In preparation for the 2027 general elections, a faction of the Labour Party (LP) loyal to the interim Chairlady, Nanedi Usman has launched a comprehensive strategy to revive the party’s fortunes and position it as a major party to beat.

The strategy, tagged “Operation Recover and Redeem,” was aimed at addressing the party’s internal challenges and repositioning it as a viable force in Nigerian politics.

The interim Chairman of the party in Ogun State, Apagun Olaolu Samuel, disclosed this when he led a delegation of the party in the State on a courtesy visit to the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) National Political Commission, where they expressed concerns about the party’s current state.

Olaolu expressed his displeasure over the perceived silence of the NLC on matters affecting the party, as well as prolonged court cases stalling party operations.

He said, “as part of the “Recover and Redeem” strategy, the Labour Party has resolved to launch a nationwide congress, leading to a legitimate and all-inclusive national convention. This move aims to restore the party’s integrity, protect its human capital, and rebuild its image ahead of the 2027 general elections”.

“The party, also said it will implement legal and organizational measures to counteract manipulations and external influences that have undermined its values and progress”.

“We are committed to recovering our party from those who have hijacked it and restoring its integrity,”.

“We urge all our members to remain steadfast and committed to this process, as we work towards rebuilding the Labour Party into a formidable force for the 2027 elections.”

The development is seen as a significant step towards revitalizing the Labour Party, which has faced numerous challenges in recent years. With the “Recover & Redeem” strategy, the party aims to reassert its relevance and influence in Nigerian politics.

Responding, the NLC Political Commission, led by Acting Chairman, Professor Theophilus Ndubuaku, reassured the Labour Party leadership of their commitment to addressing all the concerns raised.

The commission also formally recognized the Labour Party’s Interim Executive Committee in the State, and commended their efforts in maintaining party cohesion during challenging times.

[Vanguard]

Olu Fasan’s opinion piece in the Vanguard of Thursday, February 13, 2025 entitled: ” EFCC’s Failure: Olukoyede’s Blame- Shifting is Mere Shadow- Boxing”, clearly brought to the fore precipitate desperation to deny, ignore, lampoon and disregard the obvious and undeniable achievements of the Executive Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, Mr Ola Olukoyede since he assumed office more than a year ago. Besides, the piece equally exposed Fasan as lacking total grasp of the position of Olukoyede on the character traits of many Nigerians in their disposition to the fight against corruption.

Recently, Olukoyede decried the hypocritical tendency of some Nigerians towards the vexed issue of corruption in the land. He rightfully observed that ” Everyone is crying that Nigerians are corrupt, that the system is corrupt, that corruption is killing us and destroying our system, but when we investigate high- profile cases and arraign people in court, the same poeple will carry placards and be supporting corrupt leaders. It doesn’t show that we are serious about this fight”.

Nothing can be more factual than this. There is no ” blame- shifting” or “shadow- boxing” in this but ungarnished reality about the attitudinal trajectory of many Nigerians regarding the issue of corruption. Fasan’s backgrounding of his visceral attacks of Olukoyede and the EFCC on such a disclosure clearly shows malice, prejudice or a naked dance to please some paymasters. We all know that corruption has leprous fingers contaminating the masses of our people. A recent show of shame in Okenne where a former governor standing trial for suspected money laundering charges drew tumultous cheers from the same people he allegedly defrauded, is enough cause for concern.

Across the country, the EFCC is sensitive to the unhelpful embrace and canonisation of many suspects of corruption cases. Rather than hold them at arm’s length, we regularly offer them front seats in social gatherings, religious meetings, tribal festivities and other public functions. Our social media is always awash with rationalisations, justifications and shameful defences of even convicts of corruption. Fasan’s tirade and gratuitous insults on the EFCC and its hard- working Chairman is another parade of corruption in bold statements. How do we make progress in such a society where anti- graft fighters are seen as enemies and their genuine efforts are treated as smelly trash cans?

Talking about the mud Fasan splashed on the EFCC and its operations. How on earth will anyone dismissively describe Olukoyede’s EFCC as a failure? In recent times, it is public knowledge that the Commission uncovered several underhanded dealings across the country, resulting in unprecedented recoveries, arrests, arraignments and ongoing trials of many suspects of economic and financial crimes. It is also clear as crystal that such operational dynamics are without comparison locally and globally.

Is it the Lokogoma, Abuja’s recovery of 753 duplexes and other apartments? Or the arrests and arraignments of 792 suspected cyber terrorists, investment and romance fraudsters? Or the several high- profile cases the Commission is prosecuting in our courts? To denigrate such open attainments, Fasan may either be living in Mars but if he is on planet earth and denied such global records of the EFCC, then, every fair- minded Nigerian should be able to discern mischief and calumny in his commentaries.

Now, let’s get to the brass tacks. Since assuming office in October, 2023, Olukoyede has turned the anti- corruption war into a redemptive engagement. The three-pronged agenda which has become his blueprint for fighting economic and financial crimes is all too known. So far, the EFCC under his watch is witnessing steady turnaround. In 2024 alone, the Commission achieved monetary recoveries in billions and unmatchable convictions and advances in all the cases it is handling. His policy thrust of tackling corruption through preventive frameworks has birthed
a full- fledged department, Fraud Risk Assessment and Control, FRAC, in the Commission. There is no time in the annals of the EFCC that such progress has been made.

Fasan’s diatribe that Ola Olukoyede ” is full of hot air on corruption in Nigeria” is not true. Evidently, Nigerians are feeling the impact of the policy drives he has initiated. The onslaught on Naira abuse and dollarisation of the economy is gaining traction. Till date, more than 50 Nigerians from all walks of life have been convicted on this matter. The whole issue is protecting the local economy from heamorrage and reversing age- long traditions pulling back growth and development. The courageous tackling of internet fraud and associated criminalities is re- building the foreign direct investment profile of Nigeria. Steadily, our nation is bouncing back and it is owing to the relentless efforts of the Commission Olukoyede is heading.

At this point, Fasan’s claims that ” the EFCC is too incompetent, corrupt and politicised to tackle endemic corruption in Nigeria” deserve closer examination. To all intents and purpose, these claims are without any sound basis or empirical strength. Only last year, four former governors were brought before the courts to answer charges of corruption preferred against them. Four former ministers followed the same route and are standing trial on their stewardship. All these are outside ongoing investigations which will soon be made public. So, where is incompetence in all these? Can a lameduck anti- graft agency achieve such a feat?

To the credit of Olukoyede, internal corruption is becoming a taboo in the EFCC. For the umpteenth time, the Commission has come out clearly on its ethics and integrity policies which have since sent 27 officers out of its workforce. A corrupt agency will not go that far. The EFCC’s boss has never claimed to be heading an angelic agency. Rather, he has been forthright in driving internal cleansing to make the Commission free of compromisers and sharp dealers. Fasan glossed over this important credit of the Commission in his hurry to cast aspersions on its works.

Nigeria is better with EFCC. Every well- meaning Nigerian knows this. The international community knows it. We know that corruption fights back. However, calling white black or driving chariots of warfare against the Commission owing to some vested interests would not serve any purpose. Olukoyede is drawing meaningful local and international accolades everyday owing to verifiable proofs of his achievements on all fronts. We can only advise Nigerians like Fasan to be more positive and see the stars on the sky rather than its dark clouds. Olukoyede will continue on his winning strides and Nigeria will surely get better.

Oyewale is head, media & publicity of the EFCC.

Tigran Gambaryan, the Binance executive, insists Nigerian officials demanded bribe from him despite the denial of the federal government.

Gambaryan, who serves as Binance’s head of financial crime compliance, was detained in Nigeria from February to October 2024.

According to the federal government, his arrest was part of a broader investigation into alleged money laundering and economic destabilisation attributed to Binance’s activities in Nigeria. 

Recounting his experience in a post on X, formerly Twitter, Gambaryan alleged that certain Nigerian lawmakers demanded substantial bribes in cryptocurrency. He accused three lawmakers of soliciting a $150 million bribe.

Additionally, he claimed that Nuhu Ribadu, the national security adviser, sought significant payouts from Binance for his political ambition.

In response, Mohammed Idris, Nigeria’s minister of information and national orientation, dismissed Gambaryan’s allegations as “outrageous” and “defamatory”.

Idris said the Nigerian government had rejected a $5 million offer from Binance intended to secure Gambaryan’s release, opting instead for a more favourable settlement with the US government.

He said Gambaryan’s claims lack credibility and appear to be an attempt to discredit Nigerian officials.

Reactjng in another statement on his X handle, the Binance official said the federal government used him as leverage to negotiate a beneficial settlement with the US government.

“I was invited by the Nigerian FIU to a meeting in January. Last time I checked, they are part of the Nigerian government. House members also invited us to the meeting. Last time I checked, the legislative branch is also part of the Nigerian government,” he said.

“You said the second part was part of a probe? Lol. So when you invited us to a friendly meeting, you even lied about that? 

“I was in a safe house for a month, watching TV, while you were trying to use me as leverage. You then panicked and knowingly charged me with blatantly false accusations.

“So I was released on humanitarian grounds? At least you’re finally admitting the need to release me. Last time you posted, you claimed my health was fine and that there was nothing wrong with me.

“You investigated? Yet you didn’t take a statement from me?  A person with direct knowledge. What a joke.

“You dragged my name through the mud for the past year with zero evidence against me, nearly killed me, and caused trauma to my family. And now you have the nerve to talk about defamation?

“I’ll put my credibility on the line anytime. In court? You mean like last time, when your attorneys didn’t even show up to the human rights suit in Abuja?

“Get your facts straight. I am done with this foolishness. I said my part. I’ll be off Twitter now since it’s pointless to argue with evil.”

[TheCable]

Our people say everyone should be careful about the predictions of a fortune teller, or seer, who could not foresee the collapse of his house, or the coming of the downpour that took the house away. Our people also say that it is not forgetfulness when a man who has the duty of saying “watch out” at the approach of danger fails to do so; such that danger overtakes him and his society. I state the above, just-invented proverbs, with reference to the presumed superior and reverential status we have come to attach to the pronouncement of S&P, Fitch, Moody and similar organizations of the family of supposed economic fortune tellers.

But more about that later.

A Thisday Newspaper front page report of last Thursday had this title: “Fitch Ratings: Nigerian Banks Progress towards New Capital Requirements”.   The report said: “Nigerian banks are making significant progress in raising core capital to meet new paid-in capital requirements, and they are generally on track to meet the end of first quarter 2026 deadline set by Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). Fitch Ratings, one of the global rating agencies, disclosed this in a statement posted on its website yesterday”.

Problem number one here is that Fitch is doing us the great favour of revealing to us facts it obtained from our own Central Bank. Alright, I get it: Fitch is explaining the implications of these facts, which implications are also available to anyone who checks the records. But no matter.

The Fitch report was also reported to have told us that the ongoing recapitalization would support a recovery in capitalization from the impact of naira devaluation and provide fuel for business growth, among other things. Listen: “Fitch-rated banks have made notable progress towards compliance. Almost all have raised capital or formally launched the process to do so. The two largest banks, Access Holdings and Zenith Bank, are the first to secure enough fresh capital to meet the N500 billion requirement for an international licence”.

Good news, but then again what are we dealing with here? Revelation, intuitive insight? What is it that we celebrate when we hear of a positive Fitch rating? What makes us feel so terrible, or terrified, about a negative Fitch rating?

There was a major financial crisis between 2007 and 2008, tagged the subprime crisis, which the three big credit rating agencies, Fitch, Moody’s and S&P did not see coming. At least they were nearly as dumbfounded, and confounded, as everyone else. In all fairness, the ratings of these Big Three are usually taken seriously; especially when thinking or speaking of the creditworthiness of governments, corporations, and financial institutions. But, like every human endeavour, these ratings have their limitations and intimations of bias here and there.

It is to the credit of these rating agencies that they are respected enough globally for many investors, governments, and financial institutions to rely on their offerings – particularly Fitch Rating – for some important policy decisions. Fitch Rating, for instance, deploys well laid out, arguably transparent, criteria and painstaking reports to back its ratings. It also has global reach and covers a broad range of entities; including sovereign states, credible corporations, banks, and structured finance products.

Notwithstanding the foregoing, however, there is the possibility, or at least veiled suspicion, of possible conflict of Interest now and again; because issuers often pay for their own ratings. When we also consider that these agencies base their ratings mostly on historical and current data, it become easy to understand why they are sometimes accused of not being forward looking; and of being ill-equipped to predict sudden downturns.

Thus, while Fitch ratings provide valuable benchmarks in many situations and cases, those who use the ratings alongside other financial analysis and risk assessment tools stand a better chance of being secured. That is why many organization, investors and economic trend analysts and students of political economy compare ratings from several agencies, as a form of due diligence, before taking positions on many economic issues.

Let us recall that Fitch, Moody’s and S&P neither anticipated, nor knew how to respond to, the 2008 subprime crisis. They also had no clear ideas about how to deal with the full impact of the crisis. Before the calamitous downturn, these agencies had given very high ratings, such as AAA, to Mortgage-Backed Securities (MBS) and Collateralized Debt Obligations (CDOs) that were actually high-risk. This would not have happened if these agencies were as perspicacious as they are taken to be. That the securities quickly lost value and led to the, arguably global, financial crisis when the housing market collapsed, is traceable to this lapse.

On closer examination, the conclusion that inflicts itself on us, regarding the 2008 global fiasco, includes the fact that Fitch and Co. were using what can best be described as a flawed model for the matter they were dealing with. They stood squarely on historical data, which data is likely to easily underestimate the likelihood of future, potential or precipitate widespread mortgage defaults.

There is also the fact, hinted at earlier here, that once it is known that issuers of securities paid for their own ratings, the suspicion that rating agencies could give favorable – or at least tendentious – ratings can be taken for granted. Added to the above is the charge that Fitch as a rating agency is guilty of overreliance on Structured Finance; such that it is always dealing with complex financial products, wherein it is difficult to accurately assess all the risk factors; leading to the possibility of underestimating the risks and dangers involved in certain transactions.

Perhaps the most compelling reason to handle the offerings of rating agencies with some caution, especially bearing the events of 2008 in mind, is the fact that they appear not to react quickly enough to budding signs of trouble. The danger signals, which latter morphed into the House Fire of 2008, became visible in 2007. But Fitch and similar agencies did not quickly downgrade securities. The behaviour delayed market corrections and made the full-scale crisis inevitable. It is now a matter of history and record that, following the 2008 crisis, regulators began to scrutinize rating agencies more closely. They also began to demand greater scrutiny. These demands led to reforms; like the Dodd-Frank Act and to changes in how structured products are rated.

Of course, Fitch has improved its methodologies since then. We shall get to that, after explaining the qpurport of the Dodd-Frank Act.

The collapse of major banks and financial institutions, like Lehman Brothers, exposed weaknesses in the financial system. The evidence of high-risk Lending, wherein subprime mortgage lending and securitization led to widespread defaults and market instability emerged. This exposed the failure, or at least limited capacity, of Credit Rating Agencies, like Fitch, Moody’s, and S&P; and the problem posed by their sometimes overly questionably optimistic ratings on risky financial products.

The Act was an institutional response to the need for better regulation, to ensure that shadow banking, derivatives trading, and proprietary trading by banks came under serious and rigorous scrutiny and regulation. It was also the outcome of a public outcry, demanding that calls for government bailouts cannot be open ended; and that stricter rules should be put in place to prevent future crises of the 2008 variety.

Thus, the Dodd-Frank Act came out with several provisions, to give rating agencies and everyone else a marked lane to travel on. One of such provisions was the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC), which monitors systemic risks in the financial system. Another is Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), which protects consumers from predatory financial practices. The Volcker Rule, for instance, limits banks from engaging in risky proprietary trading, is yet another provision of the Act.

In addition to the foregoing, there is the Increased Oversight of Credit Rating Agencies, which introduced accountability measures for agencies like Fitch; such that greater transparency became evident in their ratings. There is also the Stronger Derivatives Regulation, which requires derivatives (like credit default swaps) to be traded on transparent exchanges. These measures provided have improved financial stability, reduced risky practices, and increased consumer protection.

Now, to the matter of why fitch Ratings had to do some things differently.

The global shock of 2008 for national economies and economic actors, and the institutional scandal that nearly overwhelmed Fitch Ratings after the 2008 economic crisis, were fundamental game changers. Fitch and other credit rating agencies were roundly lambasted for underestimating the risks attendant upon mortgage-backed securities and other complex financial instruments. It was in response to the new demands for greater proof of responsible engagement that Fitch implemented some improvements to its methodology and governance templates.

The significant changes subsequently introduced by the Fitch include Enhanced Criteria for Structured Finance, which meant stricter criteria for rating mortgage-backed securities (MBS) and collateralized debt obligations (CDOs). There was also increased stress-testing, to account for extreme economic downturns, in addition to greater scrutiny of loan-level data and originator quality.

It all came down to increased Transparency and more detailed disclosures on rating methodologies and assumptions. The agency put out publicly available stress test results and sensitivity analyses, alongside clearer explanations of rating changes and outlooks. These were in addition to stronger Corporate Governance and Conflicts of Interest Management rules; with rating analysts and commercial teams disaggregated, in order to minimize conflicts of interest.

Then you have the introduction of an independent review function to oversee rating decisions, with stricter policies on interactions with issuers. The more conservative sovereign and bank ratings, as well as revised criteria for rating sovereign debt to better incorporate fiscal and economic risks, were some of the new measures. With these came more stringent assessments of bank liquidity and capital adequacy.

These new measures were meant to place greater focus on systemic risks and the contagion effects in global finance, all in aid of regulatory compliance and oversight. The efforts to comply with new regulations, such as those introduced by the Dodd-Frank Act in the U.S. and ESMA regulations in Europe, crated a new rule for more rigorous internal controls and oversight by regulators and periodic review of methodologies to ensure they reflect evolving risks.

Then what? While it is true that much has changed with the ratings agencies, to strengthen investor confidence and improve the accuracy of their credit ratings in assessing financial and economic risks, the question still is: what has really changed; especially given the “profound revelations” from Fitch Ratings about the status and health of some of our banks?

QUOTE

There was a major financial crisis between 2007 and 2008, tagged the subprime crisis, which the three big credit rating agencies, Fitch, Moody’s and S&P did not see coming. At least they were nearly as dumbfounded, and confounded, as everyone else. In all fairness, the ratings of these Big Three are usually taken seriously; especially when thinking or speaking of the creditworthiness of governments, corporations, and financial institutions. But, like every human endeavour, these ratings have their limitations and intimations of bias here and there.

They are on all social media platforms. They have a knack for leaving comments on everything posted on social media. They move from Facebook to Instagram, X (formerly Twitter), TikTok and other social media platforms you can think of. They have an idea of everything. From marriage, politics, governance, public policy, religion, entertainment, and any other issue you can think of, they are experts. They are the social media police.

Today, they are marriage specialists and they have already taken a position on the 2Baba (Innocent Idibia) and Annie’s wedding saga. While some of them have used all manner of unprintable words against the ‘African Queen’ crooner “most of them to destroy him,” those we refer to as social media in-laws are rendering emotional support to Annie Idibia and are already calling Edo State lawmaker, Natasha Osawaru “Ole” for stealing 2Baba’s heart. These “people are acting like them know it all.” Hmmm, some have even vowed that 2Baba will not be allowed to go scot-free.

With users acting as judge, jury and executioner, social media sites like Facebook, Instagram, and X have gradually transformed into virtual courts where comments vary from sincere expressions of concern to blatant denunciation and unsolicited counsel.

Social media police who are individuals that often resort to moral grandstanding and personal attacks have vast knowledge of anything and everything that trends and their comments must count.

They have already expressed their opinion on the ongoing feud between Nedu (Chinedu Ani) and VDM (Martins Otse) following the outcome of the latest episode of The Honest Bunch podcast, while also sparing some time to give the former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai free tutorials on governance and party loyalty and in equal measure bashing him on social media platforms due to his recent comments. El-Rufai’s supporters on the other hand have continued to cheer him up.

The other day, these set of persons were chanting “fight, fight, fight” when Paschal Okechukwu, popularly known as Cubana Chief Priest and Grammy-winning artiste, Burna Boy had their clash. Even President Bola Tinubu, Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar are not left out as they are tried almost every day by these social media police.

They seem to have a private feed that no one else is aware of or a group of social media spies constantly on the lookout for the newest trends and memes. We can always rely on them to make us laugh and ponder, one post at a time, even though we might never discover the key to their commenting skills.

Clearly, while some comments on social media might be thought-provoking, entertaining, or educational, others can be irrelevant or nasty.

While public figures understand that a degree of scrutiny comes with fame, the level of vitriol and invasion of privacy often witnessed on social media is disproportionate and at times, deeply harmful. 

But have you ever pondered as to why these persons consistently show up in the comments section of almost every post that social media algorithms provide us with? Does it have a scientific basis? Guess what, though?

Studies have linked dopamine, a neurotransmitter that is essential for controlling the reward and pleasure centers of the brain to social media addiction.  According to addiction expert, Dr. Anna Lembke, with each swipe, like and tweet, our smartphones are turning us into dopamine addicts. In her book, ‘Dopamine Nation,’ Lembke points out that most social media users are now addicts.

According to her, the smartphone is now the “modern-day hypodermic needle,” as most of us can’t do without it and turn to it almost every second for quick hits, to seek attention, validation and distraction with each swipe, like and tweet.

While not taking away the benefits of monetisation, the prevalence of behavioral (as opposed to substance) addictions has increased dramatically since the year 2000. Whether it’s swiping through Facebook, Instagram, or X, every free moment is an opportunity to be stimulated, she added.

“We’re seeing a huge explosion in the numbers of people struggling with addictions,” Lembke added.

Lembke strongly believes that one can beat digital addiction by embracing a more monastic mindset. Additionally, limiting the time one spends on social media can significantly reduce its addictive nature. Set specific time slots to check your accounts and avoid using social media outside the fixed times can also be very helpful.

Now back to the 2Baba marriage saga, the singer in his latest video on the matter assured his supporters that, “everybody is going to be alright and everyone is fine, there is no fight or quarrel.”

While I do not support divorce and it is never an easy decision for those involved, in a situation whereby a relationship has become toxic and irredeemable, it can act as a transforming catalyst, giving individuals an opportunity to reclaim their sense of self-worth and emotional well-being and also the chance to embark on a new chapter of life. The result of staying in an unhappy marriage is that if one is not happy in marriage, he or she will not be able to put anything constructive in the marriage or relationship, and it will only get worse.

Divorce may free both parties from emotional turmoil that a terrible marriage is known for and may enable them put their mental health first and establish a more wholesome atmosphere for happiness and personal development.

Ultimately, while public interest is understandable, those lamenting must understand that celebrities who unfortunately have become the prime influencers and role models to a lot of them are human beings, are not perfect and are often in need of psychological support.

Finally, as 2Baba sang, those that want to criticise him should “talk small small because you no holy pass my brother…you no holy pass my sister.”

Those who make history often do not immediately grasp the depth of impact their actions would have on humanity.

I can sense the unfolding of a remarkable legacy before us, something that looks certain to outlive us, inspire generations, and be cited always as a reference on the power of collaboration – especially between the state, the people and corporate organizations.

Let me start by expressing my profound gratitude to the Board of Trustees of the Enugu State Security Trust Fund, for the time and zeal they have committed to nurturing this idea to reality.

I’m particularly delighted by the devotion and inspiring leadership demonstrated by the Chairman of the Board of Trustees, Dr. Ike Chioke, and the Executive Secretary, Engr. Chinedu Joseph Ani.

You have, alongside other members of the Board, laid out a practical template for collaboration between the state, the private sector and literally everyone, towards creating a formidable funding structure for our security needs.

Your names will always be etched in gold and celebrated, whenever the labour of love that defined your collective work is recalled. I’m also immensely grateful to Engr. Arthur Eze, for graciously accepting to be the Chief Launcher at this epoch-making event.

Yours is a name that inspires pride, and we are proud to be associated with you. You are a pillar of industry, a man with a lifetime commitment to noble causes.

Thank you, sir, for once again leading by example and lending support to a very worthy project.

I began this speech on a very optimistic note. However, it wasn’t typically a cheery experience speaking about the security situation in Enugu State 20 months ago.

Let’s try and recall for a moment what the ever-bustling Ogui Road looked like on a Monday morning about 20 months ago. The entire stretch was a picture of desolation as business premises – from banks to retail shops – remained shut for the entire day.

Of course, it wasn’t a decision borne out of personal choice. They were compelled to do so by the so-called “sit-at-home” order issued by a criminal gang.

At this time on Ogui Road then, the only sound you may possibly hear is the cry of a child in an apartment. You could indeed imagine the anxious parents consumed by fear as they tried to calm the child. I’ve listened to parents recount the heart-wrenching tale of how their children could not sit for some subjects in a national examination, because those subjects had been slated for Mondays. I received countless messages from parents who lamented how their children could not secure university admission, on account of having not written a compulsory subject required for admission.

The complaints were mostly relating to Mathematics, because the subject had been scheduled on a Monday. This was a common experience. I’m sure if we sampled opinions, there would likely be someone here who knows a family where a child had experienced such cruel fate. Attacks on security officials almost became the norm, with a significant number of personnel fatalities as a sad reminder of that grim era. Back then, criminals gleefully posted bodies of security personnel and the arms they had stolen through their brazenly regular attacks.

But what difference 20 months make! Such wanton attacks have been pushed to the darkest recess of history. We have gained control of our streets. The outlaws who once held our people hostage have either been neutralized or fled.

We have substantially reduced crime rate. Statistics attesting to that abound. We can further glimpse this in the fact that night life has returned in full swing. Streets that were desolate and deserted have regained their groove.

I still remember a phone call I got at a very odd hour. I thought there was an emergency. It wasn’t an emergency after all. The excited caller was at a popular social spot, and was eager to show me live footage of bustling night life via his phone.

The pleasant experience arising from the vastly improved security is widespread: The businessman who could not open his shop and incurred losses as a result has found the confidence to do so; the child, who could not go to school every Monday in the past can now confidently do so without any fear; our security men and women can now carry on their law-enforcement duties without any brazen attack. What difference there has been in 20 months! But our job is not done yet; it needs to be sustained.

The importance of security in any society can never be overstated. Our Constitution clearly emphasizes this when it notes, under the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy, that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government”.

So, the provision of security is a fundamental reason for the existence of the state – or governments, if you will. Security is arguably the single most important sector upon which all socio-economic goals of states and nations rest. It can make or mar our dreams.

Few things incentivise enterprise as much as a reassuring sense of security. Conversely, nothing kills the spirit of enterprise as fast as a prevailing air of insecurity. We can indeed say that security and development have become inextricably intertwined in the world that we live in today. Investing in development projects without a corresponding investment in security is akin to spending vast sums to build a livestock farm, but yet leaving the doors of the pen open to wolves.

These points and anecdote resonate particularly for us, because at the heart of our audacious growth plan is the goal to make Enugu State the premier destination for investment, leisure and living. Our targets to make Enugu the conferencing capital of Africa and, also, attract three million annual tourists will seem like mere posturing if those tourists do not feel sufficiently safe on the streets and in their hotels.

Securing businesses, keeping the people safe, and improving their welfare are our primary motivation. And it is consistent with the pledge I made while seeking the people’s mandate. We have invested substantially in securing our state, and continue to do so, because there are no half measures in the fight against insecurity.

The various security measures we have put in place underscore this conviction. You actually do not have to search for our interventions in security. They literally stare you in the face. The Enugu State Command and Control Centre is a logistical novelty built via cutting-edge innovation comparable to what exists in more advanced countries. It was a moment of pride for us when it was commissioned in January to national acclaim, by the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, His Excellency Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Even when no security official is in sight, our round-the-clock surveillance system that covers our streets and neighbourhoods still ensures strict vigilance. The ultimate goal is to nip crime in the bud.

This crime-fighting device is complemented by the Distress Response Squad, designed to react swiftly to any security breach or threat of it. It is also further boosted by a large fleet of 150 security vehicles embedded with AI-enhanced cameras deployed across the state. The reassuring sense of security that these measures guarantee should not be for a moment in time only. It is important for it to exist at all time. This is crucial to the attainment of our ambition to grow Enugu State to become a $30 billion economy.

But enthroning a water-tight security, such as we are implementing in Enugu State, requires a humongous amount of funds to sustain. I dare say, there’s hardly any state that can solely handle such responsibility. The Enugu State Security Trust Fund is therefore a child of necessity. Its emergence is rooted in the increasing realization that an active civic engagement of citizens, offers more enduring solutions to pressing social exigencies normally exclusively borne by the government.

We are thus witnessing a civic rebirth in Enugu State. I strongly believe this is the day that the timeless campaign that security is everyone’s business finally sinks in. The old saying “all for one and one for all” easily comes to mind here. However, while we take unrelenting steps to squash criminality and threats to businesses, it is just as vital to adopt some non-kinetic strategies.

It is in this regard that the influence of our traditional rulers and towns union ought to shine forth as moral beacons of the grassroots. The non-kinetic approach should involve constant enlightenment to sensitize the people on the importance of being security conscious. Eternal vigilance by everyone is a boost for security.

As a government, we are wholly committed to the values of accountability, and do not view any demand for it as an irritant. This citizen-funded initiative will further widen the doors of transparency. Let us donate, buoyed by the knowledge that we are giving to a worthy cause. Let us donate fuelled by the knowledge that we are collectively building the future we desire – and deserve. Let us donate, knowing that the future we dream of is one ruled by certainties – not one ruled by fear.

This of course includes the certainty that business owners need to flourish, knowing that they no longer have to take extra measures to secure their businesses, which increased their operational costs in the past. No one should be overcome with anxiety whenever they think about travelling to their country-home. This is what we envision; this is what collective action can achieve.

Such collective resolve will ensure that the target of N20 billion we have set for the Security Trust Fund this year, will not only be achieved – but surpassed.

I congratulate everyone gathered here. You are all makers of a proud history and witnesses to its birth.

God bless Enugu State.

Tomorrow is here!

Being a speech delivered during the official launch of the Enugu State Security Trust Fund

This column continues from last week. Isaac Jacob Rochussen, the patrician from the Netherlands who brought Nicholas Said to New York in January 1860, exposed him to his first baptism of American racism.

At an abolitionist church in New York, Rochussen was told that he couldn’t sit on the same row of seats with Said. Like all Black people in white-dominated churches, Said had to sit in the balcony of the church. Rochussen was so exasperated he and Said left the church in a huff.

After taking Said on a voyage to Haiti (where the mixed-race freemen in charge of the government there treated Said like a subhuman because of his pitch dark complexion and Kanuri facial marks), Rochussen was broke and returned to New York.

It turned out that Rochussen was a scammer. He left Said at their expensive hotel in New York. After three months of waiting, the hotel management handed Said a bill equivalent to $40,500. Since he couldn’t pay it, his luggage was confiscated. 

“I lost all my clothing, consisting of four Turkish costumes, three full suits of broadcloth, a dozen of linen and fine English flannel shirts, etc. etc. with more than $250 [worth $7,200 now],” Said wrote. “I was almost penniless…. Having no trade, knowing no person to whom I could apply for help—I was truly in a pitiful situation. But God who never forsakes us came to my relief.”

That relief was a $10 loan he got from a reverend gentleman he became acquainted with while staying at the hotel. The reverend told him to go to Detroit in the state of Michigan “where there were a great number of colored people.”

By the time he got to Detroit, Said had become disillusioned with religion, writing that both Islam and Christianity were “against my feelings and common sense.” Nonetheless, his urge to go back to Borno was rekindled. 

He suppressed his disenchantment with religion and, in March 1861, applied to the African Civilization Society, which was looking for educated Black people to go to Africa “to instruct the natives in the arts and sciences” and to evangelize the gospel of Christianity. 

In Said’s application, he promised that if he was considered for the job, he planned to go to Borno and “spread the gospel of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.” Dean Calbreath suggested that Said didn’t mean it since he had become frustrated with religion. “But it shows how desperately he wanted to go home,” Calbreath writes. 

Said got the job and would have returned to Borno but for the start of the American Civil War on April 13, 1861. 

In light of the soul-destroying racism he had faced in the United States and Haiti, he had “prayed earnestly to be enabled to do some good to my race” and vowed that he “would willingly sacrifice my life, if need be, in realizing my dreams.”

 The outbreak of the Civil War, which was triggered by the desire of Southern whites to enslave Black people in perpetuity, provided such an opportunity.

Nevertheless, when Said rushed to enlist in the US Army to fight in the Civil War, he was told that Black people could not serve in the army. To ensure that no person with even the slightest tincture of African bloodline served in the army, even white men had to have their genitalia inspected because “the skin covering these organs is much darker in persons having a trace of negro blood”!

He took to teaching French to Black people in Detroit and “became quite distinguished, especially among the colored people, for his erudition, his large experience of the world, and his promising talent,” Calbreath quoted a journalist to have written. 

A little later during the war, there was a change of policy. The US Army decided to form all-black regiments to assist in the fight against Confederate forces determined to keep the institution of slavery. Recruiters from Boston in the state of Massachusetts came to Detroit.

Said, only three and a half years old in America at the time, enlisted. Within just two weeks of enlisting, he was promoted to a sergeant. The colonel who recommended his promotion said Said’s “linguistic ability was very marked” and that he was the scion of “the ruling class of his tribe.”

After his promotion to sergeant, there was a laudatory profile of him in the Boston Evening Transcript, one of Massachusetts’ notable newspapers at the time. Although his last name was misspelled as “Saib,” he was described as an “intelligent looking negro, perfectly black, modest and gentlemanly in bearing” and that his “acquisitions and behavior go far to dispel the ignorant and vulgar prejudice against the colored race.”

The profile turned him into a celebrity in his all-black regiment called the Fifty-Fifth. 

Unfortunately, the racism that initially stopped the enlistment of Black people didn’t abate even during the war from even white people who were fighting to stop Black enslavement.

Black soldiers—whether private, corporal, or sergeant (they couldn’t rise above sergeants)— were paid no more than $7 per month. The lowliest white private, by contrast, received $13 per month. White corporals received $17, and white sergeants received $21.  “For Sergeant Said, who had been drawn to the United States because of its democratic ideals, this was only his latest disappointment,” Calbreath writes.

 (In 1863, $7 had the same purchasing power as approximately $175.34 today.)

Black soldiers protested the scandalous pay disparity. But the white head of their brigade by the name of Col. James Montgomery not only chastised them for this but threatened to court-martial and execute them. “You want to be placed on the same footing as white soldiers… [but] you are a race of slaves,” he said. “A few years ago, your fathers worshipped snakes and crocodiles in Africa.” 

But the Black soldiers were neither discouraged by the racist putdowns nor did they relent. Said used his gift of “precise penmanship and the ‘literary quality’ of his writing” (1145) to write and edit anonymous newspaper columns to call attention to the racially motivated pay parity between Black and white soldiers.

 Said’s anonymous columns got the Massachusetts governor of the time by the name of John Andrew to not only lobby the federal government to increase the pay for Black soldiers but to actually instruct the state’s paymaster general to take physical cash to the war front to pay the Black soldiers. But the Black soldiers rejected the state’s money, saying they wanted the federal government on whose behalf they were fighting to pay them the same amount that they were paying their white peers.

Said and his colleagues fought for more than a year without pay but continued to protest at the cost of the lives of some of them, until August 1, 1864, when the federal government decided that Black soldiers would receive equal pay as their white counterparts “and that the pay would retroactive, covering all the money they were owed since enlisting” (177).

For a long time, Black soldiers were not allowed to fight. They merely did back-breaking menial jobs such as shoveling, bagging, chopping, and hauling instead of fighting the Confederate rebels. During his free time, Said taught Black soldiers.

It was only on July 1, 1864, that Said and members of his platoon had a chance to fight the Rebels in a battle. Even so, they “had given them aging rifles that were so faulty they were subsequently sent to the scrap heap,” (174) according to Calbreath. 

In spite of their disadvantage, Said (who “must have felt that finally he was living up to the destiny his father had left for him, or the dream he had envisioned for himself as a boy, playing war games at the gates of Kukawa,” as Calbreath put it,) and his comrades overpowered the Rebel forces, forced them to beat a retreat and seized their weapons, even though they also suffered casualties.

 A white major and second in command of Said’s regiment, who was later promoted to a lieutenant colonel, by the name of Charles Fox wrote to his wife that he had met Said on September 26, 1863. 

It was unusual for a higher-up in the military hierarchy like Fox to have private meetings with low-ranked officers like Said. But he was drawn to Said because his hometown newspaper, which his father bought, read and kept at home, had written a profile on Said. He was fascinated by Said’s growing up in Borno and his travels through Europe and Asia. He called Said “faithful and brave” and said he encouraged him to write his autobiography.

Said was soon enervated by the racism in the army. One of his comrades was executed publicly for opposing a tyrannical white boss. And, in spite of addressing the pay parity between Black and white soldiers, educated Black soldiers like Said couldn’t be commissioned to the rank of lieutenant solely because of their race. 

To be concluded next week.

Today, I join the countless voices across our land in mourning the irreplaceable loss of a towering statesman, a remarkable visionary, an unwavering defender of justice, and an uncompromising advocate for truth, Chief Ayo Adebanjo. His life was an embodiment of courage, an unyielding commitment to the Yoruba cause, and later, an expansive vision for a just and equitable Nigeria- a steadfast advocate for the Yoruba people and later a pan Nigeria advocate. His words carried the weight of history, and his actions blazed a trail for those of us who dared to dream of a better society.

His unwavering spirit and indomitable passion for our heritage inspired countless individuals, including myself. He was a beacon of hope, igniting in us the courage to pursue our dreams and stand firm in our beliefs.

Born in 1928 and call to the English Bar at Lincoln’s Inn in 1961, Chief Adebanjo was more than a mentor to me, he was a father figure, a relentless advocate for justice, and a guardian of our collective conscience. He inspired us, not just with his words, but with his unwavering resolve to always stand on the right side of history. His indomitable spirit and profound wisdom left an indelible mark on my journey, shaping my convictions and fortifying my belief in the power of justice and unity.

One of the most painful chapters in our history was the unfortunate fallout between his group and Chief Fashoranti, alongside Afenifere. In its depth and implications, it stands as a moment more wrenching than even the agelong Kiriji War- a wound that threatened to fracture our collective identity. Yet, amidst the shadows of division, I am sure it is not at ease that the development as I vividly recall the gleam of hope in Chief Adebanjo’s eyes when Dr. Mimiko insisted and reconciled us as well as led me, the late Yinka Odumakin, and our Afenifere Renewal Group back into the embrace of the main Afenifere fold. That moment, to Chief Adebanjo, was nothing short of the biblical parable of the return of the lost sheep, a testament to the power of reconciliation and the undying strength of our shared heritage.

Chief Adebanjo’s legacy is etched in the annals of history, not just as a voice of defiance against oppression, but as a lighthouse guiding future generations toward justice, truth, and unity. He taught us that true leadership is not about personal gain but about uplifting others, breaking barriers, and forging a path toward a just society.

Though he may have left us, taken his final bow, his spirit remains ever vibrant in the hearts of those of us privileged to have walked in his light. We shall carry forward the torch he so bravely bore, ensuring that his fight was not in vain. Rest in power, Baba. Your legacy is immortal.

Dr. Olukayode Ajulo, SAN, OON
Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Ondo State

Programme: City Talks with Reuben Abati

Time: 12:00

Guests: Marcel Okeke

Economist and public affairs analyst

Topic: Budget approval, telecom tariffs and CBN charges

Date: February 15th, 2025

Join Zoom Meeting

https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09

Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732

Passcode: 600206

Pa Ayo Adebanjo Was an Inspirational Obideient

The news of the demise of the chieftain of the Pan Yoruba Socio-political Organization Afenifere, Pa Ayo Adebanjo, struck us like a cyclone, still in sadness and great shock. 

Pa Adebanjo is one of the pillars that the expectant New Nigeria is standing on. His legacies and pluck etched his name on the annals of history as a great countryman, with indelible proofs of patriotism and heroism.

Pa Adebanjo will forever be remembered as that selfless leader who sacrificed his lifetime as an upholder and proponent of true democracy and the Rule of Law. His commitment and steadfastness in leadership craftsmanship are reflected in the monumental achievement of the Afenifere organization. 

Myself and the OBIDIENTS extend our condolences to his family, his friends, the good people of Ogun State, the Afenifere Organization and everyone he has left a lasting impact on their lives in our Nation.

It is our earnest desire that more people like Pa Adebanjo are birthed in our democratic space who will uphold the unity of our Nation and are willing to work tirelessly for the progress of a united victorious front as One Blessed Nation, our differences regardless.

With the likes of Pa Adebanjo on a united front, despite the dividing lines of language, race and religion, A New Nigeria is POssible.

May his soul rest in peace

Dr. Yunusa Tanko 

National Coordinator 

OBIDIENTS Movement