...a tribute to Dr. Seye Kehinde on the occasion of his birthday, honouring a life devoted to celebrating others and illuminating hidden greatness.

“I will bless those who bless you; ...and all peoples on earth will be blessed through you.”- Genesis 12:3

Today, I honour a remarkable man through whom this divine promise has come to life, Dr. Oluseye Olugbemiga Kehinde, Chief Executive Officer of City People Group Limited, Publisher of City People Magazine, and Organizer of the esteemed City People Awards. His blessings shall continue to flow, for he has been a blessing to me, and this divine mandate will persist in his life.

This is more than a mere birthday message; it is a tribute to a rare gem, a journalist whose talent transcends the written word, rooted in an unwavering commitment to help others shine. It is this very essence that propels his ascent.

From my earliest days as a student, I recall submitting articles, poems, and opinion pieces to Newswatch, Nigerian Tribune, National Concord, Prime People, Hint Magazine, and City People. He stood by me with unconditional support and guidance. Throughout my journey, he not only championed my work, but did so selflessly, expecting nothing in return, no transactions, no conditions, only a genuine belief in my potential.

When I was appointed National Secretary of the Labour Party in Lagos, he organised A Day in the Industry for me, a gesture that spoke volumes: "I see you." Yet, the truth is, he has always seen me, from my formative years at Aquinas College, Akure, to the University of Jos, Law School, and beyond, never faltering, always promoting my work with steadfast devotion.

In an industry where many pursue gain before offering their platforms, Dr. Seye Kehinde stands as a beacon of integrity. He is motivated not by self-interest, but by the grace to recognise and nurture burgeoning greatness.

He is akin to a big brother who discerned a spark in me early on, nurturing it until it blossomed into a radiant flame. He has taught me, and many others, that the act of celebrating others is a noble ministry, and through this, he has forged a legacy far richer than mere headlines.

Because he celebrates others, God will continue to celebrate him.  

Because he promotes those around him, God will continue to elevate him.  

Because he sees the stars in others, he shall shine eternally.

Happy Birthday, dear brother. May your days be long, your light ever brighter, and your rewards transcend all expectations.

Signed:  

Dr. Olukayode Ajulo, SAN, OON  

Attorney General & Commissioner for Justice, Ondo State

There’s a shift in Nigerian politics of seismic proportion going on. As governance gives way to the politics of another electoral cycle in 2027 with many seeking reelection to their offices, especially those of the president and many governors, a new game is playing out. Governors of states run by opposition parties are taking turns to pledge their commitment to working for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reelection.

Nothing strange about it. After all, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi as governor of Rivers State and Bukola Saraki, his Kwara State counterpart led a team of five PDP governors to openly declare their opposition to then President Goodluck Jonathan’s bid for reelection in 2015. Four years later, Nyesom Wike led another group of five governors, again all PDP, to defy their party to vote in the candidate of a rival party.

The difference, and a crucial one at that, is that on both occasions, the renegade governors had already secured their second and final terms. This time, the opposition governors are all angling for reelection, just like Tinubu. Some of them are even quietly exploring the possibility of decamping to Tinubu’s APC. Akwa Ibom’s Pastor Umo Eno was unequivocal about his decision. “As for me, I’m supporting Baba Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term. When the time comes, I’ll tell you why”, he said.

Osun’s Ademola Adeleke went a step further with his campaign posters openly suggesting an alignment between him and Tinubu. His campaign posters feature both him and Tinubu as a combo to the people.

Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State clearly equated the success of his administration with that of the president in urging his people to support the president. Plateau’s Caleb Muftwang, Douye Diri of Bayelsa as well as Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano have been taking turns to extol President Tinubu. Even the suspended Rivers governor Siminayi Fubara, in his Easter message, made praising the president the main part of his address to his people.

It is a development that has upended political calculations on what to expect in 2027. While the governors openly acknowledge the tough economic climate occasioned by the policies of the federal government and do not endorse such policies, yet in their calculations, the path to guaranteeing victory does not like in using the state of the economy in their messaging.

Critics of Nigeria’s political system ascribe the development to an acknowledgement of the failure of the electoral system and how it has been corrupted and manipulated. In the run up to the 2023 elections, the level of discount with then President Muhammadu Buhari was such that the opposition parties took it for granted that the APC government will be beaten. So confident were they that they failed to form a common front.

Unfortunately, their confidence was misplaced. Despite receiving less than 30 percent of popular votes, Tinubu somehow emerged victorious. With him now firmly in charge, there is very narrow chance of an upset in the election. The conduct and outcome of the recent governorship election in Edo State is seen as dress rehearsal of how it may pan out in 2027.

To that extent, the opposition governors may simply be playing a game of survival. It is not like a recourse to the judiciary may give the desired reprieve. The proceedings in the courts over the crisis in Rivers State may have made them recognise that a combination of a damaged Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the courts that has been making very controversial and strange judgements may have created the perception that Tinubu’s infamous recipé on how to win by grabbing it and running with it was not a joke.

Dele Farotimi, in a recent interview, is of the view that unless there is a fundamental electoral reform, the outcome of the 2027 elections has already been written. If there is no comprehensive reform, he said he will not participate in the election. The reality of conduct of elections in the country has raised concerns on the future of opposition parties in the country’s evolving political culture. And Farotimi’s stance resonates with leaders in the opposition parties even as they continue exploring the path to collaboration and merger to confront the behemoth APC has become.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar accused APC of intolerance and working to monopolise of power. He said the actions of the ruling party were steadily eroding pluralism, an essential element of true democracy. He said through his “unchecked actions”, Tinubu is “blurring the line between state power and personal ambition, magnifying his control over both the nation and its institutions.”

Dele Momodu, veteran journalist and PDP chieftain, echoed Atiku’s position, accusing the ruling party of deliberately instigating crises within Nigeria’s major opposition parties in an effort to weaken them. “Nigeria is obviously moving in a direction of a one-party state. The ruling party, APC, is so scared of opposition that right now crises are being orchestrated from party to party, especially the leading opposition parties like PDP, Labour Party, and NNPP. It’s obvious what is going on”, he said.

Similarly, Mark Adebayo, national spokesperson of the Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP), accused Tinubu of engineering the disorganisation and persistent divisions within opposition political parties.
Although, opposition parties have control over 15 states, a healthy number, leaving the rest 21 to APC, internal squabbles in virtually all of them have left the governors from their fold seeking reelection vulnerable. They are on their own to fashion their own pathways to remaining in office.

The evolution of Tinubu and APC into a collosal machine is not the product of sterling performance or popularity in the years they have been running the country. In the run up to the gubernatorial election in Edo State, it was almost taken for granted that Godwin Obaseki would successfully engineer the victory of his party and install his favoured successor. They may not have reckoned with the ground work of the party in Aso Rock. They factored everything overwhelmingly. From the electoral umpire, the persons running the errands and the judiciary, it was a thorough job. It was a dress rehearsal for 2027 that delivered.

The Slip Heard Across a Nation

In psychoanalytic terms, a Freudian slip is never accidental. It is the unconscious leaking through the cracks of performance—the raw truth escaping the mouth before the mind can trap it. And on a national stage, in a country already choked by doubt and distortion, Nyesom Wike uttered what may now go down as the most revealing political confession in recent Nigerian history: “Who is Tinubu other than me?”

The sentence fell like a joke but landed like thunder. It was more than arrogance—it was an exposure. It was the unconscious voice of a man who, perhaps more than anyone else, has become emblematic of the deep rupture between democratic appearance and authoritarian reality. And in that moment, Wike did not just reveal how he sees himself—he exposed how power in Nigeria is truly perceived: as a game of control, not consent; of dominance, not mandate.

The Wrapping of the Presidency

From a psychological lens, this moment was not merely about politics. It was about suppressed identity, unchecked power, and the projection of ego onto a nation’s highest office. Wike’s statement was a slip, yes—but it was also a scream. A scream from a psyche so saturated with control that it no longer separates itself from the State. In that phrase, Tinubu was not insulted. He was eclipsed. The President was rendered a shadow—an extension of Wike’s political muscle and historical maneuvering. And the terrifying part? The silence that followed confirmed the possibility. Not a rebuttal from Aso Rock. Not a press statement from the Villa. Not even a whispered contradiction from those in Tinubu’s inner circle. Just silence—the kind that confirms suspicion.

Media as Courtiers, Not Critics

Wike’s statement, then, was not just a gaffe—it was a window into Nigeria’s power psychosis. And what made it worse was the atmosphere in which it was received: a media assembly that looked less like a press conference and more like a coronation. The journalists present did not challenge him—they lobbed softballs. They smiled. They chuckled. They nodded, not as watchdogs of democracy, but as spectators of theatre. There was no seriousness, no confrontation, no accountability—only the uncomfortable energy of people who seemed to know they were in the presence of someone they could not question. It was as though they had been given something—not just access, but instruction. And so, a man rewrote the hierarchy of Nigerian power, and the fourth estate took notes instead of asking questions.

A Subconscious Walkback in Real Time

Somewhere deep within, perhaps even Wike himself knew that his slip revealed too much. That is why, in the very same breath of arrogance, he quickly tried to shield himself with reassurance—by publicly declaring he would ‘make sure Tinubu wins again in 2027,’ even boasting that Tinubu would remain in office until 2031. It was not just strategic flattery—it was psychological defense. A subconscious attempt to patch the wound he had just torn open. He needed to show that his dominance was not betrayal, but partnership. That he still had Tinubu’s political back, even as he stepped on the President’s symbolic head. But the nation heard both messages. And it understood the contradiction. That contradiction has now become a national mirror: Are we being governed, or ruled? Is this a democracy, or a carefully staged theater of submission? Again, perhaps sensing he had gone too far, with his slip, tried to walk it back—but the damage was done. Nigerians heard the contradiction: a man asserting dominance while pretending to be loyal. And the people drew their conclusions. In this distorted republic, are we governed—or ruled?

And in that window, we saw everything: the fragile ego of godfatherism, the muted voice of elected leadership, and the raw scream of a nation searching for who actually holds the reins. And this is why the protests will continue. This is why the prayers will deepen. Because in a land where one man can say “Who is Tinubu other than me?” and walk away stronger, it is no longer enough to vote. It is time to call for judgment—not just legal, but ancestral. Not just electoral, but spiritual.

The Cry Beyond Politics

Because sometimes, the deepest truths come not from manifestos—but from slips. And in Wike’s slip, Nigeria saw the face behind the mask. Today, many Nigerians—especially the people of Rivers State—have drawn their own conclusions: that this one man is no longer just a minister, but a shadow ruler. That he is perceived to control not only the presidency, but also the judiciary and the legislature. And when that perception becomes lived reality, when justice feels rented and democracy feels stolen, the people no longer cry to Abuja—they cry to the heavens.

A Turn to Divine and Global Witnesses

In helpless tears, they have turned to President Tinubu not just for action, but for redemption. And when he does not speak, they turn further: to the Almighty, to the ancestral spirits, to the gods of the land, and finally to the watching eyes of the world. Because when democracy is kidnapped and power becomes personal, the people must call upon forces greater than the state—forces that do not blink, do not bargain, and do not forget.

These cries are not born out of religious fanaticism, but from psychological exhaustion and institutional betrayal. They represent the final effort of a people who have knocked on every door of democratic process—only to find them bolted shut by one man’s influence. The people of Rivers, like millions across the nation, now pray with tears not just for Fubara’s restoration, but for the resurrection of dignity, of truth, of constitutional order. They are turning to God not only for spiritual strength, but for judgment. They chant to the gods not for spectacle, but for balance. They cry to the ancestors not to preserve tradition, but to awaken a force that predates corrupt empires.

And to the world—the UN, the ICC, the superpowers—they say: if you care about democracy, this is your test. If you believe in justice, listen to Nigeria’s silence. If you value peace, watch Rivers closely. Because the people have spoken with their ballots. And now, they speak with their spirits. If ignored again, the next voice may not be protest. It may be the unraveling of a nation’s fragile peace.

Wike made that statement while Tinubu was in Abroad. And upon the President’s return, the country was buzzing with a single question: who is really in charge? Tinubu, trained in American political culture, understands the weight of silence and the cost of perception. Wike’s words, delivered without apology, redefined the national hierarchy—and Tinubu knew it.

But something may have shifted. Perhaps Tinubu, reflecting on the growing protests, chants, and prayers from women in mourning cloth, realized that Wike is no longer an asset but a burden. “Yes, you delivered Rivers,” Tinubu may have thought. “But now, you’ve become the distraction.” And maybe—just maybe—he has decided to act. To restore Governor Fubara. To end the games.

Again, in their despair, many citizens have turned beyond politics—to the divine. They call not just on Aso Rock, but on the gods, ancestors, and international observers. These cries are not superstition. They are the final acts of people who feel democracy has failed them.

If ignored again, what follows may not be protest. It may be the unraveling of Nigeria’s fragile peace. The presidency cannot afford to remain in shadow. Not anymore. Allah bless Mr. President, God bless Nigeria.

If history has taught us anything about Nigeria’s main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), it is that it does not need external enemies to fail,  its internal betrayals, power tussles, and ego battles have always been more than enough to keep it in a state of political limbo. As we inch closer to the 2027 general elections, one question continues to echo loudly in political circles and among concerned citizens: Who will break the self-destructive jinx in PDP before it is too late, again?

Since its humiliating fall from power in 2015, the PDP has had multiple chances to regroup, restructure, and reinvent itself. But what has it done with those opportunities? Squandered them, repeatedly. Despite being the largest party in Africa at the time, with unrivaled grassroots structure and years of incumbency advantage, the PDP failed to read the signs of the time, culminating in the unprecedented electoral defeat that ushered in the All Progressives Congress (APC).

From the infighting that shattered the party in the lead-up to the 2019 elections, to the North-South zoning war and the controversial emergence of Atiku Abubakar as its 2023 presidential flagbearer, the PDP has constantly chosen internal chaos over unity. Instead of learning from its failures, the party has nurtured a culture of political cannibalism, where ambition, not ideology, drives decisions; where loyalty is a currency quickly devalued; and where leaders would rather burn down the house than let someone else hold the keys.

No recent example illustrates the PDP’s destructive streak better than the messy fallout between Nyesom Wike and Atiku Abubakar. What began as a legitimate grievance over zoning and fairness quickly degenerated into open hostility, with Wike leading the G5 governors into rebellion against the party. These were not lightweight political players. They were serving governors with strong influence in their respective states. The refusal to manage egos and build consensus turned what could have been a formidable campaign machine into a fragmented and toothless opposition during the 2023 elections.

Atiku’s emergence as the flagbearer, despite the party’s own zoning principle, was viewed as a betrayal by many Southern stakeholders who had expected the presidency to rotate to the South after President Buhari’s two terms. Rather than using diplomacy and reconciliation, the party doubled down, effectively sidelining Wike and the G5. The result? The PDP experienced hemorrhaged support in key states and performed dismally at the polls. The APC won not because it was more popular, but because the PDP was too divided to present a united front.

What is even more disheartening is that, rather than closing ranks after the election, the wounds have deepened. Wike, who is now a minister in the APC-led government, continues to throw jabs at his former party, and many believe he still has one hand on the PDP’s throat, even while wearing APC colors.

While the ruling APC continues to struggle under the weight of economic hardship and dwindling public goodwill, the PDP, which should be capitalizing on the situation, is instead wasting time shadow-boxing within itself.

This is not a one-off problem. The PDP has made it a tradition to approach every election season with more division than vision. Every election cycle since 2015 has featured parallel congresses at state and national levels, endless court battles over primaries, an obsession with power rotation without a consensus framework and kingmakers who become wreckers once their preferred candidate loses out.

These self-inflicted wounds are no coincidence. They point to a systemic illness, a refusal to prioritize the party’s survival over personal interests. Unless that jinx is broken, 2027 will not be different. In fact, it may be worse. The PDP is in danger of becoming irrelevant if it doesn’t reset urgently.

So the question remains: Who in the PDP will rise above ambition and ego to steer the party back from the brink?

Is it Atiku Abubakar, who still carries the burden of a serial presidential candidate but risks overstaying his welcome in the political ring? While his experience is undeniable, many Nigerians believe his time has passed. The electorate, especially the youth, are yearning for fresh ideas and faces.

Is it Nyesom Wike, whose influence remains potent but polarizing, especially with his flirtation with the ruling APC? Can he be trusted to lead a party he once undermined?

Could it be younger, less divisive voices like Aminu Tambuwal, Bala Mohammed, or even a completely fresh face who can rally the party around a unifying agenda rather than individual ambition? Could the party produce a consensus builder like the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who would prioritize healing and development over factional dominance?

Whoever it is, one thing is clear, PDP cannot survive another round of selfish politics. It needs leadership that understands compromise, respects the party’s diversity, and willing to put structure over self.

Given that time Is not on their side, it is germane to opine that the 2027 elections may seem far away, but in politics, time flies. The APC is already positioning itself for the next contest. The Labour Party is quietly rebuilding. Even fringe parties are beginning to gain traction among the frustrated youth demographic.

The PDP? Still stuck in the loop of old wounds and new betrayals. If nothing changes, and fast, it may end up not even being the main opposition anymore. That title could very well go to the Labour Party or even a coalition of third-force elements.

Another fundamental challenge the PDP must confront is the trust gap between the party and the Nigerian people. Many Nigerians see the PDP as no different from the APC as they are seen to be two sides of the same coin. That perception can only be changed through bold reforms, internal democracy, inclusion of young and competent candidates, and a clear ideological shift.

The PDP must prove to Nigerians that it has learned its lessons and that it is no longer the party of impunity, rigging, and corruption that got it booted out in 2015. If not, even a united PDP may still be rejected at the polls.

History is watching. Nigerians are watching. And if PDP fails to fix itself yet again, it will have no one else to blame. The jinx will not break itself.

The clock is ticking, and the 2027 elections will not wait for anyone. If the PDP truly wants to reclaim its lost glory and provide credible opposition to the APC, it must start now. It must identify and empower a new generation of leaders who are not tainted by the past and who are genuinely committed to service.

Until then, the question will remain unanswered: Who will break the self-destructive jinx in PDP before 2027?

There are moments in a nation’s history when silence does more damage than speech. When a single phrase, uttered carelessly or with quiet calculation, reveals the power dynamics that shape a country more honestly than any official address. In Nigeria today, that moment has arrived.

When a prominent figure in the federal government publicly implied that the President is not the sole architect of national power—that the elected Commander-in-Chief is, in essence, politically subordinate—the country paused. It was not simply a political gaffe. It was a psychological unveiling. And when there was no public rebuttal from Aso Rock, no clarification from Tinubu’s spokespeople, no immediate disavowal from the ruling party, the pause turned to a question. And the question turned into a cry: Who is truly in charge?

The psychological implications of this moment are enormous. The presidency, long understood to be the final authority in national affairs, suddenly felt empty. Overshadowed. Eclipsed—not by an election, but by implication. Power, in its truest form, is not always declared. It is perceived. And what Nigerians perceived in that silence was the fragility of elected authority when placed side-by-side with unfiltered political dominance.

The comment in question was made while President Bola Tinubu was in France. The timing was not accidental—it was symbolic. In the President’s absence, another voice assumed presence. And it wasn’t a whisper. It was a proclamation. As if to say: “While he is away, I remain.” This was not about logistics. This was about control. And when the President returned, he stepped into a country not only watching—but spiritually alert. He did not return to fanfare. He returned to protests. To mourning women wrapped in black. To chants in spiritual spaces. To tears, yes—but also to resistance.

This is no longer political commentary—it is a psychological and spiritual trial. Tinubu, trained in American civic traditions, understands political optics. He understands the deep resonance of silence after provocation. And yet, his prolonged silence has created a leadership vacuum. In Nigeria, silence from power is never empty—it is a signal. And right now, that signal says: the imbalance is real.

Perhaps on that return flight from Europe, the President had a moment of private clarity. A realization that the machinery that once helped him may now be overtaking him. That a friend in politics can become a force. That proximity to power can mutate into dominance. Maybe he thought: “Yes, I needed your strength during the elections. But now, your shadow has become my ceiling.” That moment of realization is the first step toward reclaiming control—not from a man, but from the narrative that now defines the presidency as a secondary seat.

And that narrative is not forming in isolation. It is being reinforced by institutions meant to safeguard democracy. The most alarming display of this came during the press conference where the remark was made. A room filled with journalists—watchdogs of public accountability—sat in silence. Smiling. Nodding. Not one challenged the claim. Not one pushed back. The fourth estate became a footstool. Not journalism, but servitude.

This was a missed opportunity for national correction. A moment when the media could have said: “No. The people deserve clarity.” Instead, they handed the microphone to hubris and took notes in compliance. This is not a minor failure—it is a collapse of civic duty. And it’s one of the reasons the people no longer cry to press rooms or legislative halls. They cry to the heavens.

Because the people have tried. They’ve voted. They’ve protested. They’ve petitioned. And now, when nothing moves, they turn to God. To the ancestors. To the spiritual foundations that predate colonizers and constitutions. These prayers, rising from Rivers State and beyond, are not religious extremism. They are the collective cry of a population whose psychological boundaries have been broken by betrayal.

When a public servant begins to be perceived not merely as influential, but as untouchable, the people lose more than trust—they lose belief. The idea that the system can still correct itself begins to die. And when people stop believing in democracy, they turn to older truths. Spiritual truths. Cultural justice. Divine intervention.

That’s where we are.

It’s why you hear women calling on Amadioha, Ani, Egbesu, and Ogun.

It’s why communities invoke ancestors to speak where courts have gone silent.

It’s why chants echo across Rivers, across markets, across churches, across ancestral shrines.

It’s why international observers must pay attention—not just to elections, but to the signs of institutional fracture manifesting in spiritual resistance.

For many, Wike is no longer seen as merely a minister. He is perceived—fairly or not—as a man who commands the levers of justice, finance, security, and narrative. One man. Multiple arms. No resistance. And the people are asking, trembling: Is this a government or a kingdom?

President Tinubu must now rise, not just as a politician, but as a steward of psychological balance and constitutional clarity. The Presidency cannot be a shared illusion. It must be a seat of accountability. Of leadership. Of assured autonomy.

He must speak—not to defend himself from slander, but to restore belief in the institution he leads.

He must separate loyalty from dependency.

He must restore Governor Fubara, whose struggle now represents more than a state crisis—it has become a metaphor for stolen mandate, for public humiliation, and for the erasure of dignity.

This is Tinubu’s moment—not to retaliate, but to reestablish.

Because if the Presidency remains silent, if it allows its image to remain eclipsed, the people will stop looking to it entirely.

And once that happens—once the citizens of a republic stop believing in the President—the nation becomes ungovernable.

To the world, the signs are clear.

To those who have ears to hear, the cries are loud.

And to every institution built on paper but not on principle—be warned.

The next wave of cries may not be calm.

They may not come with ballots.

They may not be broadcast.

They may come in ways no one can predict.

Because the people of Nigeria are not just demanding political clarity.

They are crying out for deliverance.

President Tinubu, I say—call him back. Restore Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

This is no longer a matter of political negotiation.

This is now a choice between the will of the people and the will of one man.

Between a republic and a sect of personality.

Between constitutional order and political captivity.

Your silence has given space to chaos.

Your return must now bring correction.

Because the longer Wike stands unchallenged, the deeper Nigeria descends into democratic mockery.

You do not owe the nation explanations. You owe it action.

Call him back, Mr. President. The people have chosen. Now choose them back.

The Chairman of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Brig.-Gen. Mohamed Marwa (rtd) has stated that the push for drug integrity test for youth corps members, prospective couples and others is aimed at discouraging substance abuse and provide early treatment.

Marwa said the measure was not punitive as those who test positive before their condition degenerate can receive treatment to drug dependence and other health challenges.

The anti-narcotic agency’s boss stated this during a meeting with the Director General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), Brig.-Gen. Olakunle Nafiu, who led top officials of the Corps on a courtesy visit to the NDLEA headquarters in Abuja on Wednesday.

Marwa congratulated the NYSC boss on his recent appointment, describing the scheme as a national treasure and a veritable instrument of national unity.

According to the NDLEA boss, “The drug scourge has continued to devastate our kids, families, and communities, everywhere. There’s nowhere you go in the country that you don’t have a drug abuse problem. One in seven Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64, use drugs. You have mentioned our efforts to cut off access and availability of these drugs but beyond that, we have to work with all stakeholders, including NYSC to ensure drastic reduction in the demand for drugs by our youths and one of our strategies to address this is through our drug integrity test, which we’re advocating that NYSC should embrace for corps members.”

He added that drug supply reduction will also the accompanied by drug demand reduction through preventive measures, as well as counseling and rehabilitation.

“These are important areas for further collaboration. You have introduced in the camps, the War Against Drug Abuse clubs, which is fantastic. One other important area of collaboration is
the question of drug integrity tests for youth corps members.

“It’s a major drug demand reduction effort. The same way we said, if you are getting married, both the bride and the groom, should bring a drug free certificate.

“This is because it is always better to detect drug use early before it gets to addiction which eventually could get to psychiatric problems and it becomes a danger to the user and the society,” Marwa noted.

He listed another area of collaboration in posting a sizeable number of corps members who studied Guidance and Counselling, Psychology, Nursing and Psychiatry to NDLEA Counselling and Treatment Centres across the country as their place of primary assignment during their one-year mandatory national service.

The NDLEA boss stressed that this will enable the corps members acquire knowledge and experience in rehabilitation and psychosocial services.

In his response, the NYSC DG described the drug integrity test as a fantastic idea, promising to study the anti-narcotic agency’s proposal for possible collaboration.

Nafiu assured that the scheme will develop a general guideline to post as many corps members with required qualifications to NDLEA Commands’ Counselling and Treatment Centres across the country.

While appreciating Marwa for the giant strides the NDLEA has recorded under his leadership, the NYSC boss noted the existing partnership between the Agency and the scheme, which he said his visit was to seek further means to deepen and strengthen the collaboration.

[Leadership]

Presidential Candidate of Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 elections, Peter Obi, was spotted at one of the funeral services organised for the late Pope Francis.

Daily Trust reports that Pope Francis, aged 88, took his last breath on Easter Monday.

The Vatican subsequently announced that he would be buried on died on Saturday.

Obi who is currently in Rome, on commiseration alongside Francis Cardinal Arinze, one of the cardinal electors that would chose the new pope, said he chose to pay final respect to the late Pontiff.

“Today, I joined Francis Cardinal Arinze, global dignitaries, and thousands of mourners at St. Peter’s Basilica, Rome, to pay my final respects to His Holiness, Pope Francis, who passed away on April 21.

“The solemn lying-in-state ceremony was a moment of deep reflection, as the world bids farewell to a man who embodied humility, simplicity, and selfless service.

“Pope Francis was more than a pontiff; as he was also a moral light in a world darkened by inequality and indifference. His life was a testament to leadership as a sacred duty, one rooted in compassion, truth, and service to the poor and marginalised. He lived for others, spoke for the voiceless, and reminded us all that leadership must be about lifting others, not self-exaltation.

“I came to truly appreciate what he stood for after my appointment as a member of Scholars Occultantes -an international circle of thinkers he founded during his time as Archbishop. The organisation, dedicated to truth, ethical leadership, and social transformation, gave me a deeper insight into the intellectual and moral force behind his teachings.”

Obi said he was blessed to meet Pope Francis on three occasions, with each encounter left a lasting impression on him.

He said that the late pontiff radiated peace and inspired faith, and his presence was a quiet yet powerful reminder of the divine responsibility that leadership entails, apart that his humility was infectious and his vision deeply human.

“As we mourn this great soul, I urge political, religious, and community leaders, especially across Africa, to reflect on his life and commit to the values he upheld: justice, peace, and human dignity.

“Let this moment not just be one of mourning, but a call to lead with conscience, walk with the people, and govern with love,” Obi said.

Below are pictures of Obi at the occasion.

The chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Public Accounts, Oluwole Oke, has resigned from the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.

The lawmaker, who represents Obokun/Oriade Federal Constituency of Osun State, announced his resignation in a letter addressed to the Chairman of the PDP in Wurd 7, Obokun Local Government Area of the state.

Oke, a six-term legislator, announced his decision to quit the PDP on Wednesday.

“I wish to formally notify you that I am resigning my membership of the
Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, with immediate effect,” the lawmaker said.

He added that the decision was concluded after consultation and engagement with political associates, family and friends.

“It is my wish that you accept my resignation in good faith,” he added in the letter.

Oke also copied the National Chairman, State Chairman and the Local Government Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party.

[DailyPost]

The Speaker, House of Representatives, Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, has presented a cheque of N18 million to the Enugu state government as support to the victims of the January 25 petrol tanker explosion at Ugwu Onyeama on the Enugu-Onitsha Expressway, which claimed several lives.

The speaker described the incident as a huge loss, not only to the government and the people of Enugu State, but also to the nation as a whole.

He noted that the support was in keeping with the tradition of the House of Representatives to ensure that governments and people of Nigeria do not stand alone in the face of such challenges.

Abbas, who was represented by the Hon. Nnolim Nnaji-led Enugu State Caucus in the Green Chamber, which also had Hon. Martins Oke, Hon. Dennis Agbo, Hon. Mark Obetta, Hon. Anayo Onwuegbu, and Hon. Chimaobi Atu on its delegation, commended Mbah for his sterling leadership of the state and the prompt effort to comfort the families who lost their loved ones and support the injured. 

“On behalf of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, we commiserate with the Government and people of Enugu State over the tanker incident at Ugwu Onyeama. We acknowledge that you have done a lot to support both the injured and those who lost their loved ones.

“So, this is a cheque for N18 million to assist the state to further ameliorate their losses and challenges occasioned by the incident. The Speaker sends his heartfelt condolences once again. And you can continue to count on the support of the Speaker and the House,” Hon. Nnaji stated. 

Governor Mbah thanked the speaker and the Enugu State Caucus of the House of Representatives for the show of concern, assuring that the donation would go straight to the purpose for which it was made.

“On behalf of the Government and people of Enugu State, I express profound gratitude and deep appreciation for this wonderful gesture. I recall that when the Ugwu Onyeama incident occurred, taking the lives of several of our loved ones, the Speaker called and assured us that he was with us in prayer.

“Today, he has also shown us that he is not only with us in prayers, but also materially. He has equally come to mourn with us. This cheque for N18 million will go a long way in cushioning the effect of the incident on those affected and their families.

“Rest assured that as a government, we will ensure that this gets to them in a transparent, accountable, and just manner,” he stated.

[Thenation]

The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has summoned top officials of the FCT Administration as well as construction giant Julius Berger over revelations that a section of the International Conference Centre rehabilitation project was subcontracted without his approval.

Wike, who visited the ICC and the N16 road project in Gishiri on Wednesday, expressed dissatisfaction after learning that the furniture installation for the conference hall had been handed over to another contractor by the Abuja Investments Company Limited.

Describing the development as unacceptable, the minister stated that the entire project was awarded solely to Julius Berger and should not have been fragmented.

“I was surprised to hear that there is a different contractor for that, which is unacceptable to us.
The job was given to Julius Berger entirely. I cannot have different qualities. We cannot say that the floor upstairs is furnished by Julius Berger and the down is furnished by another company. It is not acceptable to me.” Wike said.

Wike also questioned who would bear the financial responsibility for the unauthorized furnishing contract, noting that he personally approved the project’s budget.

“I have invited Julius Berger, I have invited the Executive Secretary of the FCDA and the MD of the Abuja Investments Company Limited to know who did that, and if anybody is found culpable, of course, I must have to apply the big stick.

“Nobody should be a sacred cow. Nobody can do something that you know is not in terms with what we have agreed.

“I am not doubting the quality of work there. What I have said is that the quality of work is generally very fine. How they removed the furnishing of the conference hall from Julius Berger is what I do not know. And so, that is why I summoned the Acting ES, FCDA, and the GMD of Abuja Investments Company Limited and Julius Berger, to come and tell us who did that, and also on whose approval, because I approve and I know the amount of money.

“So, when they say Abuja Investments is the one who is going to pay for it? I am not going to accept that, and of course, you know, if anything shady went on, you will hear that I have applied the big stick. Nobody will be a sacred cow”

Despite the concern, the minister commended the quality of work done so far and expressed optimism that contractors would meet the set deadlines, citing security reports indicating that many have been working round the clock.

“I am impressed with the pace and quality of the work generally.

“But due process must be followed. Any shady deal will be dealt with decisively,” he said.