
Admin
Governor Aiyedatiwa and Deputy Governor Adelami Score Big in the Court of Appeal - Kayode Ajulo, SAN
In a momentous legal triumph, Governor Aiyedatiwa and Deputy Governor Adelami have outmaneuvered Agboola Ajayi, the PDP candidate, with a ruling delivered today at the Court of Appeal in Akure. The court has decisively struck down and dismissed the appeal from Ajayi and the People's Democratic Party, thereby reinforcing Aiyedatiwa's authority in office.
Ajayi and the PDP contended that Dr. Adelami lacked the qualifications to run for election, even referencing a Bayelsa State precedent in their bid for disqualification.
This ruling stands as a watershed moment in our political saga, reaffirming the electoral mandate granted to Aiyedatiwa and Adelami. Their administration is laser-focused on delivering on its commitments to the citizenry, and the court's decision underscores the vital role of the judiciary in safeguarding electoral integrity.
In conclusion, I offer my sincere congratulations to the Governor and Deputy Governor. To the appellant, as a brother and friend, it’s high time to wake up and recognize the futility of this endless chase against an unimpeachable mandate conferred by the people of Ondo State. Let’s rally together and channel our energies toward the collective advancement of our state, for the will of the people is an inviolable covenant that must be honored.
Dr Kayode Ajulo, OON, SAN
DeepSeek unveils Janus-Pro AI model image generator, says it outpaces OpenAI’s DALL-E 3
DeepSeek has unveiled its latest AI model, Janus-Pro-7B, which it claims outperforms OpenAI’s DALL-E 3 and Stability AI’s Stable Diffusion 3 Medium in text-to-image generation tasks.
This announcement, made in a report titled “Janus-Pro: Unified Multimodal Understanding and Generation with Data and Model Scaling,” highlights the model’s advancements in multimodal understanding and generation capabilities.
Janus-Pro-7B’s performance has been validated across multiple benchmarks, showcasing its capabilities in both multimodal understanding and text-to-image generation.
On the GenEval leaderboard for text-to-image instruction-following tasks, Janus-Pro-7B achieved a score of 0.80, surpassing Janus (0.61), OpenAI’s DALL-E 3 (0.67), and Stable Diffusion 3 Medium (0.74).
“Janus-Pro-7B achieved a score of 79.2 on the multimodal understanding benchmark MMBench and 0.80 on the GenEval leaderboard, outperforming state-of-the-art unified multimodal models, including DALL-E 3 and Stable Diffusion 3 Medium,” DeepSeek stated.
The model scored 79.2 on the multimodal understanding benchmark MMBench, significantly outperforming competitors such as Janus (69.4), TokenFlow (68.9), and MetaMorph (75.2).
Addressing previous shortcomings
The Janus-Pro-7B model builds on the foundation laid by its predecessor, Janus, by addressing critical challenges in visual encoding and generation tasks. It incorporates 72 million high-quality synthetic images with real-world data to achieve enhanced image outputs.
- According to the report, earlier models, including Janus, struggled with the conflicting demands of multimodal understanding and generation. To resolve this, Janus-Pro introduces decoupled visual encoding, enabling it to excel in both tasks.
“Janus-Pro incorporates improvements across three dimensions: training strategies, data, and model size,” the report states, adding that the model demonstrates scalability with two configurations—1B and 7B parameters.
- The original Janus model, validated at the 1B parameter scale, faced limitations due to its relatively small model capacity and limited training data.
- These constraints led to suboptimal performance in short-prompt image generation and unstable text-to-image outputs. Janus-Pro-7B addresses these issues through enhanced training strategies, expanded datasets, and increased model capacity.
The report emphasizes that these upgrades not only improve the model’s text-to-image instruction-following performance but also enhance its stability and scalability, making it a strong contender in the AI-generated imagery space.
More insights
DeepSeek is a relatively new entrant to the AI industry, founded in 2023 by Chinese entrepreneur Liang Wenfeng. Despite being less than two years old, the company has already made a significant impact.
- In January 2024, it released its open-source models for download, where they quickly gained popularity, topping the iPhone app download charts and surpassing OpenAI’s ChatGPT app.
- DeepSeek’s latest reasoning model, R1, has drawn comparisons to top-tier AI products from OpenAI and Meta. The company claims its models are not only competitive in performance but also more efficient and cost-effective to develop.
- One of the standout claims from DeepSeek is the cost of training its models. The company stated that training one of its latest models cost $5.6 million, a figure far below the $100 million to $1 billion estimated by industry leaders for similar projects.
DeepSeek has also highlighted the efficiency of its development process, which reportedly does not rely on the most powerful AI accelerators.
[NaijaNews]
JAMB Announces Date For 2025 UTME Registration, Examination
In an official announcement on Monday, JAMB Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, noted that the sale of application forms will commence on January 31, 2025, and will conclude on March 5, 2025.
For candidates seeking direct entry, the sale of application documents and e-PIN vending will start on March 10, 2025, and will end on April 7, 2025.
The Mock-UTME is set to take place on April 5, 2025, while the main UTME will occur from April 25, 2025, to May 5, 2025.
Candidates who choose to register for the UTME with a mock exam will be required to pay ₦8,200, whereas those opting for the UTME only will pay ₦7,200.
A detailed breakdown of the UTME/DE JAMB application fees includes ₦3,500 for the application fee, ₦1,000 for the reading text, ₦700 for the CBT Centre registration service charge, ₦1,500 for the CBT Centre UTME service charge, ₦1,500 for the CBT mock service charge, ₦500 for bank charges, and ₦1,500 for the CBT mock-UTME centre charge.
Additionally, the JAMB Registrar announced the introduction of a mock UTME specifically tailored for candidates under the age of 16. This initiative is not intended for admission purposes but aims to provide younger candidates with an opportunity to assess their capabilities prior to the examination.
To be eligible for admission into any tertiary institution in the country, candidates must be at least 16 years old on or before September 30, 2025.
However, Oloyede noted that exceptional candidates under the age of 15 may be considered for admission if they achieve a minimum score of 280 in the UTME and demonstrate outstanding performance in their Senior Secondary Certificate and post-UTME examinations.
[NaijaNews]
I Won’t Allow Spoil Of Office To Change Me — Fubara
Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara has declared that he will not be drunk with power or allow the associated advantages and benefits that come with holding a lofty position in government to change him.
Rather, Fubara assured that he will remain committed to his vows made to the Rivers people when he got their mandate, to completely put things in place that will transform the state into becoming what they dreamt it to become.
Fubara stated this on Tuesday when some leaders, elders and critical stakeholders of the state visited him to celebrate his 50th birthday at the Government House in Port Harcourt.
The governor who explained that he had never subscribed to celebrating birthdays said seeing leaders of the state gathering to celebrate him pulled out tears of joy from his eyes.
“I want to say that I will still be the Fubara that you know; power will not change me. I will still make sure that what I hold dear in life remains, which is God and my respect for people. I will continue to maintain it.
“Power will come, power will go, but I will still remain the Fubara that you know. With your support, that Rivers State that we all yearn for, we will definitely, even if we don’t get it completely, we will put those things in place that will channel and drive us to that Rivers State, with your support,” Fubara said.
He added, “That is the only thing that I know I can assure you. I will not do anything, act in any manner that will bring disgrace to myself or to everyone of you that have decided and ready to sacrifice everything for us.
“This morning is a birthday morning. It is not a morning to discuss politics. It is a morning to say I am happy, I am 50 years, according to you. But the most important thing is, I am celebrating my Golden Jubilee. It means that I have joined the league of the old men from today.”
Fubara, on behalf of his wife, Lady Valerie and family, expressed gratitude to God for divine grace, and thanked all the leaders who made sacrifices to be in attendance so early to wish him well.
In his remark, a former Governor of the state, Sir Celestine Omehia thanked God for installing Governor Fubara who he noted to have become a deliverer of the State and its people from the hands of those he said were bent on destroying Rivers State.
Omehua said it is worthwhile to celebrate such a patient and meticulous leader, loved by all Nigerians on his 50th birthday because he has continued to prioritise the interest of the State and protect it.
The former governor recounted the strength of faith in God that Fubara has demonstrated as well as how he has enjoyed divine direction in governance.
He pledged the continued support of Rivers people to Governor Fubara towards ensuring the success of his administration.
In his speech, former National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Prince Uche Secondus, said regardless of who a kingmaker is, as soon as the king is crowned, such person must give way to the king to perform his duties.
Secondus noted that the people of Rivers and indeed, Nigerians have come to admire and love the character of steel, fear and total trust in God that Governor Fubara has demonstrated by forging unity, and inclusivity which he said testified that his mandate is divine.
[Leadership]
Sultanate Council Directs Muslims To Look Out For New Moon
The Sultanate Council of Sokoto has instructed the Muslim Ummah to observe the crescent of Sha’aban 1446 AH on Wednesday, corresponding to the 29th day of Rajab 1446 AH in the Islamic calendar.
Prof. Sambo Junaidu, the Waziri of Sokoto and Chairman of the Advisory Committee on Religious Affairs, conveyed the directive in a statement issued on Tuesday.
The statement said when the crescent moon is sighted, it should be reported to the nearest district or village heads for onward communication to the sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, for official confirmation.
“May Allah (SWT) help us in the discharge of this religious duty. Amen,” the statement added.
In Islam, the sighting of the new moon of Sha’aban is significant, as Sha’aban is the month preceding Ramadan, the holy month of fasting.
The declaration of the new moon marks the start of Sha’aban and aids Muslims in preparing for Ramadan.
[DailyTrust]
‘I no longer recognize APC’ – El-Rufai slams ruling party
The immediate past governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has blasted the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, accusing the party of straying from its founding ideals and fostering poor leadership.
The ex-governor, while addressing a national conference in Abuja on strengthening democracy in Nigeria, labelled the state of governance and opposition in the country as a national emergency.
El-Rufai, who shared the report on his X handle on Tuesday, expressed concern over the absence of internal democracy and active party structures within the APC.
“I no longer recognise the APC. No party organ has met in two years—no caucus, no NEC, nothing. You don’t even know if it is a one-man show; it’s a zero-man show,” he said.
He condemned the quality of leadership emerging from political parties, blaming the situation on unqualified delegates.
“You cannot afford to have illiterates, semi-illiterates, and cunning people as your leaders. This is why we end up with the poor leadership we have today,” he added.
The former governor charged political parties to raise standards for candidates and delegates, stressing that the constitution’s minimum requirement of a secondary school certificate should not be enough for nominations.
He lamented that the APC’s founding goals of combating corruption, rebuilding the economy, and enhancing security have been abandoned.
Citing a poll that showed 75 percent of registered voters might abstain from the 2027 elections, El-Rufai warned of a potential crisis.
Reacting to El-Rufai’s post, the Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Public Communications and Media, Daniel Bwala, queried the former governor’s stance, asking if he would have held the same position had he remained in the government or cabinet.
“My Senior brother, if you were to be in the government and cabinet, would you have held and expressed the same position? History is replete with examples. It is a government you participated in its formation, that you now want to unseat. Haba Mallam,” Bwala wrote.
[DailyPost]
[OPINION] Ganduje and constitution of new boards - Jide Oluwajuyitan
Government periodic appointments into boards of parastatals and other federal organisations to manage the affairs of over 500 small governments needed to implement its policies is critical to the survival of the democratization process. Unfortunately this process has in recent years become a veritable source political party patronage often secured through intense politicking and lobbying by party members.
When Buhari’s list – with 209 board chairmen and 1,258 board members – came in December 2019 after over two years of haggling and indecision, he admitted not knowing over half of those on the list including a number of names of individuals long declared dead.
Last week, following almost two years of delay as a result of bargaining and horse trading by politicians, President Tinubu, according to Bayo Onanuga, the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, last Monday approved the appointment of board chairpersons for 42 federal organisations out of over 500 small governments the president needs to faithfully implement his party manifesto. We were also told the president directed the board chairpersons not to interfere with the management of the organisations, emphasising that their positions are non-executive.
Much as we have no reason to doubt the capacity and the integrity of most of those currently appointed by President Tinubu, what the nation has often experienced after government’s four year periodic ritual especially since 1999, has been an assemblage of deadwood and failed politicians who just wanted to continue to be relevant by continuous’ sucking of government and its resources.
The president appeared determined to change the narrative this time around. Without prejudice to his party’s periodic ritual of politicking and lobbying, he seemed to have deliberately gone out of his way for those he believes could add value to his administration.
For instance Professor Bolaji Akinyemi is our nation’s ‘Sun’. A resourceful intellectual, an outstanding diplomat who played a key role as our external affairs minister to end Chad, Libyan and Mali, Burkina Faso wars, Professor Akinyemi was the brain behind the highly successful Technical Aids Corps Scheme, the concept of the Concert of Medium Powers to mediate within the international system. He was a member of the Uwais panel and deputy chairman of Jonathan’s constitutional conference. He was on the side of Nigeria during the NADECO confrontation with Sani Abacha when the likes of Tom Ikimi and Babagana Kingibe sold their conscience by trading Nigeria for a pot of porridge. To bring him on board, the president had to present Akinyemi as Lagos State candidate as against his Osun State where warring politicians like Rauf Aregbesola and Gboyega Oyetola had destroyed the APC over their ego battle for its soul before trading it for PDP, a fact confirmed by Governor Adeleke.
Of course, the president’s deliberate efforts did not preclude the emergence on the list of some other self-proclaiming patriots including the likes of Abdullahi Ganduje. In fact it will not be out place to assume that Ganduje, a man with history of endless political wars, mischiefs and intrigues and for whom there is never a dull moment, nominated himself as chairman of the Governing Board of Federal Aviation Authority of Nigeria (FAAN). This becomes a force majeure when it reached the president’s table. In any case, when it comes to party patronage, the buck stops at the desk of the national Chairman of APC.
The only charitable conclusion is that Ganduje outwitted the president.
After all, Ganduje from 1984-1994 occupied various positions within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja. In 1994 he was Kano State Commissioner for Works. From there he in 2007 moved on to become the Executive Secretary of the Lake Chad Basin Commission in Ndjamena. Although a full time job, workaholic Ganduje could not resist combining the job with that of the chairmanship of the Governing Council of Federal Polytechnic Ado Ekiti. A workhorse, he was so dedicated that for his board meetings in Ado-Ekiti, he would first fly from Ndjamena to Kano and from Kano to Abuja from where the vehicle sent from Ado-Ekiti would ferry him down to Ado Ekiti for a board meeting which may not take off until 7pm.
At close to 77, Ganduje, the national chairman of APC and the recently appointed chairman of the Governing Council of FAAN, has pledged to continue his selfless service to the nation.
I wish to align myself with Ganduje. With his past record of service to the nation, I have no reason to doubt his competence and ability to do more than one thing at a time. And contrary to his envious detractors from his native Kano, I cannot see any contradiction between presiding over the affairs of the FAAN and meeting the demands of his office as chairman of APC which involve strategies for recruitment of party membership, retaining those so recruitment and periodic fundraising and internal party governance. For even his political foes, the outstanding performance of his party in Edo and Ondo in recent times was evidence enough Ganduje was on top of his games.
But for those who hate Ganduje with a passion, I think it is the case of a prophet without honour in his own country. His detractors seem to come more from his own Kano State, where he and his good friend Rabiu Kwankwaso have been consumed by politics of ‘deposition and imposition’ of Emirs, demolition and reallocation of supporters’ physical properties in Kano in the last eight years. Since the duo did not tell us the source of their bitterness and endless war, outsiders think it must have been over the control over Kano resources, a common weakness among our greedy and selfish political elite. Many also consider Ganduje and his warring rivals’ political failures for their inability to exploit their past relationship in the age of innocence before their exposure to great wealth to liberate the people of Kano from pangs of sorrow and pains of hunger
There was recently a trending picture of Ganduje and Kwankwaso moving around on a Vespa motorcycle on the streets on Kano in the early seventies; many thought that was a relationship both could have exploited to change the fortune of Kano.
Lagos State Security Trust Fund which changed the face and character of Lagos was first launched in 2007. Many outside Kano believe that if beyond primitive accumulation, the duo came together to exploit their past friendship to launch Kano Almajiri fund, such could have in three years cleaned up Kano.
Meanwhile, all hail Abdullahi Ganduje, the nemesis of political foes, un-fearing Emirs and political benefactors who, at close to 77 has continued to ride against the tide.
How Wike funded Bala Mohammed’s 2019 governorship election - Yakubu Dogara
Former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara said on Tuesday that the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike funded the 2019 election of Bauchi state governor, Senator Bala Mohammed.
Reacting to Bala Mohammed’s comments accusing Wike as a transactional politicians and serial betrayal, Dogara detailed how Wike, the hen Rivers State governor mandated Chief Dan Orbih to deliver the PDP governorship ticket to Bala Mohammed and helped raised the fund used for his elections.
In a statement he personally signed, Dogara who was speaker of the 8th House of Representatives alleged that the Bauchi state governor practically knelt down before Wike in Port Harcourt to collect money for his election from Wike.
He said: “Governor Bala Mohammed’s recent outbursts against His Excellency Nyeson Wike, the Honourable Minister of the Federal Capital Territory though not entirely surprising have only served to expand the vistas of ingratitude and treachery based on what I know.
“As I witness this gross injustice, the questions I ask myself, are: is my comfort more important than saying the truth and is my fear of conflict worth allowing harm to go unchallenged?
“I have learned enough over the years to know beyond reasonable doubt that in the face of situations like this, if I choose to prioritize my comfort, I will fail the victim and fail myself. This is because injustice itself is a festering wound, it only grow its worse when brushed aside.
“As someone who knows so much because I was the provocateur of the events between the two that I will speak to, I consider my silence not just cowardice but complicity. Therefore, I am not afraid to stand alone or risk conflict.
“I should not be misunderstood to be defending Wike but simply stating the raw truth that I know and I really don’t give a damn if the truth makes Wike look good. I have learnt to say the truth as I enjoy my freedom from being a slave to human opinion.
“For starters, need I remind Governor Bala Mohammed that in 2018 PDP Gubernatorial primaries, when we were not too sure he will win because, his then major opponent, Senator Abdul Ningi was the one who constituted the State party structure and had a bosom friend as Party chairman, it was Wike we turned to for help.
“I had called Wike to plead with him to help us in Bauchi without necessarily disclosing to him that it was Bala Mohammed that we wanted delivered. His response to me, was that are you sure you are in control of the process 100 percent? I said, I wasn’t too sure and he said to me leave it to me, I will help you sort it out.
“To do it, Wike first of all made his bosom friend and close ally, Chief Dan Osi Orbih the Chairman of the Panel for the Primaries and said I should discuss whatever I wanted with Chief Dan.
“We got talking and on the eve of the Primaries, Chief Dan was in Benin city and we needed to get him to Bauchi for the assignment, it was to Wike that I turned to again and his response to me was, my brother, I have told you not to bother about this. Tell Chief Dan to come to meet me in Port Harcourt. I did just that and amazingly Wike provided the private jet that flew Chief Dan to Bauchi and out of Bauchi for the assignment.
“I can say without fear of any contradiction that Wike bore all expenses for the exercise. It’s therefore shocking that this so called transactional character called Wike did not place any condition whatsoever for his support.
“That is just the beginning of the story, I hate to tell, but I must. After the emergence of Bala Mohammed as the party flag bearer and having promised to sponsor all the party candidates if he gets the ticket, we were rudely awoken to the reality that Bala Mohammed had no money for his own campaigns let alone for other candidates of the party.
“Initially, I thought it was some kind of a funny joke but as time went, I realized to my utter bewilderment that it was true. It turned out Bala Mohammed had lied to us about his financial capacity.
“So we had a meeting at my then residence at Wuse 2 Abuja to help raise money and we thought since Bala Mohammed was one time Minister for nearly 6 years, he must have built enough goodwill we could harness if we organised a fundraiser for him.
“A committee was put in place and we spent N20 million to organize the fundraiser at the then Lady Kwai Hall, Sheraton Hotels, Abuja.
Before then, I had asked Bala Mohammed to give me a list of some of the people he had helped while he held sway as Minister for FCT.
“He obliged me with the list and after calling just four people on the list that I know so well, what they said to me jolted me and I reserve that for some other day. But suffice to say that I knew the fundraiser will be a flop. Do, I was already thinking of alternatives.
“And as predicted, we had the fundraiser and to cut the long story short, all we raised from the fundraiser was a paltry N48 million and If you deduct the N20 million invested in organising it, that leaves you with a net of N28m. I have the records and our stakeholders are there to bear witness to this.
“When it was obvious the masquerade will soon turn to a human being, I told our then two serving Senators who are alive and can testify that the only option we had was to go to a friend and brother, then Governor Wike for assistance.
“We got tickets and flew to Port Harcourt with Bala Mohammed without informing Wike that we were coming with him. On arrival, we were ushered into the Government house and asked to take our seats and wait for the Governor who was still upstairs to join us shortly.
“As soon as Wike walked down the stairs to join us and saw Bala Mohammed his visage changed and I noticed he was cold to me for the very first time. He asked us to join him at the dining room for breakfast, but excused me while those on my delegation waited. What happened next was nerve raking and humbling, I must say!
“He was like, Speaker why did you bring Bala to my house without even caring to find out what our mission was. I said to him, I thought he is your friend since both of you served in the same cabinet under President Jonathan.
“He said to me let me tell you what you don’t know. When we were ministers, Bala Mohammed allocated plots of land to all Ministers except me. He also recalled how he humiliated him when he went to see him in his office as a colleague Minister just to get an approval to increase the number of floors on a building he had in Abuja, not to beg for plot which he refused to allocate to him.
“He said Bala Mohammed kept him in his waiting room for hours and later sneaked out of the office. That from that day, he made up his mind never to have anything to do with him again.
“He added, I wish, you had told me it’s Bala you were rooting for but whatever you want I will assist you guys because I don’t say no to a brother but I assure you, you will regret your decision if Bala Mohammed becomes Governor. The rest is history.
“He said to me let’s join them at the dining so that I can confront him with these issues for you to know that I am not making things up. We joined them at the dinning and Wike confronted Bala with these issues in the open and in our very presence.
“Bala admitted and pleaded for forgiveness assuring that he is now a changed man. The two Senators with me that day can confirm this to anyone who wants to establish the veracity of these narratives.
“To cut the long story short, we passed the night at the Government house and the next morning Wike called and directed that his cash assistance be handed over to me to pass to Bala. I said, your Excellency, it’s better I call him so that he can collect the assistance himself least he thinks you are still angry with him.
“I sent for Bala and when he came Wike’s aide handed over the package to him and he collected it while almost kissing the ground. Wike therefore gave us the lifeline we needed to kick start Bala’s campaigns.
“If Bala has forgotten how much we left with that day, I will remind him. Wike didn’t stopped there, he gave us a private jet to ferry us back to Abuja. And I must add that was not the only time Wike helped Bala with resources and logistics.
“What is baffling is that the so called transactional Wike did not demand for anything in return nor place any condition for all that he did. Believe me this is not the end of the story but let’s leave it here.
“With all these, my question to Bala is what happens to the golden adage that you don’t attempt to break the calabash from which you once sucked honey? For Bala, power is a poison and anyone who questions how he wields it, for that reason, is an eternal heretic that must be crushed at all cost.
“Every sane person knows that true freedom doesn’t insist on expressing itself to the harm of others especially those that stood by you in your time of desperate need. For it is not in vain that they say, “a friend in need is a friend indeed”.
“Unfortunately, for those of us who know Bala too well, there is no room for debate about whether he is a rogue or mere scoundrel, as much as there is no debate about his moral bankruptcy, rooted in a contempt for truth.
“His mental pathology reveals a man that harbours grand delusions to the extent that he would not recognize the truth, whether about his private or political life, if confronted by it in an identity parade. As someone who is false to his friends and neighbours, it is impossible for him to be true to the public.
“Between Wike and Bala, Bala should be told in unequivocal terms that it is better to be hated for what you are than to be loved for what you are not. It is obvious that Bala is not near anything that he is projecting to the public.
“When Wike was his benefactor, he said he knew Wike had done better than him and referred to him as, “ someone who is courageous, focused and determined, a person qualified and competent to help salvage Nigeria”. His words not mine.
“Now that Wike cuts off the benefits, he is a dead wood, former friend and a “transactional politician”. As a known wimp, he believes that Wike is now on the robs and he is punching so hard so that he can appropriate the glory from whatever pyrrhic victory that may ensue.
“Is it not ludicrous for someone who is mostly disliked for no reason other than he is shady, to call someone transactional? Time will not permit me to list those Bala has betrayed which includes his known godfather and our father, Baba Waziri, Alhaji Bello Kirfi, Elder statesman and former minister under President Shehu Shagari in the second republic.
“Bala represents everything but decency which I said before that I doubted he will ever have. Those who thought I was too harsh including an ally of Wike who pleaded with me not to talk about Bala again are increasingly noticing this.
“I am sure they are now convinced that we cannot continue to run a therapy session for a troubled pyromaniac nay reptilian brat like this who consistently seeks to elevate himself by putting others down and who inhales rather than think before he talks.
“After all, it was saint John Chrysostom who said, “we must not mind insulting men, if by respecting them we offend God”.
[TheNation]
TCN announces power outage in Akwa Ibom for transformer maintenance
The Transmission Company of Nigeria has announced an electricity disruption in parts of Akwa Ibom State.
TCN’s spokesperson, Ndidi Mbah, disclosed this in a statement on Tuesday.
She explained that the outage, which is scheduled between 11am and 6pm on Tuesday, was due to maintenance of TCN’s 60 Mega Volt Ampere power transformers at the 132/33kV Uyo Transmission Substation.
Areas affected are Abak, Ikot-Ekpene, Afaha Ube, and Idoro.
“The Transmission Company of Nigeria, TCN, announces scheduled maintenance on one of its 60MVA power transformers at the 132/33kV Uyo Transmission Substation on Tuesday, January 28, 2025, from 11:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m.
“As a result, there will be an interruption of bulk power supply to the Port Harcourt DisCo, affecting the distribution of electricity to end-users in Abak, Ikot-Ekpene, Afaha Ube, and Idoro for the duration of the maintenance period.
“The power interruption is necessary to ensure a safe working environment for our engineers while they perform the maintenance work. TCN assures all that the bulk power supply will be restored immediately upon completion,” she stated.
[Punch]
[OPINION] Rethinking January 15 as Nigeria’s Armed Forces Remembrance Day - Jideofor Adibe
Nigerians celebrate January 15 of every year as Armed Forces Remembrance Day (AFRD). Also known simply as Remembrance Day, it is a day set aside to honour the servicemen of the Nigerian Armed Forces and veterans of the First and Second World Wars as well of the Nigerian Civil War. The name was changed to ‘Armed Forces Celebration and Remembrance Day’ in 2024 to underline the fact that it is also about celebrating members of the Armed Forces still in service as well as the fallen heroes in those conflicts.
In fact, most members of the Commonwealth and several non-Commonwealth countries celebrate Remembrance Day ( also known as Poppy Day) on November 11 to honour the end of the First World War because the War ended ‘at the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month’ of 1918, in accordance with the armistice signed by representatives of Germany and the Triple Entente (the United Kingdom, France, and Russia) – though the War effectively ended with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles on 28 June 1919. With the end of the Nigerian or Biafran Civil War on 15 January 1970, (which was the day the instrument of surrender was handed over to Olusegun Obasanjo by Philip Effiong of the Biafran Army), Nigeria adopted January 15 as its own Remembrance Day.
I think it made a lot of sense then to use January 15 as Armed Forces Remembrance Day, especially given General Gowon’s symbolic declaration that there was “No Winner, No Vanquished” in the war – even if we all know there was a clear winner. Using January 15 as Armed Forces Remembrance Day was then meant to honour soldiers on both sides of the ‘brotherly’ conflict who paid the supreme sacrifice and to celebrate the unity the end of the war was meant to usher. Unfortunately given that January 15 was also the Day the First military coup took place, Nigeria’s Armed Forces Celebration and Remembrance Day has unfortunately turned to be a Day to re-open old wounds on both sides of the conflict because every finger pointing leads to counter-finger pointing.
In an article on January 21 2016 entitled ‘January 15, 1966 and after: We remember differently’, I responded to issues raised by Emir of Kano HRH Alhaji Muhammadu Sanusi who was quoted as warning that “Nigeria may experience a repeat of the January 15 1966 military coup if some parts of the country continue in violence and disunity.” Emir Sanusi reportedly made the remarks on January 14 of that year at the 50th commemoration of the death of the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello. He was quoted as condemning “the situation where some individuals were trying to rewrite history by portraying themselves as the victims instead of the aggressors” (The Herald, January 15 2016). Emir Sanusi was probably referring to the agitation by Biafra separatist groups such as the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and the Indigenous Peoples Republic of Biafra (IPOB). Following from this, some have called for the history of the Civil War to be taught “truthfully.”
In my response, I remarked as follows: My aim in this piece is not to challenge the Emir’s condemnation of “the situation where some individuals were trying to rewrite history by portraying themselves as the victims instead of the aggressors” but rather to show that for every piece of our history, there are contending narratives and that people on opposite sides of an ugly event often remember differently and therefore will often interpret that event, including the apportioning of blame about it, differently.
It is for the above reason that social scientists argue that truth is relative, that what we call “the truth”, is in fact socially constructed and experiential rather than an ‘objective reality’ or an immutable fact. Following from this, historiography (the art of history construction) is never neutral in the ideological, philosophical and political contestations in any plural society. I am sure if Hitler were to be given an opportunity to write about the history of the Second World War his version of “the truth” will be manifestly different from the current dominant account about that ugly chapter in world history.
The truth is that there are contending perspectives on the January 15 1966 coup, the July 29 1967 coup and on what caused the Civil war.
There are a few facts about the coup which are not deniable: it was extremely bloody -as most military coups by junior army officers are wont to be. And it didn’t need to be, even if the coupists wanted to overthrow the civilian government. The ring leaders were mostly Igbo and Christians and there was regional imbalance in both the casualties and those spared. It was also argued that Major-General Ironsi who became Head of State following the coup did nothing substantial to punish the coup plotters allegedly because they were his fellow Igbo. The anger of the North was therefore understandable.
Those who try to deny the ethnic (and religious) character of the coup counter- argue that the conspiratorial nature of coups and the consequences of failure which attracts the death penalty means leads coup plotters often recruiting from their close-knit groups (ethnic, regional or religious) and that subsequent coups in the country followed the same pattern. It is also argued that if the coup was a conspiracy by Igbo officers, it was also botched by Igbo officers – Ironsi in Lagos and Ojukwu in Kano.
If the coup of January 1966 was lopsided, the Northern revenge coup of July 1966 was even more so. Not only was Ironsi killed in a brutal manner, several Igbo military officers were killed. Then came the pogrom, which killed tens of thousands of Igbos, and which continued even after Gowon had firmly established himself as the Head of State after the death of Ironsi. While there is a consensus that the Northern counter coup of July 1966 and the anti-Igbo pogrom that followed were disproportionate in their grotesqueness to the sins of the January 15 1966 coup makers, their defenders argue that reactions are rarely equal to the original actions, and that Igbos living in the North did not show humility after the January 15 1966 coup. What seems obvious is that much of the Igbo anger about the civil war is focused on stories of the pogrom following the counter coup of 1966 and the devastating impact of the Civil War- kwashiorkor, deaths, opportunities lost and Igbophobia.
What caused the war? Depending on which side you are, explanations of what caused the civil war differ. For many on the federal side, the war was simply caused by the desire of the people of the former Eastern Nigeria to secede from Nigeria as the Republic of Biafra and the decision of the rest of the country to fight to keep Nigeria one. For most Igbos, the Civil War was simply a war of self-preservation caused by the pogrom against the Igbos in the North.
Obviously these two narratives are simplistic. They are at best among the trigger events to the war. The proximate causes of the 1966 Coup, which was initially received with jubilation across the country cannot be divorced from the controversies around the 1962 census over alleged inflation of figures in some regions, the acrimony over the 1964 federal elections and the ‘Operation Wetie’ in the Western Region (nicknamed the ‘wild wild West’) in 1965 in which there were widespread looting, arson and burning of political opponents alive. Some ahistorical narrations of the January 15 1966 military coup often gives the wrong impression that Nigeria was an oasis of peace and tranquillity before the coup ‘messed’ things up. It wasn’t.
I believe that if we are really serious about moving forward as a nation, we need to re-think the celebration of Armed Forces Remembrance Day on January 15 as it has degenerated into being a day of opening healing wounds on both sides of the conflict. One of the effects is that we remain stuck in the ugly events of the past rather than making conscious efforts to move beyond them. It is important for the ‘combatants’ on both sides of the argument to bear in mind that what is called truth is relative and socially constructed.
What is need is the use of historiography – the art of writing history in a way to achieve a given end – to heal the wounds of January 15 coup, the wounds of the Civil War, the wounds from the subsequent coups in the country as well as the pains of several aggrieved communities, including those who suffered from the Asaba Massacre of October 1967. This is what Rwandans seem to have done to help them heal from the effects of the 1994 genocide in the country. Outside the coups and the Civil War several communities across the country such as the Ogonis, Odi, Zaki-Biam and Zangon Kataf still have institutionalized memories of hurt.
One of the key lessons from the First Republic which many people gloss over is that domination leads to resentment. During the First Republic the Igbos dominated not just the public service but also the officer corps of the army (which was probably another reason for the preponderance of Igbo soldiers among the January 15 1966 coup plotters). The residual resentment against Igbo made it easier to mobilise other parts of the country against them during the war and also stoke the fear of domination among the other ethnic groups in the Eastern region.
We also saw that pattern of resentment when Buhari’s nepotism and the favouring of Muslims from the North in his government led to the profiling of the Fulanis (even the ardent critics of Buhari’s clannishness) and to the introduction of a new lexicon,, ‘Fulanisation’. Under the Tinubu government, we also hear murmurs of ‘Yorubanisation’. The bottom line is that the temporary advantages nepotism confers on any group has a short shelf life, and often ends up being an albatross on the people so favoured, including those who never benefitted from the government in question or were even critical of that government’s parochial practices.
Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University and founder of Adonis & Abbey Publishers (www.adonis-abbey.com). He can be reached at: 0705 807 8841 (WhatsApp and Text messages only).