The Dangote Petroleum Refinery has further reduced the ex-gantry price of premium motor spirit (PMS), also known as petrol, to N835 per litre. 

According to sources at the refinery, the plant dropped the price of the petrol sold to oil marketers to N835 per litre, six days after the refinery reduced it to N865 per litre.

“The refinery reduced the price of the petrol to N835 per litre,” a source told TheCable.

The reduction in Dangote petrol price followed an announcement by the federal government on April 9, that the naira-for-crude oil deal will continue after the first phase ended on March 31.

“The stakeholders reaffirmed the government’s continued commitment to the full implementation of this strategic initiative, as directed by the Federal Executive Council (FEC),” the finance ministry said.

“Thus, the Crude and Refined Product Sales in Naira initiative is not a temporary or time-bound intervention, but a key policy directive designed to support sustainable local refining, bolster energy security, and reduce reliance on foreign exchange in the domestic petroleum market.” 

On April 15, Farouk Ahmed, chief executive officer (CEO) of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), said the estimated pump price of petrol in Nigeria is less than that of neighbouring countries in West Africa.

Ahmed also said Nigeria’s petrol importation reduced by 29.9 million litres in eight months due to increased contributions from local refineries.

[TheCable]

Indeed, Falola’s towering global stature as a leading global scholar has been well documented. But not much is said about the life-touching things he does in the quiet, intimate corners of humanity.

There is no gainsaying that Professor Toyin Falola is Africa’s gift to the world of ideas, intellectualism, and advancement of the human civilisation. From Ibadan he stormed the World, leaving global footprints as a leading architect of the African intellectual renaissance. In many respects, he blazes the trail as a thought leader whose journey and impact cuts across continents, races, and generations.

As a child, I grew up in a premise made up of dual bungalows. A cemented play area separated the main bungalow from a smaller bungalow that had six rooms in what used to be referred to as a face-me-I-face-you dwelling, wherein my parents rented a room.

Many an evening, before bedtime, when it was not raining, all the children from their respective rooms in the compound came with their ‘apotis’ (stools) and a few mats and gathered in the cemented common area between the two bungalows. The gathering was to listen to fascinating stories from elderly residents, whether parents or relations of parents, who were in Ijebu-Ode from varying adjoining villages, as apprentices learning one trade or the other.

The stories provided great philosophical underpinnings of values of public-spiritedness, hard work, contentment, avoidance of avarice, etc. A lot of creativity was involved. The stories were often laced with insights from the Yoruba cosmology that included exposure to the world of spirits of all sorts that one finds in the first African novel published in English or Pidgin English outside of Africa, in 1952 in the UK and in 1953 in the US, Amos Tutuola’s The Palm-Wine Drinkard. Before Tutuola, though, DO Fagunwa had, in Yoruba, pioneered the creativity of taking people into the realms of spirits, demons, and the dead.

At an early age, children were socialised into many different worlds. These tales were by the moonlight or in almost total darkness, as there was no electricity but a flicker of light provided by kerosene lamps of all sorts. The lantern was popular in this regard. These formed my first conjectures about “iwin”,”ẹbọra”, àjẹ́, and even Fela Anikulapo Kuti’s adoption of “abamì èdá,” following being initially known as Omo ìyá àje. These older story-tellers never clarified how “iwin”, differed from “ẹbọra”. But we knew that àjẹ́ referred to an initiated human female, with supernatural powers, including powers to take life. But in these unisex days, I guess a human male can also be an ajẹ́.

Both “iwin” and “ẹbọra” as supernatural elements, we were told, were ghosts or ghost-like. They could be encountered in the deep forests or like the dead, only in dreams. We knew of older women suspected to be àjẹ́, but as kids, we could only imagine “iwin” and “ẹbọra”. After all, they were not of our world. But that was not until Chief Olusegun Obasanjo accepted being dubbed as “ẹbọra” Owu. Spirits can be malevolent or benevolent, depending on the circumstances and one’s beliefs.

Since Baba Obasanjo is a known “ẹbọra”, then it is possible for living beings to have supernatural capacities that earn them the appellations of “iwin” and “ẹbọra”. Or a unique superhuman persona like Fela could result in the acceptance that such a being is an “abami eda”. Of late, I have been wondering about which would be the correct appellation for Toyin Falola. For all he has achieved and continues to achieve, I asked him which would be the correct description for him from all or none of the above. Toyin Falola responded with a question: what of all the above?

There is no gainsaying that Professor Toyin Falola is Africa’s gift to the world of ideas, intellectualism, and advancement of the human civilisation. From Ibadan he stormed the World, leaving global footprints as a leading architect of the African intellectual renaissance. In many respects, he blazes the trail as a thought leader whose journey and impact cuts across continents, races, and generations.

A total of nine Festschrifts have been produced in his honour. Beyond the written word, Falola has been a formidable voice in shaping African studies, delivering keynote lectures across the globe, serving as president of the African Studies Association, and leading landmark academic and policy discussions on Africa’s place in the world. Mr Toyin Falola has granted so many interviews to many media platforms, not only on the state of African studies and scholarship, but also on critical issues to the society, economy, and politics of Africa and the world at large.

A recipient of numerous prestigious honours that affirm his unparalleled all-encompassing contributions to academia. Herein lies the most interesting part of Toyin Falola’s legacies. His fine capacity to achieve such an uncommon feat in academics, yet capable enough to attend to so many other areas of interest at the same period, over about seven decades of life. This is something many academics continue to find extremely difficult, if not nearly impossible. He has brought very significant contributions to the study of the Humanities, Social Sciences, Literature, and Jurisprudence.

His various efforts over the past decades have reputedly resulted in the authorship, co-authorship, and editing of over 200 books, journals, and academic works on African History, Pan-Africanism, Anglo-African cultures, Latin America and Africa’s interaction with the outside world, to mention just a few. His seminal works, such as Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide, Nationalism and African Intellectuals, as well as Tradition and Change in Africa, have become indispensable in the study of African history and politics. Through many innovative platforms, such as the Toyin Falola Network, Falola Interviews, and Falola Media, he has continued to engage consistently, sharing his ideas, depths, and experiences.

A total of nine Festschrifts have been produced in his honour. Beyond the written word, Falola has been a formidable voice in shaping African studies, delivering keynote lectures across the globe, serving as president of the African Studies Association, and leading landmark academic and policy discussions on Africa’s place in the world. Mr Toyin Falola has granted so many interviews to many media platforms, not only on the state of African studies and scholarship, but also on critical issues to the society, economy, and politics of Africa and the world at large.

Indeed, Falola’s towering global stature as a leading global scholar has been well documented. But not much is said about the life-touching things he does in the quiet, intimate corners of humanity. Beyond academics, his compassion has often revealed itself in deeply personal and localised ways. On such occasions, he extends not only his voice but his hands and heart to friends in trouble.

Falola’s approach has often been to reach out, mobilise support, and restore hope and happiness. He does these by sometimes driving heartfelt fundraising campaigns to help colleagues in distress, to pushing for support for ailing and needy colleagues and friends. One such moment was his response to the tragic ordeal of Professor Adigun Agbaje, when the institution he worked for, while on leave of absence from the University of Ibadan, abandoned him in the hands of kidnappers, even though he was on an official assignment when he was abducted. Falola stood firm in amplifying voices, drawing attention, and catalysing moral and financial solidarity with Agbaje’s family and friends.

Similarly, when Professor Ayo Olukotun took ill and later passed on, Falola did not fold his arms. Twice, he used the trust of friends to raise funds for the period of sickness and subsequent burial, since the institution he also worked for would not do much. He went a step further in championing a foundation in Olukotun’s memory, as a tribute and a living commitment to their shared ideals: justice, knowledge, and a better Nigeria.

It is this same usual character that Falola came through, adorned in his surprising customised adirẹ fabric, as gifts shared at my 70th birthday celebration, with his rich, insightful lecture in my honour in March. That lecture titled, “Power, Privilege and Philosophy,” was delivered with an alluring charm and depth that left the audience at once chuckling and thinking. Anyone who has listened to Falola from the rostrum knows that he has a unique way of delivery, aesthetically wrapping sharp critiques in wit, using humour as both a shield and sword in the quest for truth. Toyin Falola is a master in the twin approaches of story-telling and real deep academic talk in his delivery of lectures and speeches.

His seven-decade life is filled with numerous awards, and various honorary Doctorates worldwide, the latest, being an honorary Doctor of Law from the University of the Free State in South Africa. In addition, he had been bestowed with several African titles and global acclaim. However, it is Falola’s localised empathy, large-heartedness and intellectual generosity that remains one of his most profound and enduring legacies. Toyin Falola is a towering figure with a tender spirit, full of grace and humility.

In an assessment of the Toyin Falola superhuman with a large heart, Professor Serges Kamga said: “…it should be stated clearly that this enigma of a human has given selfless service to humanity. He epitomises humaneness. Throughout the stages of his academic history and career progress, he has continuously advanced the courses of people through his philanthropic disposition to people with whom he has no genetic or communal ties. Falola believes tenaciously that the growth of another individual has never been an impediment to others, and for that reason, he is a committed investor in the progress of others in ways that cannot be overemphasised…”

His seven-decade life is filled with numerous awards, and various honorary Doctorates worldwide, the latest, being an honorary Doctor of Law from the University of the Free State in South Africa. In addition, he had been bestowed with several African titles and global acclaim. However, it is Falola’s localised empathy, large-heartedness and intellectual generosity that remains one of his most profound and enduring legacies. Toyin Falola is a towering figure with a tender spirit, full of grace and humility. He writes extolling and appreciating the efforts, progress, and achievements of others.

Falola’s firm grip on the ways of culture and religion of the African peoples may have been influenced by his background, growing up in a sprawling, polygamous household that practised Islam, Christianity, and ancient Yoruba spirituality. Falola can connect scriptures in the Bible with tenets from the Quran and yet relate with some deep spiritual chants of the Yoruba Ifa. This interesting mix of different worldviews and religions easily reflects in his thinking and the depth of the stories in his rich academic outputs in various areas of the human and social sciences.

During his address to the graduating students at the University of the Free State in South Africa, Falola, in quick succession, rendered three African folk tales to drive home the import of the rule of law in the organised non-anarchical society. He would have made the chief storyteller of my first decade in life – Buroda Bode – then a mechanic in training grin with envy.

Another round of lectures ended in South Africa and I realised that I should have directed my question on who is Toyin Falola to Dr Bisi Falola – his wife of about four-and-a-half decades. So, Doc, is Toyin an “iwin”,”ẹbọra”, “àjẹ́”, or “abàmì edà” or none or all of the above? To be married to an academic is a major challenge. To be side-by-side with an itinerant scholar always on the move and who reputedly can also remain indoors writing non-stop for five to seven days requires a hugely understanding superhuman of sort.

I salute Mrs Bisi Falola for being a supportively humble and tolerant superb human in her own right. She is ever ready to welcome Toyin’s many friends to sumptuous meals, and even offer professional advice on health, as I was once a beneficiary from her merely listening to my voice over the phone. She got it right that I was sick and needed medical attention. A few days later, she initiated the call to check if I sought medical attention and was improving.

Babafemi A. Badejo, author of a best-seller on politics in Kenya, was a former Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Somalia, and is currently a legal practitioner and consultant at Yintab Strategy Consults, as well as the African Annual Conference at the University of Texas at Austin’s 2025 Nelson Mandela Distinguished Africanist Awardee.

Presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 general elections, Mr Peter Obi, has called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to suspend his ongoing retreat in France and return to Nigeria immediately to address the worsening security crisis gripping the nation.

In a statement posted today on his official X (formerly Twitter) handle, Obi expressed grave concern over the increasing rate of violence and insecurity across the country, lamenting what he described as a “glaring absence of governance.”

“Within just two weeks of Mr President’s absence, over 150 Nigerians have lost their lives due to various security breaches, especially in Plateau and Zamfara States,” Obi wrote.

He also pointed to the resurgence of insurgency in the North-East, particularly in Borno State, where both civilians and security personnel have been reported killed. The situation, he added, is not different in the South-East, where killings and abductions continue unabated.

Obi condemned the repeated pipeline explosions in the Niger Delta, describing them as further evidence of a nation in deep crisis. “Amid these disturbing developments, the CEO of the troubled company called Nigeria is holding a retreat in faraway France, removed from the epicentre of national distress,” he said.

He questioned the wisdom of conducting a strategic retreat in a foreign land that enjoys relative peace and stability secured by its leadership, while back home, “blood continues to flow.”

Reaffirming that his comments were driven not by personal ambition but by a desire to see a better-governed nation, Obi urged the President to “suspend whatever he is doing in France and return home to take responsibility by addressing these disturbing issues.”

“The fight for a better Nigeria is not about individuals,” he added. “It is about ensuring that every citizen can see, feel, and benefit from the policies and decisions of those in power.”

Rita, Bob Nesta Marley’s widow, says who feels it knows it but in Nigeria, the reverse is the case! Here, who feels it does not know it and who does not feel it knows it! The lyrics of “Who feels it (Knows it)”, recorded in 1980 but released in 1981 goes thus: “Every man thinks his burden is the heaviest/But, ooh, yea, come on, they know because they feel”. She adds: “I feel it and I know it/If you feel it, you will know it”

That being the case, we expect Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, governor of Borno state, to know the security situation of his state more than a Minister or presidential aide in far-away Abuja. Apart from the fact that Zulum is the man on ground, he is also, according to the Constitution, the chief security officer of his state. For him to come out to raise the alarm that Boko Haram terrorists were gaining ground in his state means he must have got it up to his throat.

The BBC reported Zulum’s security alert thus: “The governor of Nigeria’s Borno state has warned that jihadist group Boko Haram is making a comeback after its fighters staged a series of attacks and seized control of some parts of the northeastern state. Babagana Zulum called for more military assistance for soldiers fighting the insurgency.
The Nigerian government has down played the governor’s fears, saying security in the country has improved in the last 18 months. Borno state has been at the centre of a 15-year insurgency by Boko Haram, which has forced more than two million people to flee their homes and (has) killed more than 40,000 (people)”

Reuters reported the same story thus: “Nigeria’s Islamist group Boko Haram has renewed attacks and kidnappings in northeastern Borno state with little push-back from security forces, suggesting that authorities in the region were losing ground to insurgents, the state’s governor has said. Militants from Boko Haram and its offshoot Islamic State West Africa Province have mainly operated in the northeast region of NIgeria, attacking security forces and civilians and displacing tens of thousands of people. In the last few years, Nigeria’s military had managed to push back against Boko Haram while internal fights with ISWAP further weakened the group.

“Borno State governor Babagana Zulum said Boko Haram had recently upped attacks, dislodging some military formations in several districts and killing civilians and security forces. It is a setback in the fragile state of Borno and the northeast region, Zulum said during a meeting with security forces in Borno state capital, Maiduguri… Zulum added that the ‘renewed Boko Haram attacks and kidnappings in many communities, almost on a daily basis without confrontation, signalled that Borno state is losing ground’

“Nigeria’s military did not immediately respond to a request for comments. Boko Haram, which is based in Borno state, has adapted its tactics over time, including the use of drones for surveillance and attacks, the military said”.

Sahara Reporters relayed the Federal Government’s response to the Zulum alarm thus: “The President Bola Tinubu-led Nigerian Government has responded to comments made by the Borno state governor, Babagana Zulum, suggesting that the state may be losing control to Boko Haram insurgents. The government, through the Minister of Information, Mohammed Idris, disagreed with Zulum’s claim. The minister emphasized that the administration remains committed to combating terrorism and banditry across the nation. He stated: ‘The Tinubu administration is committed to eradicating acts of banditry and terrorism across the country. The success achieved by the security agencies in the last 18 months are an indication that, indeed, Nigeria is gradually returning to normalcy. Government calls on all, especially the sub-national governments, to join hands to ensure (the) rapid eradication of the remaining pockets of criminal elements wherever they may be’

“The Defence Headquarters also reacted, affirming that troops are making significant sacrifices and doing their best to restore peace in Borno and other troubled states. Director of Defence Media Operations… stressed the importance of recognizing the military’s efforts. He also said that the military is sacrificing a lot in the ongoing fight against terrorism.”

Now, let us attempt a content analysis of the various reports. Zulum kicked the ball rolling by raising the alarm. Obviously, both the government and military authorities did not take kindly to what he said. Did he speak in the open when they expected him to have spoken discreetly with the authorities, security being a very sensitive matter? From the tone of the military authorities, it is like their sacrifice in laying down their life fighting Boko Haram was not appreciated enough. Appreciation is good and it must be given so that the soldiers can be further encouraged to do more but having said that, what is their job if not to make sacrifices for the country? Didn’t they sign to lay down their life for their country? So, doing their job, they aren’t doing anyone a favour in the real sense of it.

But when the same military authorities say they are doing their best, that statement is loaded and must be interrogated. Are they getting the requisite arms and ammunitions? Do they have the numbers? Is motivation good? Is the budget committed to the war efforts adequate? Are the authorities putting square pegs in square holes or are we allowing the ubiquitous NIgerian system to undermine esprit in the military? Importantly, is the local population the military is fighting to protect cooperating with the same military or sabotaging their efforts by collaborating with the terrorists? We must also ask: What is the contribution of the state government to the war efforts? If Gov. Zulum is the chief security officer of his state, it should not only be in words but also in action.

I have gone to this length because, looking at the surface, there is absolutely nothing wrong with Zulum’s wake-up call. He made it at a Special Expanded Security Meeting attended by the appropriate military commands and top traditional rulers. Maybe the “offence” was that the media reported it! Maybe, they should have excused the media from the meeting. Seeing the way the military has taken exceptions to the report, it must have interpreted it as an indictment. But the governor did say there was an improvement; grounds were gained but, sadly, they were being lost again and in an alarming fashion. Some will say, when grounds were gained, did the governor call a press conference to salute the military? Is it only now that grounds were being lost that he must raise an alarm?

The Information minister’s response clearly shows that he sees Zulum’s statement as an attack on the “achievements” of the government in the area of pecking back Boko Haram. Yes, there might have been an improvement in the last 18 months in one theatre of the battle, which is Borno state or the northeast, but the situation is not the same in other parts of the country. My native Ondo State is one area where insecurity has reached an alarming stage in the past few months. Can it be true, then, the reports that terrorists fleeing the theatre of war in the North moved in droves southwards? It is trite that when you liberate a territory, you must hold it; otherwise, you may lose it again and be back to square one. And the latter state may be worse than the former because the enemy could come back better armed and more determined than before.

Jesus Christ illustrated this in Matthew 12: 43 - 45 thus: “ When the unclean spirit is gone out of a man, he walketh through dry places, seeking rest, and findeth none. Then he saith, I will return into my house from whence I came out; and when he is come, he findeth it empty, swept, and garnished. Then goeth he, and taketh with himself seven other spirits more wicked than himself, and they enter in and dwell there: and the last state of that man is worse than the first…” Can this be what is happening in Borno state because Zulum reeled out names of locations where military formations had recently been dislodged by the terrorists?

As a peacemaker, hear my conclusion: The military have been heroic; let’s appreciate them. The Tinubu administration has recorded some successes; let’s encourage it to do more. Gov. Zulum was being alive to his responsibilities by raising the alarm; let’s not throw the baby away with the bathwater. We must quickly act to reverse any Boko Haram comeback.

This is one reason why the foot-dragging on state police must stop. With state police, Gov. Zulum will be able to raise his own forces to confront the terrorists and get the job done as he would want it; no longer will he rely solely on the military. Then, he will feel the heat that the military feel. And who feels it, says Rita Marley, knows it! The man who wears the shoe knows where it pinches!

Do you wonder what the future holds? Have you dreamed of being part of something bigger than yourself, something also rewarding beyond just buying and selling? Yes, have you considered a different path that offers you excellent career opportunities, future security, and the pride of representing the best interests of Anambra State and indeed the Southeast through strategic positioning in the national scheme of things? 

Some life-changing opportunities come once in a while that require smart decisions; otherwise, inaction today may lead to painful regrets tomorrow. For years now, our vibrant state, Anambra, has been unable to fill its quota in Nigeria's Armed Forces recruitment exercises due to abysmally low interest shown by our able youth. This means opportunities meant specifically for our young people are going unclaimed, while other regions in Nigeria eagerly step forward. Are we then going to keep beating the drums of marginalisation forever? 

Some analysts have often said that some of us have hesitated joining the Nigerian Armed Forces due to concerns about historical factors, ethnic prejudice, or other misconceptions bandied around. But our Armed Forces have always remained a truly national, progressive institution that values the contributions of every Nigerian, regardless of origin. By joining, Southeast youth not only secure their future but also ensure the region's voice and interests are represented and protected within this crucial national institution.

So, another golden opportunity is here and is within every Anambra youth’s grasp! The Nigerian Army has opened its doors once again, with the 89 Regular Recruiting Tech Recruitment Exercise commencing on March 31st and running until May 17th, 2025. This is not just another routine enlistment opportunity; it is a pathway to a dignified career filled with purpose and equal opportunity.

Consider all the real benefits that await you. A stable career with enhanced regular pay and allowances. Opportunities to further your education at no cost. The chance to build lifelong friendships with fellow Nigerians from diverse backgrounds. Comprehensive healthcare and insurance benefits. A clear path to homeownership in your desired location. And of course, pension and gratuity for your future security! 

If you are single, 18-22 years of age (or up to 26 years for those with technical skills), physically fit, and free of criminal convictions, this call is for you. Visit the Nigerian Army Recruitment website at https://recruitment.army.mil.ng to apply before May 17th. 

What is even more endearing is that the whole application and recruitment process is completely free! Shortlisted candidates will participate in the screening exercise in Anambra State from June 2nd to June 16th, 2025.

Ndi Anambra, our state needs you to encourage our youth to step forward and take their future by the uniform. Our country needs them. According to a Nigerian adage, if you are not present at a meeting of your people sharing some benefits, you can't complain about how the sharing is done! Let our youth step forward and claim their rightful place in Nigeria's future!

There are moments in a nation’s political journey when the truth must be told, not whispered. Nigeria is at such a moment. For all who still believe in the fragile dream called Nigeria, Ugoji Egbujo’s explosive and unapologetically frank piece, “Is Nigeria Now A Yoruba Republic?” must not be brushed aside as just another column in the endless chatter of public discourse. Mr. President, this article is a mirror. And you, more than anyone else, must look into it.

Egbujo’s column is not perfect, no piece of commentary is — but it is a compelling and critical lens into the fears, frustrations, and realities that many Nigerians, both within and outside the corridors of power, are quietly whispering in beer parlours, offices, and bedrooms across the country. His message is simple but heavy: “The brazen concentration of power in the hands of one ethnic group under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is both dangerous and politically suicidal”.

Let’s get something straight, Nigeria is not a monarchy, and the presidency is not an ethnic crown. It is not a reward for electoral loyalty or ancestral heritage. The office of the President is a trust, one built on a fragile coalition of diverse ethnic nationalities and balanced expectations. What Egbujo calls “Tinubu’s Terrible Tribalism” is not merely a breach of protocol; it is a fundamental betrayal of that trust.

To be clear, this is not an attack on the Yoruba people. It is a defense of Nigeria. It is not a condemnation of merit but a call for equity. It is not an attempt to divide, but a plea to preserve what little unity we have left.

Egbujo’s article makes a blistering case that the upper echelons of Nigeria’s political, economic, judicial, and security architecture are now Yoruba-dominated, and not coincidentally. In fact, the roster of appointments reads like a roll call from a South-West regional meeting: President, Yoruba; Chief of Army Staff, Yoruba; IGP, Yoruba; DG of DSS, Yoruba; EFCC Chairman,  Yoruba; Attorney GeneraL, Yoruba; Minister of Finance,  Yoruba; CBN Governor,  Yoruba; and Oil Minister,  Yoruba.

And it does not end there. The FIRS, Customs, Immigration, Blue Economy, Digital Economy, Solid Minerals, NSITF, and even the Bank of Agriculture are all headed by Yoruba nationals. What message does this send to the other five geopolitical zones? That they are mere spectators in a play staged and directed from Bourdillon?

Even if the President insists that these appointments are based on merit, and let us assume, for the sake of argument, that this is true, what does it say about his understanding of political sensitivity and national cohesion? That the North, South-East, South-South, and Middle Belt have no equally qualified individuals to hold these positions? That only Lagos or Abeokuta can produce competent technocrats and leaders?

It is insulting, short-sighted, and reeks of a dangerous political arrogance.

Egbujo postulates that what we are witnessing is not just tribalism, but triumphalism, the idea that Tinubu, having fought hard against both PDP and Northern hegemony to ascend the presidency, now feels justified to rule as he pleases. But this is a tragic misreading of Nigeria’s political landscape. Presidential power in Nigeria is borrowed, not owned. It is conditional, not absolute.

There is no doubt Tinubu was a crucial figure in Nigeria’s democratic struggles, especially in the NADECO era. But so were many others, from the North, the East, and the South-South. Power-sharing was one of the unspoken compacts that emerged from our democratic experiment. Disregarding this compact is not only provocative, it is perilous.

Triumphalism is a fast-track ticket to resistance. It alienates rather than consolidates. The same way the perceived Hausa-Fulani dominance under past regimes fuelled calls for restructuring, secession, and devolution, Tinubu’s Yorubacentricism will spark a new wave of resentment that may ultimately destabilize the nation and cripple his administration.

In a moment of profound irony, Egbujo suggests that even Sunday Igboho, the radical Yoruba activist, might have shown more national sensitivity in appointments if he were in charge. That comparison is damning. But it underscores a truth: leadership is not about rewarding your tribe, it is about reassuring the nation.

This is where Tinubu is failing, and failing loudly. There is no visible effort to balance the national equation, no attempt to calm frayed nerves, no show of inclusion. It is full-blown ethnic consolidation dressed up as political strategy. But in reality, it is bad politics, worse leadership, and a ticking time bomb.

True statesmanship involves sometimes sacrificing political convenience for national stability. Obasanjo, despite his own Yoruba roots, bent over backwards to ensure a sense of national spread in his appointments. Jonathan, a minority from the Niger Delta, went out of his way to accommodate the North. Even Buhari, despite his lopsidedness, understood the need to at least mask his favoritism with some semblance of geographical balance.

Tinubu has thrown that playbook away, and the consequences may be irreversible.

Egbujo reminds us that Tinubu was once a fierce advocate of Sovereign National Conference, of true federalism, of equity and resource control. He was among the loudest voices railing against the perceived Northern domination. But now, with the tables turned, the very sins he condemned have become his daily practice.

This political hypocrisy is both breathtaking and disappointing. What happened to the principled fighter for justice? What became of the progressive who once stood for restructuring and inclusion? Has power so thoroughly corrupted the man that he no longer hears the echoes of his past crusades?

Perhaps this is the ultimate tragedy, that Tinubu has not only betrayed Nigeria, but betrayed the very ideals that once made him a credible candidate in the eyes of millions.

Egbujo’s article is not just a personal opinion; it is a warning. It captures the disillusionment of a nation slowly waking up to the reality that it may have replaced one ethnic oligarchy with another. And if Tinubu is truly the political strategist he is widely known to be, he should not dismiss this as just another critical piece. He should study it, absorb it, and respond to it with action.

Mr. President, silence is not golden at this point. Nigerians are watching. More importantly, they are hurting. What they see in your appointments is not inclusion, but exclusion. Not meritocracy, but monopoly. Not unity, but division.

History will not be kind to a leader who, in a moment of opportunity, chose ethnicity over equity. Nigeria is not a Yoruba Republic. It is a federation of many nations. And no tribe, no matter how politically powerful, can govern successfully without the cooperation and trust of others.

Mr. President, read Ugoji Egbujo’s article not as an insult, but as an intervention. It is not an attack, but a national alarm bell. You have time to correct the course. You still have the opportunity to prove that your presidency is for all Nigerians, not just one ethnic constituency.

Because if you continue on this path of ethnic favoritism, the question will no longer be “Is Nigeria now a Yoruba Republic?”, but rather “What remains of Nigeria?” And that, sir, is not a legacy worth leaving behind.

In an era where artists are constantly seeking relevance in Nigeria’s crowded entertainment space, Habeeb Okikiola, popularly known as Portable, has chosen a path few dare to tread, a road littered with tantrums, public fallouts, arrests, and just recently, legal action instituted against him by Fuji Star, Okunola Saheed, fondly called Osupa, and which he has terminated in his favor.  But one thing is clear: Portable is confusing chaos for branding and mistaking controversy for PR.

His public spat with Osupa, once again thrust him into the spotlight for all the wrong reasons. It will be recalled in this context that Portable had taken to social media, accusing Osupa of sabotaging his career and blocking his shine in the music industry. What followed was swift: a lawsuit, his arrest in Kwara State, and court proceedings. Luckily for him, the case against him has been withdrawn by Osupa.

One would think such an episode would be humbling, a reset button. But if Portable’s history is anything to go by, this is just another spark in his self-sabotaging pattern.

“Controversy may sell headlines, but it doesn’t build legacy,” says Ayoola Ogundele, a Lagos-based talent manager who has worked with multiple mainstream acts. “Portable’s handlers, if they exist, are either incompetent or complicit. He’s not building a brand; he’s building a bonfire.”

Let’s be clear, Portable’s rise was meteoric. His hit single Zazoo Zeh, featuring Olamide and Pocolee, turned him into a street sensation overnight. But since then, what has he built? He has burned bridges with show promoters, been arrested multiple times, engaged in public feuds with colleagues, insulted senior figures in the industry, and now, picked a fight with a revered Fuji icon. And for what? To trend?

“PR is about strategy, not stunts,” says Cyril Ugbo, a communications expert.  “It’s about shaping perception, building trust, and creating long-term value. What Portable is doing is anti-PR. He’s dismantling his brand under the guise of staying relevant.”

Sadly, in Nigeria’s entertainment culture, many mistake virality for value. But there’s a clear difference between blowing up and building up. One is sudden and short-lived. The other is intentional and sustainable. Portable is the former, a lit matchstick, not a lighthouse.

His actions also paint a larger picture about the industry itself, one where handlers and enablers fuel their talents’ worst instincts for short-term gain. If you’re a manager, and your artiste is constantly in the news for negative behavior, you’re not managing, you’re babysitting a ticking bomb.

“Someone has to sit Portable down and tell him the truth, even if it costs them access,” says Segun Durojaiye, an A&R executive at a major Nigerian label. “Because right now, he’s damaging not just his image, but also the business potential tied to his name.”

And let’s not forget the business side. Major brands don’t partner with troublemakers. Endorsements don’t go to unstable acts. Event organizers don’t book artists who may incite drama backstage. The music industry is still a business, and no business wants liability in place of an asset.

Take a cue from the likes of Olamide, Burna Boy, or even the late Sound Sultan. Their brands were forged not in controversy, but in consistency, growth, and a sense of identity. Even Burna Boy, who once had a “bad boy” rep, eventually cleaned up his image and focused on his craft, and the results speak for themselves: global tours, Grammy wins, and brand deals.

“The street gave Portable his voice. But if he keeps disrespecting that voice, even the street will tune out,” warns Chibuzor Ekeh, a street culture analyst based in Agege. “We’ve seen this pattern before. Today’s noise becomes tomorrow’s silence.”

What is perhaps most ironical is that Portable has raw talent. Beneath the madness is a street poet with rhythm, energy, and a unique sound. But talent without control is like a car with no brakes, thrilling, but bound to crash.

The Saheed Osupa case was a warning. The fact that Osupa, a man known for his calm and maturity, even considered legal action speaks volumes. That elders in the music industry had to step in to broker peace is even more telling. Portable was not just being dramatic, he was digging a hole he couldn’t crawl out of. And next time, he might not be lucky to find a ladder waiting for him.

So, who will tell Portable that controversy is not a PR strategy? Who will remind him that public sympathy fades, but reputation remains? Who will let him know that every insult hurled, every lie told, every bridge burned, comes with a receipt?

Because if nobody tells him now, it may soon be too late. When the last blog stops reporting, the last follower unfollows, and the last show cancels, he’ll realize too late that the only thing louder than controversy is silence. And by then, he’ll have no one to perform for, not even himself.

To this writer, Portable should be told that reputation is currency, talent is capital and controversy is debt. Portable must decide which one he wants to build with.

Inflation is often described as a silent thief, it does make headlines with a bang, but it steadily robs citizens of their purchasing power. In Nigeria, this economic scourge has become a near-permanent fixture, tightening its grip on households, businesses, and the broader economy.

As of March 2025, Nigeria’s inflation rate soared to 24.23%, a troubling rise from the 23.18% recorded in February. This persistent upward trajectory not only underscores the structural weaknesses in the country’s economic architecture but also raises a fundamental question that echoes from boardrooms to market stalls: Will relief ever come?

Without a doubt, Nigeria’s inflation crisis is not a coincidence. It is the outcome of a complex blend of domestic inefficiencies and global economic headwinds. A major culprit is the country’s dependence on imports, from petroleum products to basic food items. As the naira continues its free fall against the dollar and other major currencies, the cost of importing goods has ballooned.

The removal of fuel subsidies, while touted as a long-overdue reform, has exacerbated the inflationary trend. Similarly, the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) adoption of a floating exchange rate has further destabilized prices, pushing the cost of goods and services beyond the reach of average Nigerians.

Perhaps the most alarming trend is the spike in food inflation, which stood at 21.79% in March 2025. In a country where a large portion of the population spends over 60% of its income on food, this is a death sentence to the aspirations of many. The prices of staples such as rice, garri, beans, yam, and tomatoes have surged dramatically, eroding food security and exacerbating hunger.

Inflation in Nigeria is no longer an abstract economic indicator confined to economic reports; it is now a daily reality that dictates how millions of Nigerians live. Families are forced to make painful choices: food or medicine, rent or school fees. The middle class, once the emblem of Nigeria’s rising aspirations, is fast disappearing as more people slide into multi-dimensional poverty.

Meanwhile, Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), the lifeblood of Nigeria’s economy, are struggling to stay afloat. Rising input costs, inconsistent power supply, and poor infrastructure have increased operational costs, leaving many businesses teetering on the brink. Layoffs and closures are becoming more common, feeding into a vicious cycle of unemployment and reduced consumer spending.

The Nigerian government and the Central Bank have not been idle in the face of these challenges. The CBN has raised the monetary policy rate multiple times in a bid to rein in inflation, and fiscal authorities have implemented targeted interventions. However, these measures have mostly served as band-aids rather than cures.

The truth is, Nigeria’s inflation is structural, not just cyclical. The country’s economic model, heavily dependent on oil revenues and import consumption, is unsustainable. Despite Nigeria’s status as Africa’s largest oil producer, the lack of significant investment in sectors such as agriculture,

manufacturing, and technology has left the economy exposed to global oil price volatility and external shocks.

While the road ahead is undeniably rough, the situation is not without hope, if the right steps are taken.

True and lasting relief from inflation will require bold economic diversification. Agriculture, in particular, holds immense potential not only to reduce food imports but also to generate employment, boost exports, and ensure food security. Encouraging mechanized farming, improving access to credit for farmers, and investing in agro-processing industries are key strategies.

In fact, inflation is partly driven by the high cost of logistics and power. Therefore, investing in roads, railways, seaports, and power infrastructure will reduce production and distribution costs. This, in turn, will make locally produced goods more competitive, discourage overreliance on imports, and help stabilize prices.

Without a doubt, economic policies must be people-centered. Expanding and properly targeting social protection programs, such as food assistance, conditional cash transfers, and subsidized healthcare, can shield the most vulnerable from the worst effects of inflation. These interventions must be transparent and corruption-free to achieve maximum impact.

A significant contributor to inflation is policy flip-flopping and poor coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities. Nigeria needs coherent and consistent policies that create a stable environment for investment and economic planning. Confidence, both domestic and foreign, will not return until policy signals are clear and predictable.

The question remains: Will relief ever come? The honest answer is that relief will not come through empty promises, patchwork policies, or political gimmicks. It will come when there is a genuine alignment of will and action across all levels of leadership, from the executive to the legislature, from technocrats to civil society.

It will come when the government finally treats inflation not just as a statistical figure, but as a real and present danger to the quality of life of its citizens. It will come when citizens are no longer forced to choose between food and dignity.

Until then, Nigerians must continue to endure. But they also continue to hope, hope that those in power will rise to the challenge and that Nigeria will someday overcome the grip of this economic malaise.

Google has announced the rollout of Veo 2, its advanced AI-powered video generation model, for users subscribed to Gemini Advanced, the tech giant’s premium artificial intelligence plan.

This strategic move signals Google’s response to the competitive generative video AI space, as it positions Veo 2 as a direct challenger to OpenAI’s Sora platform.

The launch comes just weeks after leading AI media firm Runway unveiled the fourth generation of its own video model, while also securing over $300 million in new funding, underscoring the rapidly growing investor appetite in synthetic media.

Access to the tool 

Starting Tuesday, Gemini Advanced users can access Veo 2 through the model selection menu within Google’s Gemini apps.

The tool allows users to create eight-second video clips in 720p resolution with a 16:9 aspect ratio.

• These clips can be shared directly to platforms such as TikTok and YouTube, or downloaded in MP4 format.
• Each video carries a watermark enabled by SynthID, Google’s proprietary AI content tagging technology.
• However, Veo 2 comes with limitations. There is a cap on the number of videos that users can generate monthly, and the feature is currently unavailable to those on Google Workspace business and education plans.

Integration into Whisk 

In tandem with the Veo 2 expansion, Google is also integrating the model into Whisk, an experimental feature within Google Labs.

• Whisk allows users to generate images using visual prompts, and a new addition—Whisk Animate—lets users animate those images into short videos using Veo 2.
• These features are gated behind Google’s $20-per-month Google One AI Premium subscription, which offers early access to the company’s experimental AI tools.
• While Veo 2’s applications remain relatively simple for now, Google DeepMind CEO Demis Hassabis has hinted at more ambitious plans.

The company aims to eventually merge its Gemini models with Veo to enhance AI’s comprehension of real-world physics and dynamics.

Concerns over AI video generator 

Meanwhile, the rise of generative video tools like Veo 2 has sparked concern among creative professionals.

• A 2024 study commissioned by the Animation Guild, a U.S. union representing animators and cartoonists, projects that over 100,000 film, TV, and animation jobs in the U.S. could be disrupted by AI technologies by 2026.
• Last year, Google’s major competitor in the AI space, OpenAI, launched Sora, a generative AI that can take a short text description and turn it into a vividly realistic AI video clip.

Sora can generate 1080p movie-like scenes with multiple characters, different types of motion, and background details when given a brief or detailed description or a still image. Sora can also “extend” existing video clips — doing its best to fill in the missing details, the company claims.

[Nairametrics]

Plateau State Governor Caleb Mutfwang has stated that “every community must defend itself” in response to the growing wave of attacks and mass killings in the state attributed to suspected armed herders.

Naija News gathered that over 100 people have been killed in a series of attacks in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau in the past two weeks. The latest attack took place early Monday morning when gunmen raided the Zike and Kimakpa communities in the Kwall District of the Iregwe Chiefdom. More than 50 people were killed, and several houses and properties were destroyed.

Governor Mutfwang, who visited the affected communities on Tuesday, expressed his concern over the security challenges, which he said have hindered the state’s growth and development. He revealed that the state government had made significant investments in technology to address these security issues.

“Immediately we assumed office, we took decisive steps and invested heavily in technology just to end these security challenges facing us,” Mutfwang stated, according to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN).

He further explained that the security issues, including insurgency and terrorism, have deprived the state of its natural resources and slowed its development. “There is no reason for us to be where we are; our people cannot go to their farms and engage in any economic venture. But as a government, we are doing everything possible to end these cycles of attacks and killings,” he said.

The governor commiserated with the families of the victims and promised to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. He also thanked President Bola Tinubu for his support and urged security agencies to intensify their efforts in addressing the security challenges in the state.

“We are here with all the security apparatus in the state to reassure you that we are committed to your safety. You have every reason not to be happy, but I want to assure you that we have taken steps to correct all the lapses of the past,” Mutfwang added.

Since taking office in 2023, Mutfwang stated that his administration has provided support to the military and other security agencies, ensuring that the state remains safe. However, he argued that security cannot be achieved unless communities take responsibility for their own defense.

“But let me remind you that whatever arrangements the security agencies will make may not solve the problem, the solution will come from the communities. We have come to a point in Nigeria, where every community must defend itself,” he said.

While advocating for communal defense, Mutfwang emphasized that his government would not support lawlessness. “I will not, however, support lawlessness, but we can’t afford to go to sleep,” he added, urging the youth to rise up and protect their communities.