(Address delivered on 8th October 2024 at the 54th Annual Conference of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria at Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja).

I sincerely appreciate the immense honour and special privilege accorded me as the Chairman of the Plenary I Session of the 54th Annual Accountants Conference of our beloved Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria [ICAN].

Please permit me to congratulate most heartily Chief Davidson Chizuoke S. Alaribe FCA, the freshly cut Diamond President of ICAN on his elevation to the position of Commander-In-Chief of Chartered Accountants in Nigeria and the diaspora. We cannot fault his choice of “GOVERNANCE REIMAGINED : MAPPING THE FUTURE” as the theme of this year’s conference.

To crown it all we have as the presenter of the lead paper the cerebral and feisty Governor of Abia State, His Excellency Dr. Alex Otti, OFR whose state was recently declared number one in the WAEC (West African Examination Council) ranking in terms of performance amongst the thirty-six State of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory. He certainly deserves a resounding round of applause for this most commendable achievement within his first year in office.

As Chartered Accountants, we are entitled to request confirmation/verification regarding the following report which made the front page of several newspapers and has gone viral on social media.

Headline: “ALEX OTTI VOWS TO SHOCK NIGERIANS:

   EXPOSES GOVERNORS AS THIEVES AND PROMISES

   ACCOUNTABILITY”

Perhaps that was what prompted Chief Alaribe to immediately dispatch an invitation to the Guest Speaker. Having whetted our appetite, what followed was the main course:

“I have not done 5 per cent of the 100 per cent plans I have for Aba. I am here to shock Nigerians and tell them their Governors are all thieves and by the time I am done working, you will stone your Governors anywhere you see him. Hold your governors accountable. The President is doing what he is supposed to be doing. I give him kudos. He is not our problem in Nigeria but we, the governors.”

At this juncture, I believe I am entitled to issue a disclaimer and seek the protection of other Past Presidents of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria. They are here in large numbers and the Chairman of the Body of Past Presidents, Sir Herbert A. Agbebiyi FCA has assured me of diplomatic immunity provided I stick to the title of my own address:

“THE NATION IS WAITING FOR A CEASEFIRE.”

Indeed, we are at a critical intersection of our nation’s trajectory. Some of our most eminent Chartered Accountants as well as profoundly engaging economists and brilliant political scientists insist that we are actually at the brink. Hence, we must exercise sound judgement re-inforced with a delicate balancing act. Our financial architecture is in a shambles and requires urgent re-engineering. The figures simply do not add up !!

Our Nation is clearly in crisis. Rage and distemper have engulfed our country while bandits, kidnappers, fraudsters, rapists, looters, money-launderers, and arsonists hold sway. Yet, considering the intellectual endowments of our fellow citizens (starting with the nearly seven thousand Chartered Accountants who are attending this conference physically or virtually) and the enormous natural (and unnatural !!) resources which the Almighty has lavished on us – oil and gas; gold; diamond, Lead/Zinc, Limestone, Salt, Cassiterite, Clay, Dolomite, Marble & Tantalite, Bentonite, Gypsium, Kaolin & Magnesite, Lignite, Uranium, we have no business with poverty, hunger, ignorance, deprivation, homelessness and hopelessness. We have not even factored into the

equation our vast arable land and abundant water resources as well as glorious sunshine for most of the year. Freezing cold, monsoons, hurricanes, and tsunami are not our portion.

Sadly, the recent floods in Maiduguri have wreaked havoc and led to loss of thousands of lives and devasted property which would cost billions to replace.

We are confronted with erratic data and indexes combined with intimidating climate change and perplexing algorithms.

Perhaps the intercession of a ceasefire will provide us with the breathing space and respite to reflect on the gravity of our situation. Our first hurdle is our massive bust deficit – between the Governors/rulers; and between Chartered Accountants and their clients. It is an enigmatic quadratic equation. Our salvation may well lie in our culture and history which would galvanize us on the path to restoration of mutual respect; service to our nation (which resonates with our National Anthem and the school song of King’s College, Lagos); law and order anchored on justice; and gender equality. These are the irreducible minimum as we contend with ethnic strive and religious bigotry.

At the recently concluded United Nations General Assembly (……….to September 2024, His Excellency President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR delivered a passionate plea for Debt Forgiveness. Our fervent hope is that the forgiveness will not come too late. We must also work assiduously in preparation for the awkward question that would be inevitably be asked as well as our own arsenal of documentary frauds going back several decades – with Nigeria as the victim.

We must not underestimate the eloquence or gravity of a ceasefire. It comes with a genuine desire and commitment to restore justice based on conviction and reconciliation together with justice.

Here is the continuation of “CHARTERED ACCOUNTANTS VERSUS ECONOMISTS” to the subject matter.

“Is it true you were once a Catholic?

No! People make mistakes. I attended a Roman Catholic school, St Aquinas College Akure, just like College of Immaculate Conception, CIC, here in Enugu. If somebody attends CIC, must he be a Roman Catholic? But you find that it was made compulsory for everybody to behave like a Roman Catholic and because of my attitude and way of life, I speak Latin, the Irish Fathers loved me and so they put me in charge of the Sacristy.

At that time, I was serving Mass, we were all made to attend the chapel, whether you are a Roman Catholic or not, it was compulsory. So, I was influenced a bit by the Roman Catholic doctrine, which was an eye-opener and my father therefore said why don’t I become a reverend father because of the way I served Mass and followed the reverend fathers for evangelism.

My father wanted me to be a lawyer and some people wanted me to be a Reverend Father. I started teaching, from teaching I was to read law in the University of Ife but I went into Theology because during the civil war I was one of those that would have been killed in the Asaba genocide but God saved my life.

In 1967 I was to be killed among those that were killed but God saved my life. When they were shooting, I fell down and in the night I escaped. So, I experienced the genocide of the Nigeria civil war. I saw war with my eyes, I saw blood with my eyes, and it was a serious genocide. Innocent people in my Asaba area were killed for nothing except that we were ‘Ajukwu’ brothers (Ojukwu brothers), that was what they were saying. My father’s first house in Asaba was burnt down, many of our houses were burnt, many of our relatives were burnt, many of our kindred were killed unnecessarily and many of our women were forcefully married by the soldiers. It was such a terrible thing that when I remember it I shed tears especially when they are doing Armed Forces Remembrance Day.

I feel that Nigeria still has to apologize to the Asaba people and to the Eastern part of Nigeria for the genocide and war. That was the reason I said that January 15, which is my birthday, Nigeria should be celebrating it as a day of mourning and forgiveness, asking God for forgiveness and thanksgiving for the end of the war. Remember that in the Bible when God destroyed the world with water Noah prayed to God and he stopped the war of water and Noah praised and thanked God for it. So if war has ended we should be able to say father thank you for the war that ended but rather than doing it what you see now is selectiveness against the Igbo. We are being neglected, sidelined and nobody is thinking about what we suffered during the civil war. This is unfortunate and I feel that President Bola Tinubu, if they could do something to MKO Abiola and honour him, the people of Asaba should be honoured with a day of forgiveness, thanksgiving and then a lot of things should be done in memory and compensation for the Eastern part of Nigeria for the civil war.

How did the Asaba genocide actually happen?

The Nigerian soldiers were to cross the River Niger and when they came they couldn’t cross. They said there was a goddess in the River called Onishee who would come out and their boat would sink because at that time the bridge had collapsed. So, the soldiers got angry and said that there were some Biafran soldiers among us. In fact, they separated us, I was about 14 years. They separated the women and said that all of us, the male, should be lined up and killed. In the course of the shooting I fell down and corpses fell on me. That was how I escaped.

When I spoke Yoruba, one of the soldiers said ‘are you a Yoruba man?’ And I said yes and that was how they rescued me. The soldiers were tall, we called them Gongola, gwodogwodo! Some of them said it was because of Chukwuma Nzeogwu, who was not from Asaba really, he was from Ika Ibo, but they still dealt with us and that’s unfortunate. To God be the glory we survived.

What do you think is the reason General Yakubu Gowon is yet to say anything about the civil war?

Gowon is very apologetic and that was why he started Nigeria Prays and we have to commend him for that. That Nigeria Prays was to revive the spirit of the people back from the civil war and to reconcile people back to God and to go on with one Nigeria.”

Another illustration of the need for ceasefire as a pre-requisite for:

 “GOVERNANCE REIMAGINED : MAPPING THE FUTURE”

Is provided by the following vignette courtesy of Festus Adedayo of “Sunday Tribune” newspaper.

“In 2019, investigative journalist Fisayo Soyombo, adopting the pseudonym, Ojo Olajumoke, spent five days in a police cell and eight days as an inmate in Ikoyi Prison. It was in the bid to crack corruption in Nigeria’s criminal justice system. There was no single whimper from the Nigerian establishment (including the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria !!). After Soyombo’s arrest and detention in police custody, he was arraigned in court and ultimately got a remand in prison. He emerged with very distressing stories of illegitimate arrests, extrajudicial killings, bribery and corruption and a criminal justice system that is in a sorry case. He even claimed that a prison official asked him for money to remove his name from jailbirds’ roster.”

Yet another case in point was the order by a then military Head of State that university lecturers and professors who were about to launch a protest against their salaries and conditions of service should vacate staff quarters/accommodation provided by the universities. The consequences were disastrous. The lecturers and professors were running helter skelter. It has not occurred to them that they needed to own their own houses. Some ended up squatting (along with their families) with friends (sometimes in their Boys’ Quarters which were meant for their domestic staff). Others resigned to take up lucrative jobs in Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, Britain and United States of America. The brain drain was massive. It heralded the “JAPA” syndrome – exodus of critical manpower.

I suspect that the older generation of Chartered Accountants in our midst would readily recall that in year 2000, the Nigerian Government budgeted the hefty sum of N10 billion in anticipation of the threat that at the stroke of midnight on 31st December 2000, all computers would cease to function !! It was going to be an apocalypse of monumental dimensions. Actually, 31st December 2000 came and went seamlessly. Nothing happened. To the best of my knowledge, nobody was ever asked to account for the N10 billion booty and the frantic sharing of money that preceded the non-event.

As matters stand, the hornet’s nest has been stirred. Chartered Accountants are sufficiently concerned and energized (without relying on steroids). It is time to turn a new chapter. To the more discerning, the crisis within our own profession are as myriad as those bedeviling our nation. Hence, we must not only get our priorities right, we must tread carefully – with cautions optimism as our guidepost. It was not so long ago that the Minister of Finance (Chief A.A. Ani); Governor of Central Bank (Mr. Paul Ogwuma; and Chief Joseph O. Sanusi); Minister of Industries (Chief Kola B. Jamodu); and Head of (civil) Service (Mr. Steve O. Oronsaye) and the Director-General of Budget and Planning (Pastor Ken Akabueze) were all Chartered Accountants. The power structure and influence landscape have undergone change that is almost beyond recognition. If we are not careful Chartered Accountants would be pushed to the middle rank or right to the back of the surging queue. Clearly, we have lost a lot of ground.

In seeking restitution or redress, we must adhere to the ethics of our profession and our commitment to the enduring principles of accuracy and integrity within the ambit of “true and fair.” What stares us in the face are harsh realities. More and more of our members are in distress.

Many are merely surviving as best as they can while others settle for menial jobs (e.g. as cab or Uber drivers). On a recent trip to London, the guy who checked me in at the check-in desk was a Chartered Accountant !!. There is not enough time or space to dwell on the plight of Chartered Accountants who are in practice but are forced to accept meagre fees for their professional services at a time when inflation is officially34 per cent and the exchange rate of the naira has nose-dived.

No matter how pushed to the wall we are, we must remain steadfast and faithful to the tradition of our noble profession. We are the conscience of the nation. If there is any iota of doubt, the least we can do is call for a CEASEFIRE.

When debt service escalates to 96 per cent of revenue and is four times what we are spending on education or health, ordinary folks (our fellow citizens) are entitled to ask what future are the Chartered Accountants postulating about at their conference. We shall soon find out.

When Major-General Muhammadu Buhari overthrew the elected civilian administration of President Shehu Shagari on the last day of 1983, he inherited an economy in a mess and a political system in turmoil. That crisis of a dysfunctional political economy was Buhari’s principal reason for sacking the Shagari administration.

For Buhari, Nigeria’s crisis of balance of payments was the result of two things: indiscipline and economic crimes. His answer to the former was a War against Indiscipline (WAI), a catch-all acronym for everything from instilling a queue culture in the population to capital punishment for drug suspects. Turning to the latter, General Buhari invented a very capacious category of economic sabotage. Those arrested for these did not necessarily have to suffer a predictable judicial ritual.

In 1984, the Buhari regime ordered the detention of five citizens of Taiwan arrested by the officers of the Customs Service who caught them in possession of blank attested and proforma invoices for goods supposedly imported into Nigeria. One of the arrested persons was known as Wang Chin-Yao. They were supposedly involved in economic sabotage of the country which was meant to be a crime. Rather than charge them with a crime known to the law, however, the regime arranged to have them locked up in administrative detention under the State Security (Detention of Persons) Decree No. 2 of 1984. Under this decree, a detention certificate issued by the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters was enough to lock a person away interminably. Among its features, the decree precluded courts from inquiring into anything concerning the detention of persons held under its authority.

Fearing interminable detention, Wang Chin-Yao and his compatriots sued the Chief of Staff in the hope that the court could pronounce on the lawfulness of their detention, but the High Court chose to emulate the Biblical Pontius Pilate and decided that the decree under which they were held precluded it from questioning the detentions. On All Fools Day (1 April) in 1985, the Court of Appeal decided their appeal against the decision of the High Court. In a judgment delivered by Phillip Adenekan Ademola, the Court of Appeal affirmed the ruling of the High Court. Adenekan Ademola, whose father was the first indigenous Chief Justice of Nigeria, stated his reasons with flamboyant economy holding “that on the question of civil liberties, the law courts of Nigeria must as of now blow muted trumpets.”

These words were to prove exceedingly corrosive in their effect on judicial imagination under the military. A mere three years after this judgment by Adenekan Ademola, his bosom friend and Sarkin Wurno, Shehu Malami, became the subject of considerable interest by the security services of the military government when he threw his hat into the ring to become the 18th Sultan of Sokoto at the death of Sultan Siddiq Abubakar III.

It was impossible to find a court without its own muted trumpet. The muted trumpets of the courts enabled the abuses that ultimately made military rule untenable and brought about its demise one decade later.

The hope - with the end of military rule - was that the return of the country to government with electoral legitimacy would unleash the civic imagination of Nigerians.

In the run-up to Nigeria’s presidential elections of 2023, part of the claim made in favour of the man whom the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) eventually anointed as president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, was that he had fought the excesses of military rule as a chieftain of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), a pro-democracy collective, many of whose leading members were exiled during the last half-decade of military rule in Nigeria. It is natural to expect that the government of a man with those credentials would be a paradise for the kinds of rights for which he reputedly took the military to task.

The reality has been anything but…. The government of Bola Ahmed Tinubu has instead become the graveyard of freedoms of expression and association and of the right to protest in Nigeria and it is only just a little over 15 months in power. The numbers are there to prove it.

In the first year of the Tinubu administration, the Press Attack Tracker recorded 37 incidents of attacks against journalists and the press. The first five months of 2024 alone witnessed 27 such attacks. For comparison, advocacy organization, Global Rights, which monitored similar patterns under the Buhari regime recorded 189 journalists arrested, detained or harassed over the eight years of the Buhari administration. At the current pace, the Tinubu regime of NADECO graduates will by the end of its second year easily eclipse the record of the entire Buhari administration in press freedom violations over its eight years of existence.

At the end of August 2024, Bola Tinubu’s Nigeria comfortably topped the league table of attacks on journalists in Africa with over 76 recorded incidents of attacks against journalists, beating Somalia (with 18 attacks) into second place, with Congo DRC a distant third with five incidents.

These numbers only provide a peek into a more troubling pattern. Last month, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported “at least 56 journalists who were assaulted or harassed by security forces or unidentified citizens while covering the #EndBadGovernance demonstrations in Nigeria.” The “unidentified citizens” who were involved in some of these attacks mostly conducted themselves in ways which suggested that they were agents or emissaries of the ruling party or government.

The #EndBadGovernance protest and its aftermath have been a squalid advertisement of the illiberal credentials of the Tinubu Government. After failing to intimidate citizens out of the protest, the administration resorted to third-degree methods to squash it. It arrested thousands of citizens whose only crime was peaceful expression of dissent, instructed the freezing of the accounts of persons and groups whom it claimed to be organisers of the protests, and procured suspicious court orders to unsafely kettle and intimidate the protesters. Security forces killed at least 13 protesters although the real casualty count is thought to be well north of this number.

Not content with these, the government arranged in Abuja to charge many of the protesters with treason or conspiracy to commit treason. Campaigners at Human Rights Watch have rightly pointed out that this signals the extent of the regime’s “intolerance for dissent.” The significance of these charges goes well beyond this, however. The charges of treason for the #EndBadGovernance protesters are designed to intimate any wannabe protesters. They are also a dog whistle for the judges before whom these protesters are charged to treat them as beyond the pale and beneath the law.

The judges are listening. At the trial before the Federal High Court in Abuja, the court eventually granted the protesters bail on rather stringent conditions. Citizen groups are now working hard to socialize the costs of meeting these conditions. Lawyers for the government meanwhile go around intimidating the courts with specious reasons as to why protest has become treason under the government of a serial protester.

Nearly 40 years ago, when the son of a former Chief Justice of Nigeria told judges to blow muted trumpets on questions of civil liberties, there was an assumption that the judges were capable of doing differently. Now and again many of them indeed served the soldiers with a judicial bloody nose. Today, that capacity no longer exists. Nigerian courts no longer want to be associated with any trumpets, not even muted ones, lest they inadvertently let out some judicial sound.

Instead, many courts, under the thumb of their Chiefs or administrative judges have become enablers of the authoritarian instincts of the government of NADECO veterans. When the security services invade the offices of advocacy organization, SERAP; or interdict the passport of Omoyele Sowore at the airport, they don’t even contemplate the existence of judges capable of playing Pontius Pilate. For them, the courts no longer exist. That is some progress!

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Electricity is the backbone of any modern economy, fueling innovation, industry, and social development. Across Africa, countries such as Ghana, South Africa, Egypt, and Kenya have managed to provide their citizens with more regular and affordable electricity, creating an environment where businesses thrive, and homes function without the worry of frequent power outages or exorbitant costs. These nations have set an example of what is possible when a country’s energy sector is properly managed and maintained.

Nigeria, with its massive population and wealth of natural resources, should have been one of the first to achieve this feat. Yet, despite its potential, Nigeria remains stuck in an energy crisis that leaves much to be desired. Ostensibly to catch up with some African countries which offer regular and affordable electricity to their citizens, Nigeria has in recent months introduced a new electricity tariff structure, with bands such as A, B, and C, resulting in more consistent power supply. However, this has come at a high cost, as affordability has become a pressing concern for many consumers.

This begs the question: “If smaller African nations with fewer resources have achieved affordable and regular electricity, why has Nigeria, the giant of Africa, failed to do the same?”

For instance, Ghana is often hailed as one of Africa’s success stories in electricity provision. After undergoing severe power crises in the past, the country implemented structural reforms that have significantly improved its electricity generation and distribution. Ghana has invested heavily in its energy sector, diversifying its energy sources to include hydropower, natural gas, and solar power. Today, the country boasts one of the most reliable electricity grids in West Africa, with over 85% of its population having access to electricity.

More impressively, the cost of electricity in Ghana remains relatively affordable compared to Nigeria. This is because of the government’s proactive approach in subsidizing electricity for lower-income households while ensuring a consistent supply. The Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) also ensures transparency and accountability in its operations, which helps to maintain consumer trust.

In a similar vein, Kenya has emerged as a leader in renewable energy, making significant strides in achieving regular and affordable electricity for its citizens. The East African nation has focused on geothermal energy, which accounts for over 45% of its electricity generation. Kenya’s investment in renewable energy has not only improved the reliability of electricity supply but has also driven down costs, making it one of the most affordable in Africa.

In rural areas, the government has implemented off-grid solar systems to ensure that even remote communities can access power. This strategic approach to energy diversification has allowed Kenya to achieve almost 80% electricity coverage, with the goal of reaching 100% by 2030. As a result, Kenya has become a benchmark for other African nations, including Nigeria that are struggling with electricity provision.

While South Africa is currently experiencing electricity challenges due to aging infrastructure and the country’s reliance on coal, it remains one of the few African countries that has historically provided affordable and regular electricity. For decades, South Africa’s electricity system was one of the most robust on the continent, delivering power to over 85% of its population at relatively low costs.

Despite recent issues with load shedding, South Africa’s state-owned utility, Eskom, still manages to keep electricity rates affordable for most citizens. The South African government is now working to diversify its energy sources by investing in renewables like solar and wind power to ensure that its citizens can continue to enjoy affordable and regular electricity in the future.

Egypt is another African country that has made remarkable strides in its energy sector. The North African giant invested billions of dollars into modernizing its power grid, which includes one of the largest solar parks in the world at Benban. Egypt has also successfully reformed its energy pricing system, ensuring that electricity remains affordable for its citizens.

In addition to modernizing its infrastructure, Egypt has reduced energy subsidies over time in a way that balances affordability with sustainability. This ensures that while the government reduces its financial burden, the cost of electricity remains within reach for both households and businesses. Egypt’s commitment to renewable energy has not only made it a leader in Africa but has also helped stabilize its electricity supply, achieving almost universal access.

Nigeria’s electricity sector tells a starkly different story. Despite being Africa’s largest economy and boasting enormous reserves of oil and natural gas, the country has struggled for decades to provide stable and affordable electricity to its citizens. The introduction of tariff bands like A, B, and C has led to more consistent supply for some areas, but this improvement has been overshadowed by soaring costs, which have made electricity unaffordable for many Nigerians.

Given the foregoing situation in Nigeria’s energy sector, not a few people have commented that the reasons for Nigeria’s ongoing electricity woes are multifaceted, blaming the country for so much dependency on fossil fuels. Their reasoning cannot in any way be faulted as it is crystal clear that Nigeria’s heavy reliance on natural gas and fossil fuels for electricity generation makes the country vulnerable to fluctuations in global energy prices. When the price of gas rises, so does the cost of electricity generation, leading to higher tariffs for consumers. This reliance on a single source of energy also limits Nigeria’s ability to diversify and stabilize its energy supply.

Also been mentioned for the umpteenth times as one of the reasons for poor and costly electricity supply is poor Infrastructure. The foregoing view can be buttressed against the backdrop of the outdated power infrastructure in the country; even as the infrastructure is poorly maintained leading to frequent breakdowns and inefficiencies. In fact, transmission and distribution networks are plagued with energy losses, which further contribute to the high cost of electricity. Without significant investment in upgrading these systems, Nigeria will continue to struggle with both regularity and affordability.

In fact, not a few people’s views have either being read or heard in the media saying that corruption has been a major stumbling block in Nigeria’s energy sector. As gathered, they often say that the privatization of the power sector, which was meant to bring about efficiency and improvement, has been hampered by vested interests and mismanagement, resulting to a system where power distribution companies (DisCos) often underperform, leaving consumers with erratic service at exorbitant prices.

For years, successive Nigerian governments have promised reforms in the power sector, but these promises have rarely been fulfilled. Political leaders often shy away from the difficult decisions needed to overhaul the system, such as cracking down on corrupt practices or fully liberalizing the energy market. The absence of strong political will to tackle these issues head-on has left Nigeria lagging behind its African counterparts.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Is There a Way Out?” Absolutely, Nigeria has the potential to provide both affordable and regular electricity. If smaller African nations with fewer resources have succeeded, there is no reason Nigeria cannot follow suit. The solution lies in a combination of key steps that cut across energy diversification, investment in infrastructure, government accountability and 4. Public-Private Partnerships (PPP).

Given the foregoing, it is expedient to opine that Nigeria must prioritize the diversification of its energy sources by investing in renewable energy such as solar, wind, and hydropower. Renewables offer a more sustainable and cheaper alternative to fossil fuels and will reduce the country’s vulnerability to global energy price fluctuations.

In a similar vein, there is an urgent need to overhaul Nigeria’s electricity infrastructure. Upgrading transmission and distribution networks will reduce energy losses and improve efficiency. This requires significant investment from both the government and private sector, but the long-term benefits will far outweigh the costs.

Still in a similar vein, the Nigerian government must demonstrate the political will to hold DisCos accountable for their performance. Strengthening regulatory bodies such as the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) to ensure transparency and fairness in tariff pricing is critical to restoring consumer trust.

Added to the foregoing steps, Nigeria should explore public-private partnerships to finance energy projects and build more power plants. By working with foreign investors and multilateral agencies, Nigeria can access the funding needed to improve its energy sector and provide affordable electricity to its citizens.

In fact, the examples of Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Egypt show that regular and affordable electricity is not a pipe dream, it is achievable. Nigeria, with its abundant natural resources, has the potential to lead the continent in energy provision. However, without the necessary reforms, investments, and political will, the country will remain in the dark, while other African nations continue to shine.

It is time for Nigeria to harness its full potential and deliver what its people deserve: reliable, affordable electricity that powers growth and development. If other African countries can do it, why can’t Nigeria?

On October 5, 2011, the world lost Steve Jobs, the visionary co-founder of Apple Inc., at age 56 due to complications from pancreatic cancer. Jobs left an indelible mark on multiple industries, transforming the way people interact with technology through devices like the Macintosh, iPod, iPhone, and iPad. His influence extended far beyond consumer electronics, leaving a legacy that continues to shape modern life.

Born in 1955 in San Francisco, Jobs was adopted by Paul and Clara Jobs and raised in the heart of Silicon Valley. Although he dropped out of college after one semester, his journey would soon see him co-found Apple with his friend Steve Wozniak in 1976, in his parents’ garage. With no formal training in technology or business, Jobs possessed a unique blend of vision and intuition. He believed that computers could evolve from niche tools into devices integral to everyday life, a belief that became the cornerstone of Apple’s success.

Under Jobs’ leadership, Apple introduced the Apple II, one of the first personal computers, and later the revolutionary Macintosh in 1984, which introduced a graphical user interface that forever changed personal computing. Even after his departure from Apple in 1985, Jobs continued to leave his mark. He founded NeXT, a company whose technology would play a critical role in the development of the World Wide Web, and acquired Pixar, which went on to redefine the animation industry with “Toy Story” and other classics.

When Jobs returned to Apple in 1997, the company was struggling. Through his unmatched leadership and relentless pursuit of perfection, he turned Apple into one of the world’s most valuable companies. Products like the iPod, iPhone, and iPad became cultural phenomena, seamlessly integrating into the daily lives of millions of people across the globe. Jobs’ genius was not just in the products themselves, but in understanding how people would use them, and how they would impact culture and communication.

Despite his medical struggles, including a pancreatic tumor surgery and a liver transplant, Jobs’ commitment to his vision remained unwavering until the end. On August 24, 2011, just six weeks before his passing, he stepped down as CEO of Apple, leaving behind a company that embodied his passion for innovation.

Steve Jobs’ journey on Earth was one that left a monumental landmark. His life’s work was not only about creating products; it was about reshaping entire industries and redefining how we engage with the world. As his biographer Walter Isaacson noted, “Jobs was the greatest business executive of our era, the one most certain to be remembered a century from now.” His legacy lives on through the millions of lives touched by his innovations, his bold leadership, and his uncompromising vision of the future.

In the annals of history, Jobs stands alongside great innovators like Thomas Edison and Henry Ford, a true testament to his transformative influence on technology and culture. His earthly journey, though cut short, continues to inspire generations.

Steve Jobs’ journey on this earth is one that future generations should not only admire but also strive to emulate. His life was characterized by a relentless pursuit of excellence, a fearless willingness to take risks, and an unwavering belief in the power of innovation to transform the world. Jobs’ approach to life serves as a blueprint for aspiring entrepreneurs and visionaries. Despite lacking formal technical education and facing numerous professional setbacks, he possessed an uncanny ability to see opportunities where others saw obstacles. His resilience in the face of adversity, from being ousted from Apple in 1985 to fighting health challenges later in life, stands as a testament to his strength of character. His story encourages individuals to persist through failure and keep their focus on a higher purpose.

Moreover, Jobs’ journey highlights the importance of following one’s passion with dedication and discipline. He was not just a businessman or a technologist; he was an artist who approached technology with a deep appreciation for design and user experience. His ability to merge functionality with aesthetics revolutionized the tech world, turning Apple products into cultural icons. This dedication to creating products that people love, not just use, is a lesson that transcends industries and professions. Jobs taught us that true success lies in the impact we make on others’ lives, and that achieving this requires a combination of passion, vision, and the courage to challenge the status quo. His earthly journey, though finite, offers a lasting guide for anyone looking to leave a meaningful mark on the world.

Victor Osimhen has carted home his first Turkish Super Lig award soon after joining Galatasaray on a season-long loan from Napoli.

The Nigeria international’s impressive goal against Kasımpaşa has been voted the Goal of the Week by beIN SPORTS, receiving a significant number of votes and securing 77.96% of the total.

Osimhen scored his first goal and followed it up with his first brace, but it was not enough to secure all three points for the Turkish champions, who gave up a three-goal lead to allow the visitors a share of the spoils.

The 25-year-old showcased his skill and decisiveness to volley home with his left foot after receiving a pass from former Napoli teammate Dries Marten to put his team 2-0 up.

Despite missing pre-season due to transfer complications, Osimhen has quickly become a key player for Galatasaray, having been involved in scoring or assisting in all four of his appearances for the club.

He took his season tally to two goals and four assists in four games for the Lions since joining on loan from Napoli.

However, Osimhen is currently sidelined with an injury after a knock he picked up during the league game. He missed the Europa League clash against RFS in Latvia on Wednesday, but his injury is not severe, and he is expected to return soon.

He could be back in action on the weekend when Galatasaray take on Alanyaspor in the Super Lig.

Meanwhile, the former Lille player has revealed the key role Galatasaray manager Okan Buruk played in convincing him to join the club.

“Okan Buruk is the key to my transfer,” Osimhen told A Spor. “I was incredibly impressed when I spoke to him.”

The initial loan deal sees Osimhen at Galatasaray for four months. However, his impressive start has led to speculation of a potential extension.

Despite Osimhen’s loan move, reports suggest Chelsea remains interested in acquiring him.

The Blues are reportedly prepared to offer €90 million for the Nigerian striker in the January transfer window.

[Punch]

Between 1967 and 1970, Nigeria narrowly escaped the misfortune of going into oblivion. An unnecessary war was raging here. People were dying on an industrial scale, from bullets and hunger. Most of the deaths were unaccounted for. Some inconsequential people emerged from the mayhem as war heroes and illustrious generals. What the British cobbled together in 1914 stood a clear chance of unraveling through the recklessness of politicians and the crass indiscipline and rascality of ambitious young army officers. Above it all, one man literally stood between a nation and its demise. General Yakubu Gowon stood sentry between the demise of a nation and its survival and reinvention into a new reality. On the 19th  of this month, General Yakubu Gowon turns 90, an occasion that deserves both personal and national celebration. It is also a milestone for recalling, especially to younger generations, General Gowon’s often forgotten historical significance in our nation.

Nigerian history suffers a habitual amnesia. We tend to forget important things and celebrate the ephemeral and inconsequential. For some reason, General Gowon has not been sufficiently acknowledged or sufficiently celebrated.  This great statesman and exemplary African soldier has neither been sufficiently acknowledged nor adequately celebrated. The Nigerian military institution which produced him has not sufficiently memorialized him. The civil populace has not quite adopted him as a Nigerian equivalent of America’s Abraham Lincoln.

Instead, it is those officers who came into national prominence and leadership under his command that have assumed colossal national political leadership since the end of the war. In the post civil war era, the trend of political succession tempted many to think that the return of Nigerian democracy was all about using political leadership to express gratitude to war time generals. Obasanjo returned to power as an elected president. Buhari did the same. Babangida almost did. Many others aspired but did not quite get there. Among political pundits, there was an emerging postulation that the war time general was a new typology of political leadership in Africa’s quest for democratic leadership in the post military era.

In this tradition, Gowon never featured as a favourite possibility.  He has also not been acknowledged by corporate Nigeria either even as a honorary member of a blue chip company. Even in a nation where religion has become an industry and prayer a cure-all, none of the nation’s industrial Pentecostal conglomerates has adopted Gowon as either a mascot or figurative inspiration.

Somehow, in a society that erects past leaders into social icons and living deities, Gowon has hardly featured either as a media favourite nor as a political mascot. The reasons may be implicit in the man’s very character. Gowon is not even a “Chief” in a nation where chieftaincy titles are lavishly dished out to miscreants by equally vagrant vagabonds! Gowon has not been seen taking to the dance floor to dance and entertain. His modest personal home in Plateau state has hardly been mentioned as an architectural landmark on any scale. It is on record that the house is a donation, made possible by the charity of associates and friends who were ashamed on his behalf many years ago. He has not been seen receiving political pilgrims as a political oracle. He has not featured profusely on the board list of blue chip companies. Nor has he been mentioned as a recipient of many oil wells. Even in the realm of his more serious carriage, I am not yet aware of too many universities named after Yakubu Gowon. Even though he went ahead to cap his political and historical achievement with a doctorate degree after office, Gowon has not been traversing the globe lecturing everyone else on nation building, leadership and post war reconciliation, areas in which he is eminently super qualified.

In all fairness, General Gowon has not quite made himself available for popular adoption as either a political, social or economic icon. To the best of my knowledge, Gowon has neither formed nor joined any political party. He had not even advocated or canvassed any known political viewpoint in our noisy national supermarket of changing political standpoints. Somehow, he has managed to stay above the fray of political regionalism and partisan … Yet, the theology of national unity on which he led the nation and prosecuted the civil war remains the most unassailable political idea that should power a truly nationalist political party or movement.

On the contrary, General Gowon has chosen the path of genteel honour in the classic  tradition of the ‘officer and gentleman’. More the statesman and nationalist than a partisan figure, he has reached out to his civil war adversaries- Ojukwu before his death, Wole Soyinka etc.- while maintaining his dignified distance from his more controversial former subordinates.

More importantly, General Gowon has played above the fray of Nigeria’s rough and tumble political partisanship. In a period of all manner of extremism, Gowon has remained the eternal moderate. Instead, General Gowon  has remained above the kind of rabid partisan political alignment that has torn the nation apart in recent times.  He has remained more of the balanced non- partisan , and calming statesman who is respected and revered all over the country.

General Gowon answered the call of the nation when we needed him most. Our fate was hanging on a delicate balance. Our unity in diversity was in peril. The institutions of our nationhood and cohesion were threatened to breaking point by the vicious forces of sectionalism and bad politics. The forces of division overwhelmed those of cohesion. Tragedy beckoned. Conflicting allegiances broke into open conflict. Blood flowed across the land. Above the carnage  of war and the booms of the guns of clashing armies, the nation was in dire need of  restorative leadership.

Historic necessity and circumstantial providence chose him as a vehicle for the restoration of national unity and healing. As Head of State and Commander in Chief of the armed forces of a war-torn Nigeria, General Gowon rose to the occasion of the historic challenges of the moment.

The soldier in him had to fight a war to save his nation. As a statesman, he had to reunite a nation that was unraveling under his watch. As the leader of a nation engulfed by the flames of war and the fire of hate, General Yakubu Gowon’s tasks were defined by the moment. He had to mend the broken bonds of neighbourliness and communal harmony.

Over and above the clashing weapons of war and the raging cries of agony, over and above the bleeding wounds of conflict and the breakdown of communal harmony, General Gowon’s voice rose with a clarion call: “To Keep Nigeria One is a Task that Must be Done.” The world heard him. His field commanders obeyed his order. The combatants saw reason and heeded his call.

In January 1970, the combatants in our civil war bent their swords towards peace and were swayed by Gowon’s logic. Warriors on both sides sheathed their swords and calm returned to our troubled land. The broken bonds of national unity began to mend. Reconciliation replaced animosity as adversaries reunited as neighbours. General Gowon had scored a historic vindication. His leadership doctrine of the pursuit of peace and harmony through necessary means prevailed.

It is a tribute to General Gowon that Nigeria was rescued from the brinks of disintegration and returned to the path of unity and nation building. An atmosphere of mutual respect and true reconciliation in  peace returned. For this great achievement, General Gowon ranks highly among the great war leaders and peace builders of the world like Abraham Lincoln, Winston Churchill and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame. He replaced tears with smiles of survival, hate receded and yielded for reconciliation.

It is to Yakubu Gowon’s credit that the Nigerian civil war ended without leaving a bloody trail of residual armed conflict, lingering bitterness and pockets of hate. Under his post war policy of Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction, a nation previously torn by the devastation of conflict and the tragic loss of lives embraced national unity and the restoration of harmonious communal living.  The world has since acknowledged the management of the  end of the Nigerian civil war as a global example of conflict resolution and post war healing.

It remains remarkable that even after the civil war, General Gowon did not see the end of the war as the end of the unfinished task of nation building. He instead resumed the uncompleted task of nation building from where our founding fathers left off. There was the urgent necessity to redress the structural imbalance of our federation which had bred the regional inequities that helped to produce the subsequent civil war. He adopted the state structure as a cardinal innovation to realign the federation by diminishing the power of regions.

Beyond this urgent political imperative, General Gowon realized that post -war Nigeria was a ‘new’ nation that needed to be prepared for new roles in a new and fast changing world. To strengthen the bonds of national unity, General Gowon initiated some national unity programmes some of which have remained part of the architecture of our nationhood till today. These include the introduction of the National Your Service Corp (NYSC) Scheme, the Unity Schools system, the Federal Character principle and the unified national command for the national military and the police.

Above all else, General Gowon was a visionary leader. He saw Nigeria beyond the resolution of the war. In preparation for a new, more modern nation, General Gowon introduced an indigenous national currency, the Naira to replace the colonial relic of the British Pound. To bring Nigeria in line with its regional socio economic environment, he initiated the switch of Nigeria from left hand drive to right hand drive which brought the country in line with the trend among its Franco-phone neighbours. To crown his efforts of regional integration in West Africa, General Gowon  was one of the pioneer leaders that established the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1973.

General Gowon, even out of office, has remained a committed leader and statesman. Out of office, he has spent decades as an agent of peace and harmony. His prayer movement “Nigeria Prays” has continued to inspire Nigerian Christians, irrespective of ethnicity and region , to see the power of prayer in guiding human affairs. He has gone about this endeavour without  the fanatical sectarianism that has come to characterize the faith sector of Nigerian social life.

It is a testimony to the impeccable credibility of this remarkable citizen that his name still continues to evoke respect across generations and sections of Nigerians. As a result, he has escaped the hostile branding and extremist  perceptions that greet most Nigerians leaders of his age and generation.  He has no labels or badges except those of honour as a leader who is acknowledged as the father of a reunified Nigeria. It is generally acknowledged that without his statesmanship and remarkable leadership, Nigeria would have been a different and perhaps worse place than the nation we know today.

Or, worse still, there would have been no Nigeria today as we have come to know it. Therefore, as he turns 90, we need to welcome General Yakubu Gowon into the pantheon of those human deities that have made Nigeria possible and enduring even with its imperfections.

Days ago, I stumbled on a fierce social media debate. It was centred on when Nigeria moved from “federal” to “unitary” system. I was very uncomfortable with the distortion of elementary political concepts but, as a basic rule, I do not participate in Nigerian social media debates. It is usually not a good use of time as things hardly end well. What actually jolted me was the confusion of “regions” with “federalism”. Somebody authoritatively declared that it was when we moved from “regions” to “states” in 1967 that we abandoned “true federalism” — and many agreed with him. There and then, I decided to revisit the government I studied as a subject in Form 4 during my O’Level education.

In a way, I can understand the confusion. When respected people say we should go back to “true federalism” by returning to the regions “as in the 1963 constitution”, those who do not have the foggiest idea of what used to obtain can easily confuse the concepts. I have come to understand that many Nigerians do not know the difference between a federal and a unitary structure, presidentialism and parliamentarianism, and other types and structures that define a political system. My modest attempt today is to pick on some of the common political concepts and explain them in simple and straight terms for the benefit of those who genuinely do not understand.

The first point I would make is that federalism is not determined by what you call the federating units. In Nigeria, we call the centre “federal government” and the subnational units “states”. Federations such as Mexico, the US and Germany also call them states. In Switzerland, they are called cantons; in Australia, states and territories; in Canada, provinces; in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), emirates; and in Ethiopia, regions. Therefore, what you call them does not determine whether the federalism is “true” or “fake”. Osun state was once renamed “State of Osun” in line with the nomenclature in the US where “true federalism is practised” and where states are called “State of…”

Now to the point: when did Nigeria move from “true federalism” to a unitary system? Without prejudice to the motive of those involved in the social media argument, it was the Unification Decree No. 34 of 1966 that abolished federalism and replaced it with a unitary system. The opening line of the decree was unequivocal about it: “Subject to the provisions of this Decree, Nigeria shall on 24th May 1966 (in this decree referred to as ‘the appointed day’) cease to be a Federation and shall accordingly as from that day be a Republic, by the name of the Republic of Nigeria, consisting of the whole of the territory which immediately before that day was comprised in the Federation.”

Before then, there were four regions: Northern, Eastern, Western (all created by Sir Arthur Richards in 1946) and Midwestern (created from the Western Region in 1963). Every region had provinces. Under the Unification Decree of 1966, the regions were “abolished” but — in a classic case of “potato/potahto” — they remained the same. Section 2(1)(c) of that decree stated that “the provinces… respectively comprised in Northern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria, Western Nigeria and Mid-Western Nigeria shall be known respectively as the Northern group of Provinces, the Eastern group of Provinces, the Western group of Provinces and the Mid-Western group of Provinces”.

Now this: Section 2(1)(d) of the decree stated clearly that “for the purpose of administration each group of provinces shall subject to the authority of the Head of the National Military Government, be under the general direction and control of a Military Governor appointed by the Head of the National Military Government”. That was the end of the federalism we started practising narrowly under the Richards Constitution in 1946 and more broadly under the MacPherson Constitution of 1951 and the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954. It was the 1954 constitution that actually refined our federalism by comprehensively listing the exclusive and concurrent powers. It was produced largely by Nigerians.

The 1960 and 1963 constitutions were basically updated versions of the Lyttleton Constitution to reflect Nigeria’s independence and republicanism respectively. However, it is only important and fair to state at this point that the move to a unitary system under the military in 1966 was logical: the military operates a command-and-control system. All orders flow from the top. No military unit is independent of central authority. It is anathema under a military system for the supreme commander to issue an order and for a commanding officer to act differently or issue a counter order. It is not done. With the Nigeria military seizing political power, authority had to be centralised.

I was initially taken aback that the abolition of the four regions and creation of 12 states in 1967 by the military government was described as the abolition of federalism in favour of a unitary system. One person confidently said the change from “regions” to “states” marked the end of federalism. But on a second thought, I should not be surprised. Anyone who has been listening to public debates recently will have heard that returning to “regionalism” was equal to returning to “true” federalism. That may suggest that regions and federalism are the same. That is not true. Unitary systems use “regions” as well. In Ghana, which runs a unitary system, the governing units are called regions.

Now to the concepts. What is unitary system? It is a political structure in which all powers belong to the central/national government. The subnational governments are subservient to the centre. In Ghana, for instance, the regions are subordinated to the centre. The 16 regions have 261 districts. The central government in a unitary system usually devolves power to the subnational levels. The UK — a kingdom of four countries — runs a highly devolved unitary system, with Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland having their own parliaments and heads of government business. No two unitary systems are the same. Every country localises its practice based on its own political evolution.

What is federalism? Here, power is shared between the national and subnational governments, unlike in the unitary system where all powers belong to the centre which in turn donates some to the lower levels. The basic principle of federalism is that the federating units are co-equals — and the states are not subservient to the centre. The powers each partner has are listed on the exclusive and concurrent lists. Exclusive powers are reserved for the centre while concurrent powers belong to both the centre and states. Anything not on exclusive and concurrent lists are considered “residual” and are under states. The federal government is not superior, except in areas on the exclusive list.

Federalism is practised differently in different countries, but some characteristics are common: the monetary policy is controlled by the centre to avoid having different rates and currencies; foreign affairs are under the federal government, otherwise every state will appoint ambassadors; there is only one military, else every state will have an army, air force and navy; and the country’s borders are under the federal government. However, every federation organises itself differently: there is state police in the US, unlike in South Africa. All resources are controlled by the Malaysian federal government; in the UAE, they are owned by the emirates; in Nigeria, there is a sharing formula.

In a typical federation, each federating unit has its own executive, legislature and judiciary — just like the central government. Each state runs its own budget and is not dictated to from the centre. Under military rule in Nigeria, state budgets were subject to approval by the head of state. That was a unitary system which was effectively abolished under the 1979 Constitution. Also, federalism is essentially a union between two tiers of government, but some federations recognise local governments as a tier. Brazil’s local councils have been totally independent of the states since 1987. In Nigeria, there is a strong move towards granting political and economic autonomy to the LGAs.

What is a confederation? Interesting one. It is a loose political arrangement where the units are stronger than the centre. They have individual currencies, flag, anthem, military, legislature, judiciary and executive. They are independent of other confederating units. To put it simply, it is a union or league of sovereign states — a marriage of convenience. Currently, there is no country that can be called a confederation. Although Switzerland is officially named the “Swiss Confederation”, it has been a federation since 1798. The US was a confederation from 1781 to 1789. Senegambia (Senegal and Gambia) formed a confederation that lasted for exactly seven years — from 1982 to 1989.

There are still confederations, nonetheless. The African Union (AU) is one. The European Union (EU) can be described as one, although its monetary union is a feature of federalism. There was a time many opinion leaders in Nigeria started demanding “confederalism” as the solution to our political crises and the only pathway to development. We are never short of ideas that we think will make the country great. Some have called for “true” federalism, “fiscal” federalism, change of name, change of flag and change of anthem. We are back to the “Nigeria We Hail Thee” anthem but there are yet no signs of massive development. The regionalism campaign has also staged a comeback. This is Nigeria.

As a parting shot, I would implore young Nigerians not to believe everything they read in the newspapers and on social media regarding political systems and the history of Nigeria. They should behave like the Bereans who subjected to biblical scrutiny everything they were told by the apostles. I have come to realise that a lot of revisionism is going on and many people are manipulating history and political concepts just to ram home their biases and beliefs. Some are no longer interested in the facts. All they do is pass opinions as facts and prey on the vulnerable. We are free to hold opinions and propagate ideas as we debate the state of the union, but may we kindly respect the facts?

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

THE RIVERS BETWEEN

Why should a court of law direct the INEC not to release voters’ register to the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) for the local government election? Why should a court ask police not to perform their constitutional duty of providing security? We are literally ruining this democracy because of egos and politicking. At the root is the conflict between Governor Simi Fubara and his estranged benefactor, Chief Nyesom Wike. President Tinubu must put his foot down on the crisis before things get out of hand. It is purely a political crisis to be resolved politically and Tinubu must urgently take the lead, otherwise the conflagration may become unquenchable. Statesmanship.

RISING STATS

Starlink recently announced a rise in its monthly subscription fee by 97 percent — from N38,000 to N75,000. The hardware is  now N590,000, up from N440,000. The price hike, according to the satellite internet service owned by Elon Musk’s SpaceX, was necessitated by inflation in Nigeria. It is hard to argue against the justification, with the heavy depreciation in the value of the naira in the last one year and several other costs associated with tech services. However, with Nigerian telcos also making a similar case for tariff adjustments in response to the economic statistics, you sense that it is just a matter of time before the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) approves. Imminent.

KEMI BADOO

Kemi Badenoch, the former UK business and trade secretary, has been making a passionate bid to become the new leader of the Conservative Party — a step towards becoming the prime minister in the future if things work in her favour. I am so happy for her. But can she please stop telling lies about Nigeria? She said she left the country in 1996 after “leftist” policies had eroded private wealth. I know she was just six when the structural adjustment programme (SAP) was introduced in 1986, resulting in the massive devaluation of the naira, but SAP was a neo-liberal, not leftist, economic policy. I think she can use the services of fact checkers before her next Nigeria-bashing show. Shame.

NO COMMENT

The Jigawa state government has decided to acquire Khadija University, a privately owned institution in the state, for N11 billion. N11,000,000,000! Wow! What exactly is the state government buying? Is it the land (in a state where land is surplus to requirements)? Is it the buildings (how much does it cost to put brick and mortar together)? Is it the facilities (do they have nuclear reactors and rocket launchers on campus)? NB: this is aside the subventions for capital and operational expenditures that will soon enter the state budget. So, this thing they do with award of contracts and purchase of private buildings has now found its way into the campus? ELEVEN BILLION NAIRA. Wonderful.

The quest for fame is a global pandemic. From time immemorial, man has craved recognition and social pre-eminence through various means – even if he has to be anti-social to attain social recognition. In this pursuit, the line between popularity and notoriety thins out. Most people would rather be notorious than be unknown. Every Tamuno, Dike and Hadi knows this fact.

I commend Nicola Formichetti’s words to the dark minds who foul up the virtual superhighway of social media in their quest for recognition: “The dark side of social media is that, within seconds, anything can be blown out of proportion and taken out of context. And it’s very difficult not to get swept up in it all.”

Tamuno, Dike & Hadi

Tamuno: Ah, Silifa has suddenly become an arrogant celebrity. Small girl of yesterday! Since her social media post about her stepfather went viral, she has suddenly become a superstar and is on demand everywhere…

Dike: I can give you a long list of her type in my neck of the woods. She must be the envy of other girls now, except that I wouldn’t go as far as she went just because I want to “trend”. Some people have more scandalous stories but they will never tell the world because the internet never forgets. You may become famous today but your grandchildren may be embarrassed by your disclosures several decades ahead.
Hadi: I insist that cultural red lines are sacrosanct. Despite the fact that social media tries to create an artificial “global culture”, we all know that there are western cultural fads that will never gain traction in Africa because culture is thicker than a fleeting craze. By the way, please refresh my memory on the Silifa story.

Tamuno: You mean scandal?
Hadi: Whatever!
Dike: She claimed that she snatched her stepfather from her mum and is today cohabiting with the man who is 39 years her senior. She told the story with lurid details and virtually disrobed her mother…
Hadi: Stop! Now I remember! The details are too offensive. Please, spare me!
Tamuno, Dike and Hadi are like most of the average people in the world who frown at extremes. Silifa, the subject of their gossip, is our local version of Christie, the American TikToker whose story went massively viral when she disclosed that she had married her stepdad. The story was so salacious that the video was viewed 22.3 million times on TikTok. It also attracted over 124,000 comments from viewers who also asked for more information.

Married Your Stepdad?
The world enjoys watching the dance of a mentally deranged person as long as she’s not a family member.
The woman who goes by the username @Christywho_ shared her video with the on-screen caption,

“Marrying my step dad was the best decision I’ve ever made.” The upload showed a man hugging a woman who had her legs wrapped around him as they kissed….
You would think that America was too far gone in debauchery to see anything wrong in what the woman claimed to have done, but the pushback was instant.

“Am I the only one wondering how your mom is doing?” asked one viewer whose comment was liked over 3,000 times.

“There’s seven billion people in the world, why?” asked another who received over 9,000 likes.
Many TikTok users stitched and duetted the video, appearing shocked by the story — one uploader’s silent reaction received over 103,000 views.

The video also made its way to Twitter where a user wrote, “Can someone unplug the internet please? I don’t want it anymore!”

The TikToker’s post had achieved as much notoriety as anyone could wish for, and she had become known by millions of people all over the world within a few days. But to what end? The negative reactions were so damning that she did a sequel to the video clip and changed her story.

Joke Turned Sour
Christie, the mother of two from Tampa, Florida, has now come out and revealed that the couple’s love story is not actually as controversial as she had portrayed it to be. She told the New York Post that she posted the clip as a “joke”.

In answer to some of the questions asked by commenters, she replied: “Was I groomed? No. Did my stepdad raise me? No. Was I a minor when I met him? No. Do me and my mom still talk? Yes. Did he have kids with my mom? No.”
Some critics had, inevitably, reacted with hate towards her children and her late brother. And that touched her deeply.

“The amount of death threats I received, wishing that my children were born without arms and legs and they were glad my brother had died, and they wanted to call child protective services on me.”
To another critic, she retorted, “This filter is insane. Plz leave my kids and ‘unalived’ brother out of this.”
She explained that her new husband isn’t even her stepdad – she simply made the comment because the couple have a 16-year age gap. She revealed that her husband was actually her older brother’s best friend, and after her brother died in a motorcycle crash, they bonded over the loss and fell in love.

“I didn’t expect the video to blow up as much as it did,” Christy admitted. “I wanted to show that people will believe anything that they read on the internet. I also wanted to prove that everyone will be upset and believe anything they see on the internet nowadays,” she elucidated.

“They were mad when I ‘married my stepdad,’ and they were mad when I posted my real story and found out that it wasn’t actually my stepdad. The internet feeds on the drama.”

Nigerian Desperadoes

It is that drama that will rubbish the legacies of many trending stars of today who will weave any kind of story to go viral. Politicians who have access to the public treasury indiscriminately buy hours of prime airtime on television stations to advertise their partisan poison. They also retain an army of internet warriors who terrorise their opponents and further spread their lies. They forget to ask themselves: Where are the liars of yesterday?

It is in this context that one must pity some Nigerian desperadoes who are like Nevada’s Christie. There is one who calls herself an investigative journalist but who, to all intents and purposes, is just a social climber and name dropper. She has tried so many tricks in the book but so far, no luck. People generally think she needs to see a shrink.

Then the attempt by a self-styled activist, critic and social media influencer, Martins Vincent Otse, alias VeryDarkman, to use a fib against the Falana family to climb to millions of social media endorsements and commentaries has blown up in his face. Tails between his legs, he’s now begging the Falanas for mercy.

The evolution of social media has changed our lives for good. Social scientists are still trying to fathom the full extent of the influence of this phenomenon which has changed the way we relate with each other and shrunken distances and knowledge gaps in such an unprecedented way that it is nothing short of a socio-scientific revolution.

It can be a powerful instrument for good or social destruction depending on how it is deployed.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is expected to reshuffle his cabinet soon and some portfolios may be reassigned and some ministers be relieved of their duties. According to the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, ''When the reshuffle happens, it is expected to align with the President’s broader strategy to enhance governance and better communicate the administration’s successes.'' To achieve the desired results, the performance review of ministers should be holistic, as various factors affect performance, some of which may be beyond their control. The lag between policy announcements and implementation has contributed to the perceived poor performance of this administration.

The workload of the ministers should be reviewed to identify those who may be overwhelmed. No matter how capable a person is, being overloaded with tasks will lead to longer turnaround times and delays in policy implementation. Some ministerial portfolios may need to be split, or Ministers of State appointed in some Ministries where they do not exist. Some people think the Minister of Finance, who also doubles as the Coordinating Minister of the Economy, should have a Minister of State.

The problem of bureaucracy in Nigerian governance has always existed. Tasks that can be completed in two days in a private setting take much longer in government. The government should conduct a process review and streamline its operations for greater efficiency. This should be done without losing sight of the need for control and supervision. This will speed up policy formation and implementation thereby making the government more responsive. Beyond bureaucracy, another factor causing delays in policy implementation is the lack of, or delays in, funding. In such scenarios, there is little a minister can do.

One may ask if the roles, responsibilities, and deliverables with timelines expected of the ministers were clearly communicated to them. For example, just recently, Bayo Onanuga said, "The President has instructed ministers to actively communicate what their ministries are achieving. Some have been hesitant to engage with the media, but the President wants them to change that." While some ministers have been very vocal, though it may seem implied, it is possible that others did not know they were expected to be, given that the government has other means of promoting its successes.

There are factors beyond a minister's control that can affect their perceived performance, apart from funding. For instance, whilst not celebrating or defending the performance of the Minister of Agriculture, without addressing insecurity, which has led to incessant attacks on farmers, farmlands, and livestock, domestic food production will remain impaired. The Ministry of Solid Minerals is faced with a similar circumstance with many mining sites under the control by non-state actors.

As Mr President prepares to reshuffle his cabinet, it is imperative that issues like workload, funding, bureaucracy, communication of deliverables, and other factors beyond the control of ministers are properly addressed. Changing ministers or reassigning portfolios without dealing with all the issues impairing performance may not lead to significant improvement. Performance review is holistic and goes beyond just evaluating the individual responsible for certain tasks. Nigerians deserve a more responsive government.

Kenechukwu Aguolu   FCA,FCIA,PMP