Kaduna. The Board should have a critical look at how to revamp the Escravos-Kaduna pipeline, if possible.

3) Downstream

a) Government-owned refineries: The four government-owned refineries are not functioning; not operable and more importantly, without secured pipelines to feed them with their raw material – crude oil. NNPCL has tried to bring those refineries back to life to no avail, despite having a full retinue of staff on the payroll for each of the four refineries. Furthermore, these refineries are at least 45 years old. Without the appropriate maintenance and repairs over these years, they have come to the end of their technical life. No amount of money thrown into bringing an idle 45-year old refinery back into production will achieve the purpose. The Board should simply sell off all the existing refineries and allow private companies to seize the business opportunity of keeping the country wet.

b) Petrol Stations: NNPCL should not spend its money building and operating petrol stations for one simple reason: The petrol station attendants will expect to be paid the full NNPCL salaries and allowances. Rather, NNPCL should dispose of all its petrol stations to third parties who will continue to operate the stations under the NNPCL brand without the NNPCL carrying the operational cost on its balance sheet.